Chapter XIV: Introduction (2)

You are also, in your way thither, strictly enjoined not to touch upon any part of the Spanish dominions on the western continent of America, unless driven thither by some unavoidable accident; in which case you are to stay no longer there than shall be absolutely necessary, and to be very careful not to give any umbrage or offence to any of the inhabitants or subjects of his catholic majesty. And if, in your farther progress to the northward, as hereafter directed, you find any subjects of any European prince or state upon any part of the coast you may think proper to visit, you are not to disturb them, or give them any just cause of offence, but, on the contrary, to treat them with civility and friendship.

Upon your arrival on the coast of New Albion, you are to put into the first convenient port to recruit your wood and water, and procure refreshments, and then to proceed northward along the coast as far as the latitude of 65°, or farther, if you are not obstructed by lands or ice, taking care not to lose any time in exploring rivers or inlets, or upon any other account, until you get into the before-mentioned latitude of 65°, where we could wish you to arrive in the month of June next. When you get that length, you are carefully to search for, and to explore, such rivers or inlets as may appear to be of a considerable extent, and pointing towards Hudson's or Baffin's Bays; and if, from your own observations, or from any information you may receive from the natives, (who, there is reason to believe, are the same race of people, and speak the same language, of which you are furnished with a vocabulary, as the Esquimaux,) there shall appear to be a certainty, or even a probability, of a water passage into the afore-mentioned bays, or either of them, you are, in such case, to use your utmost endeavours to pass through with one or both of the sloops, unless you shall be of opinion that the passage may be effected with more certainty, or with greater probability, by smaller vessels; in which case you are to set up the frames of one or both the small vessels with which you are provided, and, when they are put together, and are properly fitted, stored, and victualled, you are to dispatch one or both of them, under the care of proper officers, with a sufficient number of petty officers, men, and boats, in order to attempt the said passage, with such instructions for their rejoining you, if they should fail, or for their farther proceedings, if they should succeed in the attempt, as you shall judge most proper. But, nevertheless, if you shall find it more eligible to pursue any other measures than those above pointed out, in order to make a discovery of the beforementioned passage, (if any such there be,) you are at liberty, and we leave it to your discretion, to pursue such measures accordingly.

In case you shall be satisfied that there is no passage through to the above-mentioned bays, sufficient for the purposes of navigation, you are, at the proper season of the year, to repair to the port of St Peter and St Paul in Kamtschatka, or wherever else you shall judge more proper, in order to refresh your people and pass the winter; and, in the spring of the ensuing year 1778 to proceed from thence to the northward, as far as, in your prudence, you may think proper, in further search of a N.E. or N.W. passage from the Pacific Ocean into the Atlantic Ocean, or the North Sea; and if, from your own observation, or any information you may receive, there shall appear to be a probability of such a passage, you are to proceed as above directed: and having discovered such passage, or failed in the attempt, make the best of your way back to England, by such route as you may think best for the improvement of geography and navigation, repairing to Spithead with both sloops, where they are to remain till further order.

At whatever places you may touch in the course of your voyage, where accurate observations of the nature hereafter mentioned have not already been made, you are, as far as your time will allow, very carefully to observe the true situation of such places, both in latitude and longitude; the variation of the needle; bearings of head-lands; height, direction, and course of the tides and currents; depths and soundings of the sea; shoals, rocks, &c.; and also to survey, make charts, and take views of such bays, harbours, and different parts of the coast, and to make such notations thereon as may be useful either to navigation or commerce. You are also carefully to observe the nature of the soil, and the produce thereof; the animals and fowls that inhabit or frequent it; the fishes that are to be found in the rivers or upon the coast, and in what plenty; and, in case there are any peculiar to such places, to describe them as minutely, and to make as accurate drawings of them, as you can; and, if you find any metals, minerals, or valuable stones, or any extraneous fossils, you are to bring home specimens of each, as also of the seeds of such trees, shrubs, plants, fruits, and grains, peculiar to those places, as you may be able to collect, and to transmit them to our secretary, that proper examination and experiments may be made of them. Yon are likewise to observe the genius, temper, disposition, and number of the natives and inhabitants, where you find any; and to endeavour, by all proper means, to cultivate a friendship with them, making them presents of such trinkets as you may have on board, and they may like best, inviting them to traffic, and shewing them every kind of civility and regard; but taking care, nevertheless, not to suffer yourself to be surprised by them, but to be always on your guard against any accidents.

You are also, with the consent of the natives, to take possession, in the name of the King of Great Britain, of convenient situations in such countries as you may discover, that have not already been discovered or visited by any other European power, and to distribute among the inhabitants such things as will remain as traces and testimonies of your having been there; but if you find the countries so discovered are uninhabited, you are to take possession of them for his majesty, by setting up proper marks and inscriptions, as first discoverers and possessors.

But forasmuch as, in undertakings of this nature, several emergencies may arise not to be foreseen, and therefore not particularly to be provided for by instructions before-hand, you are, in all such cases, to proceed as you shall judge most advantageous to the service on which you are employed.

You are, by all opportunities, to send to our secretary, for our information, accounts of your proceedings, and copies of the surveys and drawings you shall have made; and upon your arrival in England, you are immediately to repair to this office, in order to lay before us a full account of your proceedings in the whole course of your voyage, taking care, before you leave the sloop, to demand from the officers and petty officers the log-books and journals they may have kept, and to seal them up for inspection; and enjoining them, and the whole crew, not to divulge where they have been, until they shall have permission so to do: And you are to direct Captain Clerke to do the same, with respect to the officers, petty officers, and crew of the Discovery.

If any accident should happen to the Resolution in the course of the voyage, so as to disable her from proceeding any farther, you are, in such case, to remove yourself and her crew into the Discovery, and to prosecute your voyage in her; her commander being hereby strictly required to receive you on board, and to obey your orders, the same, in every respect, as when you were actually on board the Resolution. And, in case of your inability, by sickness or otherwise, to carry these instructions into execution, you are to be careful to leave them with the next officer in command, who is hereby required to execute them in the best manner he can.

Given under our hands the 6th day of July, 1776,

SANDWICH,
C. SPENCER,
H. PALLISER.

By command of their lordships,

PH. STEPHENS.

* * * * *

Besides ordering Captain Cook to sail on this important voyage, government, in earnest about the object of it, adopted a measure, which, while it could not but have a powerful operation on the crews of the Resolution and Discovery, by adding the motives of interest to the obligations of duty, at the same time encouraged all his majesty's subjects to engage in attempts toward the proposed discovery. By the act of parliament, passed in 1745,[34] a reward of twenty thousand pounds had been held out. But it had been held out only to the ships belonging to any of his majesty's subjects, exclusive of his majesty's own ships. The act had a still more capital defect. It held out this reward only to such ships as should discover a passage through Hudson's Bay; and, as we shall soon take occasion to explain, it was, by this time, pretty certain that no such passage existed within those limits. Effectual care was taken to remedy both these defects by passing a new law; which, after reciting the provisions of the former, proceeds as follows:--"And whereas many advantages, both to commerce and science, may be also expected from the discovery of any northern passage for vessels by sea, between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, be it enacted, That if any ship belonging to any of his majesty's subjects, or to his majesty, shall find out, and sail through, any passage by sea between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, in any direction, or parallel of the northern hemisphere, to the northward of the 52° of northern latitude, the owners of such ships, if belonging to any of his majesty's subjects, or the commander, officers, and seamen of such ship belonging to his majesty, shall receive, as a reward for such discovery, the sum of twenty thousand pounds.

[Footnote 34: See the Statutes at Large, 18 George II. chap. 17.]

"And whereas ships employed, both in the Spitzbergen Seas, and in Davis's Straits, have frequent opportunities of approaching the North Pole, though they have not time, during the course of one summer, to penetrate into the Pacific Ocean; and whereas such approaches may greatly tend to the discovery of a communication between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, as well as be attended with many advantages to commerce and science, &c. be it enacted, That if any ship shall approach to within 1° of the North Pole, the owner, &c. or commander, &c. so approaching, shall receive, as a reward for such first approach, the sum of five thousand pounds."[35]

[Footnote 35: See the Statutes at Large, 1776, 16 George III. chap. 6.]

That nothing might be omitted that could facilitate the success of Captain Cook's expedition, some time before he sailed, in the beginning of the summer of 1776, Lieutenant Pickersgill, appointed commander of his majesty's armed brig the Lion, was ordered "to proceed to Davis's Straits, for the protection of the British whale fishers;" and that first object being secured, "he was then required and directed to proceed up Baffin's Bay, and explore the coasts thereof, as far as in his judgment the same could be done without apparent risk, taking care to leave the above-mentioned bay so timely as to secure his return to England in the fall of the year;" and it was farther enjoined to him, "to make nautical remarks of every kind, and to employ Mr Lane (master of the vessel under his command) in surveying, making charts, and taking views of the several bays, harbours, and different parts of the coast which he might visit, and in making such notations thereon as might be useful to geography and navigation."[36]

[Footnote 36: From his MS. Instructions, dated May 14, 1776.]

Pickersgill, we see, was not to attempt the discovery of the passage. He was directed to explore the coasts of Baffin's Bay, only to enable him to bring back, the same year, some information, which might be an useful direction toward planning an intended voyage into that bay the ensuing summer, to try for the discovery of a passage on that side, with a view to co-operate with Captain Cook; who, it was supposed, (from the tenor of his instructions,) would be trying for this passage, about the same time, from the opposite side of America.

Pickersgill, obeying his instructions, at least in this instance, did return that year, but there were sufficient reasons for not sending him out again, and the command of the next expedition into Baffin's Bay was conferred on Lieutenant Young; whose instructions, having an immediate connection with our voyage, are here inserted.

* * * * *

_Extract of Instructions to Lieutenant Young, commanding the Lion Armed Vessel, dated 13th March, 1777_.

Resolution.} Whereas, in pursuance of the king's pleasure, Discovery } signified to us by the Earl of Sandwich, his majesty's sloops named in the margin have been sent out under the command of Captain Cook, in order, during this and the ensuing year, to attempt a discovery of a northern passage, by sea, from the Pacific to the Atlantic ocean; and, for that purpose, to run up as high as the latitude of 65° N., where it is hoped he will be able to arrive in the month of June next; and there, and as much further to the northward as in his prudence he shall think proper, very carefully to search for and explore such rivers, or inlets, as may appear to be of a considerable extent, and pointing to Hudson's or Baffin's Bays, or the north sea; and, upon finding any passage through, sufficient for the purposes of navigation, to attempt such passage with one or both of the sloops; or, if they are judged to be too large, with smaller vessels, the frames of which have been sent out with him for that purpose: And whereas, in pursuance of his majesty's further pleasure, signified as aforesaid, the armed vessel under your command hath been fitted in order to proceed to Baffin's Bay, with a view to explore the western parts thereof, and to endeavour to find a passage on that side, from the Atlantic to the Pacific ocean, and we have thought fit to intrust you with the conduct of that voyage; you are therefore hereby required and directed to put to sea in the said armed vessel, without a moment's loss of time, and make the best of your way into Baffin's Bay, and to use your best endeavours to explore the western shores thereof, as far as in your judgment the same can be done, without apparent risk, and to examine such considerable rivers or inlets as you may discover; and in case you find any, through which there may be a probability of passing into the Pacific ocean, you are to attempt such passage; and if you succeed in the attempt, and shall be able to repass it again, so as to return to England this year, you are to make the best of your way to Spithead, or the Nore, and remain there until you receive further order; sending us an account of your arrival and proceedings. But if you shall succeed in the attempt, and shall find the season too far advanced for you to return the same way, you are then to look out for the most convenient place to winter in, and to endeavour to return by the said passage as early in the next year as the season will admit, and then to make the best of your way to England, as above directed.

In case, however, you should not find, or should be satisfied there is not any probability of finding any such passage, or, finding it, you should not be able to get through in the vessel you command, you are then to return to England, as before-mentioned, unless you shall find any branch of the sea leading to the westward which you shall judge likely to afford a communication between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans, and which you shall not be able to explore in the course of this year, it being, in that case, left to your discretion to stay the winter in the most commodious situation you can find, in order to pursue the discovery next year, if you shall find it advisable so to do; and, having discovered such passage, or not succeeded in the attempt, you are to make the best of your way to England, as above directed.

* * * * *

It was natural to hope, that something would have been done in one or other, or in both these voyages of the Lion, that might have opened our views with regard to the practicability of a passage from this side of America. But, unfortunately, the execution did not answer the expectations conceived. Pickersgill, who had acquired professional experience when acting under Captain Cook, justly merited the censure he received, for improper behaviour when intrusted with command in Davis's Strait; and the talents of Young, as it afterward appeared, were more adapted to contribute to the glory of a victory, as commander of a line of battle-ship, than to add to geographical discoveries, by encountering mountains of ice, and exploring unknown coasts.[37]

[Footnote 37: In the Philosophical Transactions, vol. lxviii. p, 1057, we have the track of Pickersgill's voyage, which, probably, may be of use to our Greenland ships, as it contains many observations for fixing the longitude and latitude of the coasts in Davis's Strait. But it appears that he never entered Baffin's Bay, the highest northern latitude to which he advanced being 68° 14'. As to Young's proceedings, having failed absolutely in making any discovery, it is of less consequence, that no communication of his journal could be procured.--D.]

Both Pickersgill and Young having been ordered to proceed into Baffin's Bay; and Captain Cook being directed not to begin his search till he should arrive in the latitude of 65°, it may not be improper to say something here of the reasons which weighed with those who planned the voyages, and framed the instructions, to carry their views so far northward, as the proper situation, where the passage, if it existed at all, was likely to be attempted with success. It may be asked, why was Hudson's Bay neglected on our side of America; and why was not Captain Cook ordered to begin his search on its opposite side, in much lower latitudes? particularly, why not explore the strait leading into the western sea of John de Fuca, between the latitudes of 47° and 48°; the Archipelago of St Lazarus of Admiral de Fonte, between 50° and 55°; and the rivers and lakes through which he found a passage north-eastward, till he met with a ship from Boston?

As to the pretended discoveries of de Fuca, the Greek pilot, or of de Fonte, the Spanish admiral, though they have sometimes found their way into fictitious maps, or have been warmly contended for by the espousers of fanciful systems, to have directed Captain Cook to spend any time in tracing them, would have been as wise a measure as if he had been directed to trace the situation of Lilliput or Brobdignag. The latter are, indeed, confessedly, mere objects of imagination; and the former, destitute of any sufficient external evidence, bear so many striking marks of internal absurdity, as warrant our pronouncing them to be the fabric of imposture. Captain Cook's instructions were founded on an accurate knowledge of what had been already done, and of what still remained to do; and this knowledge pointed out the inutility of beginning his search for a passage till his arrival in the latitude of 65°. Of this every fair and capable enquirer will be abundantly convinced, by an attention to the following particulars:

Middleton, who commanded the expedition in 1741 and 1742, into Hudson's Bay, had proceeded farther north than any of his predecessors in that navigation. But though, from his former acquaintance with that bay, to which he had frequently sailed in the service of the company, he had entertained hopes of finding out a passage through it into the Pacific Ocean, the observations which he was now enabled to make, induced him to change his opinion; and, on his return to England, he made an unfavourable report. Mr Dobbs, the patron of the enterprise, did not acquiesce in this; and, fortified in his original idea of the practicability of the passage, by the testimony of some of Middleton's officers, he appealed to the public, accusing him of having misrepresented facts, and of having, from interested motives, in concert with the Hudson's Bay Company, decided against the practicability of the passage, though the discoveries of his own voyage had put it within his reach.

He had, between the latitude of 65° and 66°, found a very considerable inlet running westward, into which he entered with his ships; and, "after repeated trials of the tides, and endeavours to discover the nature and course of the opening, for three weeks successively, he found the flood constantly to come from the eastward, and that it was a large river he had got into," to which he gave the name of Wager River."[38]

[Footnote 38: See the Abstract of his Journal, published by Mr Dobbs.]

The accuracy, or rather the fidelity, of this report, was denied by Mr Dobbs, who contended that this opening _is a strait, and not a fresh-water river_; and that Middleton, if he had examined it properly, would have found a passage through it to the western American Ocean. The failure of this voyage, therefore, only served to furnish our zealous advocate for the discovery, with new arguments for attempting it once more; and he had the good fortune, after getting the reward of twenty thousand pounds established by act of parliament, to prevail upon a society of gentlemen and merchants to fit out the Dobbs and California; which ships, it was hoped, would be able to find their way into the Pacific Ocean, by the very opening which Middleton's Voyage had pointed out, and which he was believed to have misrepresented.

This renovation of hope only produced fresh disappointment For it is well known, that the voyage of the Dobbs and California, instead of confuting, strongly confirmed all that Middleton had asserted. The supposed strait was found to be nothing more than a fresh-water river, and its utmost western navigable boundaries were now ascertained, by accurate examination. But though Wager's Strait had thus disappointed our hopes, as had also done Rankin's Inlet, which was now found to be a close bay; and though other arguments, founded on the supposed course of the tides in Hudson's Bay, appeared to be groundless, such is our attachment to an opinion once adopted, that, even after the unsuccessful issue of the voyage of the Dobbs and California, a passage through some other place in that bay was, by many, considered as attainable; and, particularly, Chesterfield's (formerly: called Bowden's) Inlet, lying between latitude 65° and 64°, succeeded Wager's Strait, in the sanguine expectations of those who remained unconvinced by former disappointments. Mr Ellis, who was on board the Dobbs, and who wrote the history of the voyage, holds up this, as one of the places where the passage may be sought for, upon very rational grounds, and with very good effects.[39] He also mentions Repulse Bay, nearly in latitude 67°; but as to this he speaks less confidently; only saying, that by an attempt there, we might probably approach nearer to the discovery.[40] He had good reason for thus guarding his expression; for the committee, who directed this voyage, admitting the impracticability of effecting a passage at Repulse Bay, had refused allowing the ships to go into it, being satisfied as to that place.[41]

[Footnote 39: Ellis's Voyage, p. 328.]

[Footnote 40: Ibid, p. 330.]

[Footnote 41: Account of the voyage, by the clerk of the California, vol. ii. p. 273. Mr Dobbs himself says, "That he thought the passage would be impracticable, or, at least, very difficult, in case there was one farther north than 67°."--_Account of Hudson's Bay_, p. 99.--D.]

Setting Repulse Bay, therefore, aside, within which we have no reason for believing that any inlet exists, there did not remain any part of Hudson's Bay to be searched, but Chesterfield's Inlet, and a small tract of coast between the latitude 62°, and what is called the South Point of Main, which had been left unexplored by the Dobbs and California.

But this last gleam of hope has now disappeared. The aversion of the Hudson's Bay Company to contribute any thing to the discovery of a north-west passage had been loudly reported by Mr Dobbs; and the public seemed to believe that the charge was well founded. But still, in justice to them, it must be allowed, that in 1720, they had sent Messrs Knight and Barlow, in a sloop on this very discovery; but these unfortunate people were never more heard of. Mr Scroggs, who sailed in search of them, in 1722, only brought back proofs of their shipwreck, but no fresh intelligence about a passage, which he was also to look for. They also sent a sloop, and a shallop, to try for this discovery, in 1787; but to no purpose. If obstructions were thrown in the way of Captain Middleton, and of the commanders of the Dobbs and California, the governor and committee of the Hudson's Bay Company, since that time, we must acknowledge, have made amends for the narrow prejudices, of their predecessors; and we have it in our power to appeal to facts, which abundantly testify, that every thing has been done by them, that could be required by the public, toward perfecting the search for a north-west passage.

In the year 1761, Captain Christopher sailed from Fort Churchill, in the sloop Churchill; and his voyage was not quite fruitless; for he sailed up Chesterfield's Inlet, through which a passage had, by Mr Ellis's account of it, been so generally expected. But when the water turned brackish, which marked that he was not in a strait, but in a river, he returned.

To leave no room for a variety of opinion, however, he was ordered to repeat the voyage the ensuing summer, in the same sloop, and Mr Norton, in a cutter, was appointed to attend him. By the favour of the governor and committee of the company, the journals of Captain Christopher, and of Mr Norton, and Captain Christopher's chart of the inlet, have been readily communicated. From these authentic documents, it appears that the search and examination of Chesterfield's Inlet was now completed. It was found to end in a fresh-water lake, at the distance of about one hundred and seventy miles from the sea. This lake was found also to be about twenty-one leagues long, and from five to ten broad, and to be completely closed up on every side, except to the west, where there was a little rivulet; to survey the state of which, Mr Norton and the crew of the cutter having landed, and marched up the country, saw that it soon terminated in three falls, one above another, and not water for a small boat over them; and ridges, mostly dry from side to side, for five, or six miles higher.

Thus ends Chesterfield's Inlet, and all Mr Ellis's expectations of a passage through it to the western ocean. The other parts of the coast, from latitude 62°, to the South Point of Main, within which limits hopes were also entertained of finding a passage, have, of late years, been thoroughly explored. It is here that Pistol Bay is situated; which the author who has writ last in this country, on the probability of a north-west passage,[42] speaks of as the only remaining part of Hudson's Bay where this western communication may exist. But this has been also examined; and, on the authority of Captain Christopher, we can assure the reader, that there is no inlet of any consequence in all that part of the coast. Nay, he has, in an open boat, sailed round the bottom of what is called Pistol Bay, and, in stead of a passage to a western sea, found it does not run above three or four miles inland.

[Footnote 42: Printed for Jeffreys, in 1768. His words are, "There remains then to be searched for the discovery of a passage, the opening called Pistol Bay, in Hudson's Bay," p. 122--D]

Besides these voyages by sea, which satisfy us that we must not look for a passage to the south of 67° of latitude, we are indebted to the Hudson's Bay Company for a journey by land, which has thrown much additional light on this matter, by affording what may be called demonstration, how much farther north, at least in some part of their voyage, ships must hold their course, before they can pass from one side of America to the other. The northern Indians, who come down to the company's forts for trade, had brought to the knowledge of our people, the existence of a river, which, from copper abounding near it, had got the name of the Copper-mine River. We read much about this river in Mr Dobbs's publications, and he considers the Indian accounts of it as favourable to his system. The company being desirous of examining the matter with precision, instructed their governor of Prince of Wales's Fort, to send a proper person to travel by land, under the escort of some trusty northern Indians, with orders to proceed to this famous river, to take an accurate survey of its course, and to trace it to the sea, into which it empties itself. Mr Hearne, a young gentleman in their service, who, having been an officer in the navy, was well qualified to make observations for fixing the longitude and latitude, and make drawings of the country he should pass through, and of the river which he was to examine, was appointed for this service.

Accordingly, he set out from Fort Prince of Wales, on Churchill River, in latitude 58° 50', on the 7th of December, 1770; and the whole of his proceedings, from time to time, are faithfully preserved in his journal. The publication of this is an acceptable present to the world, as it draws a plain artless picture of the savage modes of life, the scanty means of subsistence, and indeed of the singular wretchedness, in every respect, of the various tribes, who, without fixed habitations, pass their miserable lives, roving throughout the dreary deserts, and over the frozen lakes of the immense tract of continent through which Mr Hearne passed, and which he may be said to have added to the geography of the globe. His general course was to the northwest. In the month of June 1771, being then at a place called _Conge catha wha Chaga_, he had, to use his own words, two good observations, both by meridian and double altitudes, the mean of which determines this place to be in latitude 66° 46' N., and, by account, in longitude 24° 2' W. of Churchill River. On the 13th of July (having left _Conge catha wha Chaga_ on the 3d, and travelling still to the west of north) he reached the Copper-mine River; and was not a little surprised to find it differ so much from the descriptions given of it by the natives at the fort; for, instead of being likely to be navigable for a ship, it is, at this part, scarcely navigable for an Indian canoe; three falls being in sight, at one view, and being choaked up with shoals and stony ridges.

Here Mr Hearne began his survey of the river. This he continued till he arrived at its mouth, near which his northern Indians massacred twenty-one Esquimaux, whom they surprised in their tents. We shall give Mr Hearne's account of his arrival at the sea, in his own words: "After the Indians had plundered the tents of the Esquimaux of all the copper, &c. they were then again ready to assist me in making an end to the survey; the sea then in sight from the N.W. by W. to the N.E., distant about eight miles. It was then about five in the morning of the 17th, when I again proceeded to survey the river to the mouth, still found, in every respect, no ways likely, or a possibility of being made navigable, being full of shoals and falls; and, at the entrance, the river emptying itself over a dry flat of the shore. For the tide was then out, and seemed, by the edges of the ice, to flow about twelve or fourteen feet, which will only reach a little within the river's mouth. That being the case, the water in the river had not the least brackish taste. But I am sure of its being the sea, or some part thereof, by the quantity of whale-bone and seal-skins the Esquimaux had at their tents; as also the number of seals which I saw upon the ice. The sea, at the river's mouth, was full of islands and shoals, as far as I could see, by the assistance of a pocket-telescope; and the ice was not yet broken up, only thawed away about three quarters of a mile from the snore, and a little way round the islands and shoals.

"By the time I had completed this survey, it was about one in the morning of the 18th; but in these high latitudes, and this time of the year, the sun is always a good height above the horizon. It then came on a thick drizzling rain, with a thick fog; and, as finding the river and sea, in every respect, not likely to be of any utility, I did not think it worth while to wait for fair weather, to determine the latitude exactly by an observation. But, by the extraordinary care I took in observing the courses and distances, walked from _Conge catha wha Chaga_, where I had two good observations, the latitude may be depended on, within twenty miles at farthest."

From the map which Mr Hearne constructed of the country through which he passed, in this singular journey, it appears that the mouth of the Copper-mine River lies in the latitude 72°, and above 25° west longitude from the fort, from whence he took his departure.[43]

[Footnote 43: Mr Hearne's journey, back from the Copper-mine River, to Fort Prince of Wales, lasted till June 30, 1772. From his first setting out till his return, he had employed near a year and seven months. The unparalleled hardships he suffered, and the essential service he performed, met with a suitable reward from his masters, and he was made governor of Fort Prince of Wales, where he was taken prisoner by the French in 1782; but soon afterwards returned to his station."--D.

This opportunity is taken to mention, that Mr Arrowsmith lays down Copper-mine River in longitude 113°, and not in 120°, according to Mr Hearne. In the opinion of Mr H. this river flows into an inland sea. Be this as it may, the result of his discoveries is unfavourable to the supposition of there being a north-west passage, Mr Hearne's journal was not published till 1795, considerably after the date of Dr Douglas's writing. Some alterations have consequently been made on the text and notes of that gentleman.--E.]

The consequences resulting from this extensive discovery, are obvious. We now see that the continent of North America stretches from Hudson's Bay so far to the north-west, that Mr Hearne had travelled near thirteen hundred miles before he arrived at the sea. His most western distance from the coast of Hudson's Bay was near six hundred miles; and that his Indian guides were well apprised of a vast tract of continent stretching farther on in that direction, is certain from many circumstances mentioned in his journal.

What is now mentioned with regard to the discoveries made by the Hudson's Bay Company, was well known to the noble lord who presided at the Board of Admiralty when this voyage was undertaken; and the intimate connection of those discoveries with the plan of the voyage, of course, regulated the instructions given to Captain Cook.

And now, may we not take it upon us to appeal to every candid and capable enquirer, whether that part of the instructions which directed the captain not to lose time, in exploring rivers or inlets, or upon any other account, till he got into the latitude of 65°, was not framed judiciously; as there were such indubitable proofs that no passage existed so far to the south as any part of Hudson's Bay, and that, if a passage could be effected at all, part of it, at least, must be traversed by the ships as far to the northward as the latitude 72°, where Mr Hearne arrived at the sea?

We may add, as a farther consideration in support of this article of the instructions, that Beering's Asiatic discoveries, in 1728, having traced that continent to the latitude of 67°, Captain Cook's approach toward that latitude was to be wished for, that he might be enabled to bring back more authentic information than the world had hitherto obtained, about the relative situation and vicinity of the two continents, which was absolutely necessary to be known, before the practicability of sailing between the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans, in any northern direction, could be ascertained.

After all, that search, in a lower latitude, which they who give credit (if any such there now be) to the pretended discoveries of De Fonte, affect to wish had been recommended to Captain Cook, has (if that will cure them of their credulity) been satisfactorily made. The Spaniards, roused from their lethargy by our voyages, and having caught a spark of enterprise from our repeated visits to the Pacific Ocean, have followed us more than once into the line of our discoveries within the southern tropic; and have also fitted out expeditions to explore the American continent to the north of California. It is to be lamented, that there should be any reasons why the transactions of those Spanish voyages have not been fully disclosed, with the same liberal spirit of information which other nations have adopted. But, fortunately, this excessive caution of the court of Spain has been defeated, at least in one instance, by the publication of an authentic journal of their voyage of discovery upon the coast of America, in 1775, for which the world is indebted to the honourable Mr Daines Barrington. This publication, which conveys some information of real consequence to geography, and has therefore been referred to more than once in the following work, is particularly valuable in this respect, that some parts of the coast which Captain Cook, in his progress northward, was prevented, by unfavourable winds, from approaching, were seen and examined by the Spanish ships who preceded him; and the perusal of the following extract from their journal may be recommended to those (if any such there be) who would represent it as an imperfection in Captain Cook's voyage, that he had not an opportunity of examining the coast of America, in the latitude assigned to the discoveries of Admiral Fonte. "We now attempted to find out the straits of Admiral Fonte, though, as yet, we had not discovered the Archipelago of St Lazarus, through which he is said to have sailed. With this intent, we searched every bay and recess of the coast, and sailed round every headland, lying-to in the night, that we might not lose sight of this entrance. After these pains taken, and being favoured by a north-west wind, it may be pronounced that no such straits are to be found."[44]

[Footnote 44: Journal of a voyage in 1775 by Don Francisco Antonio Maurelle, in Mr Barrington's Miscellanies, p. 508.--D.]

In this journal, the Spaniards boast of "having reached so high a latitude as 58°, beyond what any other navigators had been able to effect in those seas."[45] Without diminishing the merit of their performance, we may be permitted to say, that it will appear very inconsiderable indeed, in comparison of what Captain Cook effected, in the voyage of which an account is given in these volumes. Besides exploring, the land in the South Indian Ocean, of which Kerguelen, in two voyages, had been able to obtain but a very imperfect knowledge; adding also many considerable accessions to the geography of the Friendly Islands; and discovering the noble group, now called Sandwich Islands, in the northern part of the Pacific Ocean, of which not the faintest trace can be met with in the account of any former voyage; besides these preliminary discoveries, the reader of the following work will find, that in one summer, our English navigator discovered a much larger proportion of the north-west coast of America than the Spaniards, though settled in the neighbourhood, had, in all their attempts, for above two hundred years, been able to do; that he has put it beyond all doubt that Beering and Tscherikoff had really discovered the continent of America in 1741, and has also established the prolongation of that continent westward opposite Kamschatka, which speculative writers, wedded to favourite systems, had affected so much to disbelieve, and which, though admitted by Muller, had, since he wrote, been considered as disproved, by later Russian discoveries;[46] that, besides ascertaining the true position of the western coasts of America, with some inconsiderable interruptions, from latitude 44° up to beyond the latitude 70°, he has also ascertained the position of the northeastern extremity of Asia, by confirming Beering's discoveries in 1728, and adding extensive accessions of his own; that he has given us more authentic information concerning the islands lying between the two continents, than the Kamtschatka traders, ever since Beering first taught them to venture on this sea, had been able to procure; that, by fixing the relative situation of Asia and America, and discovering the narrow bounds of the strait that divides them, he has thrown a blaze of light upon this important part of the geography of the globe, and solved the puzzling problem about the peopling of America, by tribes destitute of the necessary means to attempt long navigations; and, lastly, that, though the principal object of the voyage failed, the world will be greatly benefited even by the failure, as it has brought us to the knowledge of the existence of the impediments which future navigators may expect to meet with, in attempting to go to the East Indies through Beering's strait.[47]

[Footnote 45: _Ibid_. p. 507. We learn from Maurelle's Journal, that another voyage had been some time before performed upon the coast of America; but the utmost northern progress of it was to latitude 55°.--D.]

[Footnote 46: See Coxe's Russian Discoveries, p. 26, 27, &c. The fictions of speculative geographers in the southern hemisphere, have been continents; in the northern hemisphere, they have been seas. It may be observed, therefore, that if Captain Cook in his first voyages annihilated imaginary southern lands, he has made amends for the havock, in his third voyage, by annihilating imaginary northern seas, and filling up the vast space which had been allotted to them, with the solid contents of his new discoveries of American land farther west and north than had hitherto been traced.--D.]

[Footnote 47: The Russians seem to owe much to England, in matters respecting their own possessions. It is singular enough that one of our countrymen, Dr Campbell, (see his edition of Harris's voyages, vol. ii. p. 1021) has preserved many valuable particulars of Beering's first voyage, of which Muller himself, the historian of their earlier discoveries, makes no mention; that it should be another of our countrymen, Mr Coxe, who first published a satisfactory account of their later discoveries; and that the King of Great Britain's ships should traverse the globe in 1778, to confirm to the Russian empire the possession of near thirty degrees, or above six hundred miles, of continent, which Mr Engel, in his zeal for the practicability of a north-east passage, would prune away from the length of Asia to the eastward. See his _Alanoires Geographiques_, &c. Lausanne 1765; which, however, contains much real information, and many parts of which are confirmed by Captain Cook's American discoveries.--D.

It shews some inconsistency in Captain Krusenstern, that whilst he speaks of the too successful policy of the commercial nations of Europe to lull Russia into a state of slumber as to her interests, he should give us to understand, that the same effect which Captain Cook's third voyage produced on the speculative and enterprising spirit of English merchants, had been occasioned among his countrymen forty years sooner, by the discovery of the Aleutic islands and the north-west coast of America. But, in fact, it is the highest censure he could possibly have passed on his own government, to admit, that it had been subjected to such stupifying treatment. This it certainly could not have been, without the previous existence of such a lethargy as materially depreciates the virtue of any opiate employed. There is no room, however, for the allegation made; and the full amount of her slumber is justly imputable to the gross darkness which so long enveloped the horizon of Russia. Whose business was it to rouse her? What nation could be supposed to possess so much of the spirit of knight-errantry, as to be induced to instruct her savages as to the advantages of cultivating commerce, without a cautious regard to its own particular interests in the first place? But the bold, though somewhat impolitic seaman, has perhaps stumbled on the real cause of the slow progress which she has hitherto made in the course which his sanguine imagination has pointed out for her. Speaking of her inexhaustible springs and incentives to commerce, he nevertheless admits, that there are obstacles which render it difficult for her to become a trading nation. But these obstacles, he says, do not warrant a doubt of the possibility of removing them. "Let the monarch only express his pleasure with regard to them, and _the most difficult are already overcome!_" The true prosperity of Russia, it is indubitably certain, will be infinitely more advanced by fostering her infant commerce, than by any augmentation of territories which the policy or arms of her sovereign can accomplish. But he will always require much self-denial to avoid intermeddling with the concerns of other nations, and to restrict his labours to the improvement of his own real interests.--E.]

The extended review we have taken of the preceding voyages, and the general outline we have sketched out, of the transactions of the last, which are recorded at full length in these volumes, will not, it is hoped, be considered as a prolix or unnecessary detail. It will serve to give a just notion of the whole plan of discovery executed by his majesty's commands. And it appearing that much was aimed at, and much accomplished, in the unknown parts of the globe, in both hemispheres, there needs no other consideration, to give full satisfaction to those who possess an enlarged way of thinking, that a variety of useful purposes must have been effected by these researches. But there are others, no doubt, who, too diffident of their own abilities, or too indolent to exert them, would wish to have their reflections assisted, by pointing out what those useful purposes are. For the service of such, the following enumeration of particulars is entered upon. And if there should be any, who affect to undervalue the plan or the execution of our voyages, what shall now be offered, if it do not convince them, may, at least, check the influence of their unfavourable decision.

1. It may be fairly considered, as one great advantage accruing to the world from our late surveys of the globe, that they have confuted fanciful theories, too likely to give birth to impracticable undertakings.

After Captain Cook's persevering and fruitless traverses through every corner of the southern hemisphere, who, for the future, will pay any attention to the ingenious reveries of Campbell, de Brosses, and de Buffon? or hope to establish an intercourse with such a continent as Manpertuis's fruitful imagination had pictured? A continent equal, at least, in extent, to all the civilized countries in the known northern hemisphere, where new men, new animals, new productions of every kind, might be brought forward to our view, and discoveries be made, which would open inexhaustible treasures of commerce?[48] We can now boldly take it upon us to discourage all expeditions, formed on such reasonings of speculative philosophers, into a quarter of the globe, where our persevering English navigator, instead of this promised fairy land, found nothing but barren rocks, scarcely affording shelter to penguins and seals; and dreary seas, and mountains of ice, occupying the immense space allotted to imaginary paradises, and the only treasures there to be discovered, to reward the toil, and to compensate the dangers, of the unavailing search.

[Footnote 48: See Maupertuis's Letter to the King of Prussia. The author of the Preliminary Discourse to Bougainville's _Voyage aux Isles Malouines_, computes that the southern continent (for the existence of which, he owns, we must depend more on the conjectures of philosophers, than on the testimony of voyagers) contains eight or ten millions of square leagues.--D.]

Or, if we carry our reflections into the northern hemisphere, could Mr Dobbs have made a single convert, much less could he have been the successful solicitor of two different expeditions, and have met with encouragement from the legislature, with regard to his favourite passage through Hudson's Bay, if Captain Christopher had previously explored its coasts, and if Mr Hearne had walked over the immense continent behind it? Whether, after Captain Cook's and Captain Clerke's discoveries on the west side of America, and their report of the state of Beering's Strait, there can be sufficient encouragement to make future attempts to penetrate into the Pacific Ocean in any northern direction, is a question, for the decision of which the public will be indebted to this work.

2. But our voyages will benefit the world, not only by discouraging future unprofitable searches, but also by lessening the dangers and distresses formerly experienced in those seas, which are within the line of commerce and navigation, now actually subsisting. In how many instances have the mistakes of former navigators, in fixing the true situations of important places, been rectified? What accession to the variation chart? How many nautical observations have been collected, and are now ready to be consulted, in directing a ship's course, along rocky shores, through narrow straits, amidst perplexing currents, and dangerous shoals? But, above all, what numbers of new bays, and harbours, and anchoring-places, are now, for the first time, brought forward, where ships may be sheltered, and their crews find tolerable refreshments? To enumerate all these, would be to transcribe great part of the journals of our several commanders, whose labours will endear them to every navigator whom trade or war may carry into their tracks. Every nation that sends a ship to sea will partake of the benefit; but Great Britain herself, whose commerce is boundless, must take the lead in reaping the full advantage of her own discoveries.

In consequence of all these various improvements, lessening the apprehensions of engaging in long voyages, may we not reasonably indulge the pleasing hope, that fresh branches of commerce may, even in our own time, be attempted, and successfully carried on? Our hardy adventurers in the whale-fishery have already found their way, within these few years, into the South Atlantic; and who knows what fresh sources of commerce may still be opened, if the prospect of gain can be added, to keep alive the spirit of enterprise? If the situation of Great Britain be too remote, other trading nations will assuredly avail themselves of our discoveries. We may soon expect to hear that the Russians, now instructed by us where to find the American continent, have extended their voyages from the Fox Islands to Cook's River, and Prince William's Sound. And if Spain itself should not be tempted to trade from its most northern Mexican ports, by the fresh mine of wealth discovered in the furs of King George's Sound, which they may transport in their Manilla ships, as a favourite commodity for the Chinese market, that market may probably be supplied by a direct trade to America, from Canton itself, with those valuable articles which the inhabitants of China have hitherto received, only by the tedious and expensive circuit of Kamtschatka and Kiachta.[49]