Chapter II: The Alliterative Verse in Old English (2)

Examples of A2 _sh_ are numerous, as _wǣ́rfæ̀st cýning_ An. 416, _gū́ðrìnc mónig_ Beow. 839, _þrḗanȳ̀d þólað_ Beow. 284; it is exceptional to find the second arsis short when the thesis which precedes has no secondary accent, as _Hrḗðel cýning_ Beow. 2436, _Hrúnting náma_ Beow. 1458, _ǽðeling bóren_ Beow. 2431; with resolution of the first arsis, _séaronèt séowað_ An. 64, _snótor cèorl mónig_ Beow. 909, _sígerṑf cyning_ Beow. 619, _mágodrìht micel_ Beow. 67, &c. Most of the hemistichs which fall under this head have double alliteration.

(ii) A2 _b_, with the _second_ thesis strengthened (–́ × | –́ ×̀). Most of the cases of this type occur in the first hemistich; when they occur in the second hemistich the measure –́ ×̀ is usually a proper name, not a real compound. Examples: _Gréndles gū́ðcræ̀ft_ Beow. 127, _lḗofa Bḗowùlf_ Beow. 855; with resolution of the first arsis, _gámol ond gūðrḕow_ Beow. 58; with resolution of the second arsis, _béorna béaducræ̀ft_ An. 219; with resolution of both, _séfa swā séarogrìm_ Beow. 595; with resolution of the strengthened thesis, _lónd ond lḗodb[`y]rig_ Beow. 2472; with resolution of both the second arsis and thesis _mǣ́g ond mágoþègn_ Beow. 408.[74]

This type may still further be varied by a first thesis of two or more syllables, _ū́t on þæt ī́glànd_ An. 15, _fólc oððe frḗobùrh_ Beow. 694, _réste hine þā rū́mhèort_ Beow. 1800; by resolution of the first arsis, _glídon ofer gārsècg_ Beow. 515, of the second, _lā́d ofer lágustrḕam_ An. 423, _sýmbel on sélefùl_ Beow. 620; by resolution of the thesis with secondary accent, _éahtodon éorlscìpe_ Beow. 3173; the anacrusis is rarely found, as _gesā́won séledrḕam_ Beow. 2253, and double alliteration (in the first hemistich) is the rule in this form of type A.

(iii) A2 _ab_, with both theses strengthened –́ ×̀ | –́ ×̀, _bā́nhū̀s blṓdf[`=a]g_ An. 1407, _gū́ðrìnc góldwlànc_ Beow. 1882, _ǣ́nlī̀c ánsȳ̀n_ Beow. 251; with resolution of first arsis, _wlítesḕon wrǽtlī̀c_ Beow. 1651, and of the second arsis, _glḗawmṑd góde lḕof_ An. 1581, _gū̀ðswèord géatolī̀c_ Beow. 2155, and of both first and second arsis, _héorowèarh hételī̀c_ Beow. 1268; with resolution of the first (strengthened) thesis, _nȳ́dwràcu nī́ðgrìm_ Beow. 193; with resolution of both the first arsis and the first thesis, _býrelàde brȳ́d gèong_ Gū. 842; with resolution of the second strengthened thesis, _égeslī̀c éorðdràca_ Beow. 2826; with resolution of the first and second thesis, _fýrdsèaru fūslìcu_ Beow. 232. This form of the type has also as a rule double alliteration.

=The sub-type A3= is type A with alliteration on the second arsis only and is limited almost entirely to the first hemistich. A strengthened thesis occurs only after the second arsis; this sub-type might therefore be designated A3 _b_.

Verses falling under this head, with their alliteration always on the last syllable but one, or (in the case of resolution) on the last syllable but two, are distinguished by the frequent occurrence of polysyllabic theses extending to five syllables, in marked contrast to types A1 and A2 where theses of one or two syllables are the rule, longer theses the exception. In A3, however, shorter theses are met with along with the usual resolutions: a monosyllabic thesis in _hwǣ́r se =þ=ḗoden_ El. 563, _ḗow hēt sécgan_ Beow. 391; with resolution of first arsis, _wúton nū éfstan_ Beow. 3102; with resolution of the second arsis, _þús me =f=ǽder mīn_ El. 528, _íc þæt =h=ógode_ Beow. 633; with disyllabic thesis, _hḗht þā on =ú=htan_ El. 105, _hǽfde se =g=ṓda_ Beow. 205; with resolution of the first arsis, _þánon he ge=s=ṓhte_ Beow. 463; with resolution of the second arsis, _wéarð him on =H=éorote_ Beow. 1331; with strengthened second thesis, _éart þū sē =B=ḗowùlf_ Beow. 506; with trisyllabic thesis, _gíf þē þæt ge=l=ímpe_ El. 441, _fúndon þā on =s=ánde_ Beow. 3034; with resolution of the first arsis, _hwǽðere mē ge=s=ǣ́lde_ Beow. 574, of the second arsis, _sýððan ic for =d=úgeðum_ Beow. 2502; with strengthened second thesis, _nṓ hē þone =g=ífstò̄l_ Beow. 168; with thesis of four syllables, _swýlce hī mē ge=b=léndon_ Cri. 1438, _hábbað wē tō þǣm =m=ǣ́ran_ Beow. 270; with resolution of the first arsis, _útan ūs tō þǣre =h=ȳ́ðe_ Cri. 865; with resolution of the first and second arsis, _þóne þe him on =s=wéofote_ Beow. 2296; with strengthened second thesis, _nṓ þȳ ǣr þone =h=éaðorìnc_ Beow. 2466; with thesis of five syllables, _sýððan hē hine to =g=ū̀ðe_ Beow. 1473; with thesis of six syllables, _hȳ́rde ic þæt hē þone =h=éalsbḕah_ Beow. 2173. These forms are also varied by monosyllabic anacrusis combined with monosyllabic thesis, _þe ḗow of =w=érgðe_ El. 295, _þæt híne on =ý=lde_ Beow. 22; with strengthened second thesis, _þæt híne sēo =b=rímw[`y]lf_ Beow. 1600; with disyllabic thesis, _ne þéarft þū swā =s=wī́ðe_ El. 940, _gesprǽc þā sē =g=ṓda_ Beow. 676; the same with resolution of the first arsis, _gewítan him þā =g=óngan_ Cri. 533; disyllabic anacrusis and disyllabic thesis, _ne gefrǽgn ic þā =m=ǣ́gðe_ Beow. 1012; with resolution of the second arsis, _geséah hē in =r=écede_ Beow. 728; with strengthened second thesis, _ge swýlce sēo =h=érepà̄d_ Beow. 2259; monosyllabic anacrusis with trisyllabic thesis, _on hwýlcum þāra =b=ḗama_ El. 851; with four-syllable thesis, _gewī́teð þonne on =s=ealman_ Beow. 2461; with resolution of the first arsis, _ne mā́gon hī þonne ge=h=ȳ́nan_ Cri. 1525; with resolution of the second arsis, _gesā́won þā æfter =w=ǽtere_ Beow. 1426. The last measure may be shortened exceptionally to ⏑́ ×, as _wǽs mīn =f=ǽder_ Beow. 262.

On the whole type A seems to occur more frequently in the first than in the second hemistich; in Beowulf out of the 6366 hemistichs of which the poem consists, 2819 fall under this type, and of these 1701 are first and 1118 second hemistichs.[75]

§ =26. The chief type B=, × –́ | × –́, has apart from resolutions only one form. But as the second thesis may consist of either one or two syllables, we may distinguish between two sub-types, B1 (with monosyllabic second thesis) and B2 (with disyllabic second thesis). The commonest variation of the type occurs in the first thesis, which may be polysyllabic.

(i) The simplest form, sub-type B1, × –́ | × –́, is not very common; according to Sievers there are only 59 instances in the whole of Beowulf, as _ond Hā́lga tíl_ Beow. 61, _þām hā́lig gód_ An. 14; with resolution of the first arsis _in séle þām hḗan_ Beow. 714, and of the second arsis, _þurh rū̀mne séfan_ Beow. 278, and of both, _ǣr súmeres cýme_ El. 1228. Hemistichs of this type, on the other hand, with a disyllabic first thesis are not uncommon, _syððan fúrðum wḗox_ Beow. 914, _him pā Scýld gewā́t_ Beow. 26; with resolution of the first arsis, _under Héorotes hrṓf_ Beow. 403; with resolution of the second, _þæt sēo céaster híder_ An. 207, and of both, _æfter hǽleða hrýre_ Beow. 2053; a trisyllabic first thesis is also common, _þēah þe hē ā́tres drýnc_ An. 53, _oð þæt him éft onwṓc_ Beow. 56, _sē þe on hánda bǽr_ Beow. 495; with resolution of the first arsis, _forðan hīe mǽgenes crǽft_ Beow. 418; of the second arsis, _ond hū þȳ þríddan dǽge_ El. 185; of both, _þæt hē þā géoguðe wíle_ Beow. 1182; with first thesis of four syllables, _ne hȳrde ic sī́ð ne ǣ́r_ El. 240, _swylce hīe æt Fínnes hā́m_ Beow. 1157; with first thesis of five syllables (rare) _siððan hē hire fólmum hrā́n_ Beow. 723, and with resolution of second arsis _þonne hȳ him þurh mī́nne nóman_ Cri. 1351.

(ii) The sub-type B2, or B with disyllabic second thesis, is rarely found when the first thesis has only one syllable, _þe drýhtnes bibṓd_ Cri. 1159, _þū wā́st gif hit is_ Beow. 272, _þām wī́fe þā wórd_ Beow. 640; with resolution of the first arsis, _þurh dároða gedrép_ An. 1446, and of the second, _þurh níhta genípu_ Gū. 321; it is commoner with a disyllabic first thesis, _þā of wéalle geséah_ Beow. 229, _hē þæs frṓfre gebā́d_ Beow. 76; with resolution of the first arsis, _mid his hǽleða gedríht_ Beow. 663, _ofer wároða gewéorp_ An. 306; with trisyllabic first thesis, _þonne hē ǣ́r oððe sī́ð_ El. 74, _wes þū ūs lā́rena gṓd_ Beow. 269; with resolution of the first arsis, _þēah hē þǣr mónige geséah_ Beow. 1614, and of the second arsis, _þæt nǣfre Gréndel swā féla_ Beow. 592; with first thesis of four and five syllables, _hwæðre hē in brḗostum þā gít_ An. 51, _þæs be hire sē wílla gelámp_ Beow. 627.

Verses with trisyllabic second thesis are extremely rare and doubtful.[76] It should be noticed that, in this second type too, the thesis seldom consists of a second part of a compound, as _hine fýrwìt brǽc_ Beow. 232, the exceptions are proper names, as _nū ic Bḗowùlf þéc_ Beow. 947, _ne wearð Héremò̄d swā́_ Beow. 1710.

Type B, according to Sievers, occurs 1014 times in Beowulf, of which 293 are in the first hemistich and 721 in the second.

§ =27. The Type C= has three sub-types: (i) C 1, the normal type × –́ | –́ ×, without resolution, as _oft Scýld Scḗfing_ Beow. 4, _gebū̀n hǽfdon_ 117. Here too the first thesis may consist of two, three, four, or five syllables, _þæt hīe ǣ́ghwýlcne_ An. 26, _þone gód sénde_ Beow. 13, _ofer hrónrā́de_ Beow. 10, _ǣr hē onwég hwúrfe_ Beow. 264, _mid þǣre wǽlfýlle_ Beow. 125, _þe ic him tṓ sḗce_ El. 319 _þāra þe mid Bḗowúlfe_ Beow. 1052, _oð þæt hine sémnínga_ An. 821, _þāra þe hē him míd hǽfde_ Beow. 1625, _swylce hīe ofer sǣ́e cṓmon_, An. 247. (ii) C 2 is the normal type C with resolution of the first arsis, and is of such frequent occurrence that it may be looked on as a special type, _on hérefélda_ An. 10, _forscrífen hǽfde_ Beow. 106, _in wórold wṓcun_ Beow. 60; a less common form is that with resolution of the first and second arsis, _tō brímes fároðe_ Beow. 28, _swā féla fýrena_ Beow. 164; sometimes with resolution of the second arsis only, _tō sǣ́es fároðe_ An. 236 and 1660, _for frḗan égesan_ An. 457, but not in Beowulf. The first thesis may have two, three, or four syllables, _þā wið góde wúnnon_ Beow. 113, _ofer lágustrǣ́te_; with two resolutions, _ic þæs wíne Déniga_ Beow. 350, _hū sē mága frémede_ An. 639, _þæt him his wínemā́gas_ Beow. 65, _ne hīe hūru wínedríhten_ Beow. 863. (iii) C 3 is type C with short second arsis, × –́ | ⏑́ ×, and is pretty common, _in gḗardágum_ Beow. 1, _of fḗorwégum_ Beow. 37; the first thesis may have from two to five syllables, _þæt wæs gṓd cýning_ Beow. 11, _þæt hīe in bḗorséle_ Beow. 482, _sē þe hine dḗað nímeð_ Beow. 441, _ne meaht þū þæs sī́ðfǽtes_ An. 211, _þonne hē on þæt sínc stárað_ Beow. 1486. Resolution seems to be avoided, though it occurs here and there, _of hlíðes nósan_ Beow. 1892, _on þǣm méðelstéde_ Beow. 1083. Thesis with secondary accent is not found. The number of hemistichs of type C in Beowulf is, according to Sievers, 564.

§ =28. The type D= always ends with a disyllabic thesis, of which the first is generally the second syllable of a compound and has the secondary accent. There are four sub-types. (i) D 1 is the normal form, –́ | –́ ×̀ ×, as _hélm ǽlwìhta_ An. 118, _fḗond mánc[`y]nnes_ Beow. 164, _wī́gwéorðùnga_ Beow. 176, _wéard Scýldìnga_ Beow. 95, _lándbúèndum_ Beow. 95, _hríng gýldènne_, Beow. 2810, _hóf mṓdìgra_ Beow. 312, _frḗan ū̀sèrne_ Beow. 3003. The chief variations arise from resolution of the first arsis, _cýning ǽlmìhtig_ El. 145, _fǽder álwàlda_ Beow. 316, _mérelī́ðènde_ Beow. 255, _flótan ḗowèrne_ Beow. 294, _cýning ǣ́nìgne_ Beow. 1851, or of the second arsis, _hḗan hýgegḕomor_ An. 1089, _mǣ́g Hígelà̄ces_ Beow. 738 and 759; resolution of first and second arsis, _hláden hérewǣ̀dum_ Beow. 1898, _néfan Hérerī̀ces_ Beow. 2207. Hemistichs like _wiht unhǣlo_ Beow. 120, which have compounds with _un_, may be read _wíht únhǽlo_ according to type D 2, or _wíht unhǣ́lo_ according to type A, –́ × | –́ × (Sievers, _Paul-Braune's Beiträge_, x. 251, and Kluge in _Paul's Grundriss_, i², p. 1051). (ii) D 2 is the same form, but with the thesis short and with secondary accent, –́ | –́ ⏑̀ × _béorht blǽdgìfa_ An. 84, _lḗof lándfrùma_ Beow. 31, _strḗam ū́t þònan_ Beow. 2546, _rǣ́d éahtèdon_ Beow. 172; with resolution of the first arsis, _mǽgen sámnòde_ El. 55, _mága Héalfdènes_ Beow. 189; with resolution of the second arsis, _hórd ópenìan_ Beow. 3057, the only example. (iii) D 3 is the normal type, but with short second arsis (rare), –́ | ⏑́ ×̀ ×, _éorðcýnìnga_ El. 1174; with resolution of the first arsis, _rádorcýnìnges_ El. 624. (iv) D 4 has the form –́ | –́ × ×̀, and is closely allied to the type E (–́ ×̀ × | –́), as it has the secondary accent on the last syllable of the thesis (Sievers, _Paul-Braune's Beiträge_, x. 256), _brḗost ínnanwèard_ An. 649, _hólm ū̀p ætbæ̀r_ Beow. 519, _fýrst fórð gewā́t_ ib. 210; varied by resolution of the first arsis, _géaro gū̀ðe fràm_ An. 234, _flóta fā́mighèals_ Beow. 218, _súnu dḗað fornàm_ Beow. 2120; by resolution of the second arsis, _wlánc Wédera lò̄od_ 341, and of both first and second arsis, _wlítig wéoruda hḕap_ An. 872; and resolution of the last thesis with secondary accent, _wṓp úp āhàfen_ Beow. 128, _wúnað wíntra fèla_ Ph. 580. Certain hemistichs which may belong to this sub-type admit of an alternative accentuation, and may belong to the following type; for example, _scop hwlum sang_ Beow. 496 may be read –́ | –́ × ×̀, or as E –́ ×̀ × | –́, so _werod eall ārās_ Beow. 652.

§ =29. The type E= has two sub-types, distinguished by the position of the syllable bearing the secondary accent; this syllable is generally the second syllable of a compound or the heavy middle syllable of a trisyllabic word with a long root-syllable.

E1 has the form –́ ×̀ × | –́, the syllable with secondary accent standing first in the thesis, _mṓdsòrge wǽg_ El. 61, _wéorðm[`y]ndum þā́h_ Beow. 8, _Sū̀ðdèna fólc_ Beow. 463, _ḗhtènde wǽs_ Beow. 159, _hǣ́ðènra hýht_ Beow. 179, _ǣ́nìgne þónc_ Cri. 1498, _wórdhòrd onléac_ Beow. 259, _úplàng āstṓd_ Beow. 760, _scóp hwī̀lum sáng_ Beow. 496 (cf. above, § 29); varied by resolution of the first arsis, _héofonrī̀ces weárd_ El. 445, _Scédelàndum ín_ Beow. 19, _wlítebèorhtne wáng_ Beow. 93, _lífigènde cwṓm_ Beow. 1974, _ǽðelìnges wḗox_ El. 12, _médofùl ætbǽr_ Beow. 625, _dúguð èall ārā́s_ Beow. 1791; resolution of the second arsis is rare, _tī́rḕadge hǽleð_ An. 2 (the MS. reading _ēadige_ must be corrected to _ēadge_, see Sievers, _Beiträge_, x. 459 on these middle vowels after long root-syllable), _hélþègnes héte_ Beow. 142; resolution of both is rare, _sélewèard āséted_ Beow. 668, _wínedr[`y]hten frǽgen_ An. 921; resolution of the accented thesis, _glḗdègesa grím_ Beow. 2651.

E2 has the last syllable of the thesis with secondary accent, and is very rare, –́ × ×̀ | –́, _mórðorbèd strḗd_ Beow. 2437; with resolution of last arsis, _gḗomorgìdd wrécen_ An. 1550, _bǣ́ron ū̀t hrǽðe_ An. 1223.

II. _Hemistichs of five members._

§ =30.= Hemistichs of five members (extended) occur much more rarely than the normal types of four members. The extended types are denoted by the letters A*, B*, C*, &c.

=Type A*= has two sub-types distinguished by the position of the syllable with the secondary accent.

(i) A*1, –́ ×̀ × | –́ × occurs chiefly in the first hemistich, _gódbèarn on gálgan_ El. 719; with resolution of first arsis, _géolorànd tō gū́ðe_ Beow. 438; with thesis of two unaccented syllables following on the secondary accent, _glǽdmò̄d on gesíhðe_ Cri. 911, _fǽstrǽdne geþṓht_ Beow. 611; with final thesis strengthened by secondary accent, _gā́stlī̀cne góddrḕam_ Gū. 602, _gámolfèax ond gū́ðrò̄f_ Beow. 609.

(ii) A*2 –́ × ×̀ | –́ × may possibly occur in _mā́ððumfæ̀t mǣ́re_ Beow. 2405, _wúldorlḕan wéorca_ Cri. 1080; with resolution of the thesis with secondary accent, _mórðorbèalo mága_ Beow. 1079. Possibly, however, the syllables _um_ in _māððum_ and _or_ in _wuldor_ and _morðor_ are to be written _m_ and _r_, so that the scansion of the hemistich would be A2 –́ –̀ | –́ × and –́ ⏑̀ ͜× | –́ ×.[77]

=Type B*= ×̀ × –́ | × –́ does not seem to occur in O.E. poetry, though it does in Old Norse.

=Type C*= in the forms ×̀ × –́| –́ ×, ×̀ × ⏑́ × | –́ ×, × × –́ | ⏑́ × are also not found in O.E.

=Type D*= on the other hand does occur, but almost exclusively in the first hemistich. It has three sub-types: (i) D*1 –́ × | –́ × ×, _sī́de sǣ́næ̀ssas_ Beow. 223, _áldres órwḕna_ Beow. 1002; with resolution of the first arsis, _ǽðeling ā́nhȳ̀dig_ Beow. 2668; more commonly with resolution of the second arsis, _mǣ́ton mérestræ̀ta_ Beow. 514; with resolution of both, _lócene léoðos[`y]rcan_ Beow. 1506. (ii) D*2 –́ × | –́ ⏑̀ ×, _mǣ́re méarcstàpa_ Beow. 103, _éaldor Éastdèna_ Beow. 392; with resolution of the first arsis, _ǽðele órdfrùma_ Beow. 263; with resolution of the second arsis, _mṓdges mérefàran_ Beow. 502, _Bḗowulf máðelòde_ Beow. 505, &c. (iii) D*3 –́ × | ⏑́ ×̀ × is not found. (iv) D*4 –́ × | –́ × ×̀ is rare, _grḗtte Gḗata lḕod_ Beow. 625, _þrȳ́ðlīc þégna hḕap_ Beow. 400; with resolution of first arsis, _éaforan éllorsī̀ð_ Beow. 2452; with resolution of the second, _ȳ́ðde éotena c[`y]n_ Beow. 421; with resolution of the secondarily accented syllable, _wī́n of wúndorfàtum_ Beow. 1163; this type is varied by anacrusis, _ongínneð gḗomormò̄d_ Beow. 2045, and by anacrusis together with disyllabic thesis in the second foot, _oferswám þā síoleða bigòng_ Beow. 2368.

=Type E*= does not occur in O.E. poetry.[78]

§ =31.= To assign the different hemistichs of a poem to these various types we have to follow as a regulating principle the natural word accent and syntactical accent of each sentence. In some cases the similarity or relation with one another of the types renders it a matter of difficulty to determine exactly to what particular type a hemistich may belong. Systematic investigations as to the principles which govern the combinations of the five types in pairs to form the long line have not yet been made. From such observations as have been made it would appear that by preference hemistichs of different rhythmical structure (ascending and descending) were combined with a view to avoid a monotonous likeness between the two halves of the verse.[79]

§ =32.= The combination of two hemistichs so as to form a long line is effected by means of alliteration, one at least of the two fully accented syllables being the bearer of an alliterative sound. In no case is an unaccented syllable or even a syllable with a secondary accent allowed to take part in the alliteration. This fact, that secondarily accented syllables are debarred from alliterating, is another proof that it is better to look on them as belonging to the thesis rather than to the arsis of the verse.

=The Principles of Alliteration.=

§ =33. Quality of the Alliteration.= It is an all but invariable rule that the correspondence of sounds must be exact and not merely approximate. A _g_ must alliterate to a _g_, not to a _c_, a _d_ to a _d_, not to a _t_, and so on. There is, however, one remarkable exception, namely, that no distinction is made between the guttural _c_ (as in _cūðe_) and the palatal _c_ (as in _cēosan_), nor between the guttural _g_ (as in _god_) and the palatal _g_ (as in _gierede_), not even when the latter represents Germanic _j_ (as in _geong_, _gēar_). With exceptions hereafter to be noted, a consonant followed by a vowel may alliterate with itself followed by another consonant: thus _cūðe_ alliterates not only with words like _cyning_, but with words like _cræft_, _cwellan_; and _hūs_ alliterates not only with _heofon_ but with _hlēapan_, _hnǣgan_, &c. The fact that different vowels, as _ī_, _ū_, and _æ_ in _īsig ond ūtfūs æðelinges fær_ Beow. 33, alliterate together is only an apparent exception to the strictness of the rule, as it is really the glottal catch or _spiritus lenis_[80] before all vowels which alliterates here. Wherever a vowel seems to alliterate with an _h_ we are justified in assuming a corruption of the text, as in _óretmecgas æfter hǽleðum frægn_ Beow. 332, where Grein improves both sense and metre by substituting _æðelum_ for _hæleðum_; other examples are Beow. 499, 1542, 2095, 2930. In some cases where foreign names beginning with _h_ occur we occasionally find instances of this inexact alliteration, as _Hólofernus únlyfigendes_ Jud. 180 and 7, 21, 46, contrasted with _Hólofernus hógedon āninga_ 250; in later works as in Ælfric's _Metrical Homilies_ we find alliteration of _h_ with a vowel not only in foreign names but with native words, as

_and he =ǣ́=fre his fýrde þam =hǣ́=lende betǣ́hte._
Ælfr. Judges[81] 417.

and _h_ before consonants (viz. _r, l, w_) is disregarded as

_and hē hig āhrédde of þām =r=ḗðan þḗowte._
Ælfr. Judges 16.

_on h=w=ám his stréngð wæs and his =w=úndorlī̀ce míht_.
ibid. 306.

It is important to observe that the combinations _st_, _sc_, _sp_ are not allowed to alliterate with each other or with words beginning with _s_ not followed by a consonant, but _st_ can alliterate only with _st_, _sc_ only with _sc_, _sp_ only with _sp_; thus _spere_ and _scyld_, _stillan_ and _springan_, _sǣ_ and _styrman_ do not count as alliterations. The invariable practice is seen in the following lines:--

_hēt =st=rḗamfare =st=íllan, =st=órmas réstan._ An. 1578.

_he =sc=ḗaf þā mid þam =sc=ýlde, þæt se =sc=éatt
tōbǽrst
and þæt =sp=ére =sp=réngde, þæt hit =sp=ráng ongḗan._
Byrhtnoth 136-7.

In later times this rule was not so strictly observed. The metrical Psalms alliterate _sc_ with _s_ and _sw_ with _s_, as

_hi hine him =s=ámnuncga =sc=éarpum strḗlum_. Ps. lxiii. 4.

_on þī́ne þā =s=wī́ðran, ond þe ne =sc=éaðeð ǣ́nig_.
Ps. xc. 7.

but _sp_ and _st_ do not alliterate with each other or with _s_. In Ælfric all these combinations of consonants alliterate indifferently with each other or with _s_ + another consonant or with simple _s_, as in

_wið þā́m þe hēo be=s=wī́ce =S=ámson þone =s=trángan_.
Ælfr. Judges 308.

Sometimes in Ælfric the alliterating letter does not stand at the beginning of the word,

_and hē hæfde héora ge=w=éald ealles t=w=éntig gḗara_.
ibid. 85.

and the alliteration may even fall on an unaccented particle as in

_=f=rám his gelēafan and his ǣ =f=orsāwon._ ibid. 51.

For a full account of Ælfric's alliteration the reader may be referred to an interesting essay by Dr. Arthur Brandeis, _Die Alliteration in Aelfric's metrischen Homilien_, 1897 (Programm der Staatsrealschule im VII. Bezirk in Wien).

§ =34. Position of the alliterative words.= Out of the four accented syllables of the line two at least, and commonly three, must begin with an alliterative sound, and this alliteration still further increases the stress which these syllables have in virtue of their syntactical and rhythmical accent.

The position of these alliterative sounds in the line may vary in the same way as their number. The general laws which govern the position of the alliteration are the following:--(i) One alliterating sound _must_, and two _may_ occur in the first hemistich; (ii) In the second hemistich the alliterating sound (called the head-stave[82]) must fall on the first of the two accented syllables of that hemistich, and the second accented syllable in the second hemistich does not take part in the alliteration at all; (iii) When there are three alliterating sounds in the whole line two of them must be in the first hemistich and only one in the second. Examples of lines with three alliterating sounds:

_=s=éolfa he ge=s=étte =s=únnan ond mṓnan._ Sat. 4.

_=ú=fan ond =ū̀=tan him wæs =ǣ́=ghwǣr wā́._ Sat. 342.

Lines with only two alliterative sounds, the first of which may coincide with either of the accented syllables of the first hemistich (the second of course coinciding with the first accented syllable of the second hemistich) are very common:

_=h=ḗafod éalra =h=ḗahgescéafta._ Gen. 4.

_hī hýne þā æt=b=ǣ́ron to =b=rímes fároðe._ Beow. 28.

If the first hemistich contains only one alliterative sound this alliteration generally falls on the more emphatic of the two accented syllables of the hemistich which is usually the first, as

_on =f=lṓdes ǣ́ht =f=éor gewī́tan._ Beow. 42.

In the type A the single alliteration of the first hemistich not unfrequently falls on the second accented syllable, such cases being distinguished, as A3

_þā́ wæs on =b=úrgum =B=ḗowulf Scýldinga._ Beow. 53.

In types C and D the single alliteration of the first section must always fall on the first accented syllable which in these types is more emphatic than the second. In types B and E alliteration on the second arsis would bring the alliteration too near to the end of the hemistich, and is therefore rare.

Double alliteration in the first hemistich occurs in all of the five types, and chiefly when the two accented syllables have equally strong accents. It is, therefore, least common in C × –́ | –́ × where the first arsis predominates over the second, and is most frequent in the strengthened hemistichs, in D, E, A2, and in the five-membered D* types, where it is the rule.[83]

A third form of alliteration, though much less important and frequent than these two, occurs when the second accented syllable of the second hemistich shares in alliteration, in addition to the first accented syllable. There are then two different pairs of alliterative sounds distributed alternately between the two hemistichs. The commonest form of this double alliteration of the whole line is represented by the formula a b | a b, as

_hwæt! we =G=ā́r=d=éna in =g=ḗar=d=águm._ Beow. 1.

_=Sc=ýldes =é=aferan =Sc=édelandum =í=n._ Beow. 19.

_=h=ílde=w=ǣ́þnum ond =h=éaðo=w=ǣ́dum._ Beow. 39;

less commonly by the formula a b | b a:

_þā =w=ǣ́ron =m=ónige þe his =m=ǣ́g =w=ríðon._
Beow. 2982.
_=h=wī́lum for =d=úguðe =d=óhtor =H=rṓðgà̄res._
Beow. 2020;

verses corresponding to the formula a a | b b are not found in early poetry. No doubt certain instances of this double alliteration may be accidental, but others seem intentional.

The foregoing rules as to alliteration are strictly observed in the early and classic poetry, but in later times certain licences crept in. Three of these may be noticed. (i) The second accented syllable of the second hemistich is allowed to carry the alliteration instead of the first accented syllable,

_=l=ā́stas =l=égde oððǽt hē ge=l=ǣ́dde._ Gen. 2536.

(ii) Both accented syllables of the second hemistich alliterate with one accented syllable of the first hemistich,[84]

_me =s=éndon tṓ þē =s=ǣ́men =s=nélle._ Byrhtnoth 29.

(iii) The four accented syllables of the line all alliterate together,

_=G=ódwine ond =G=ódwīg =g=ū̀de ne =g=ȳ́mdon._
Byrhtn. 192.

In the majority of cases the same alliterative letter is not employed in two successive lines, but we find cases like

_þā tō=b=rǣ́d Sámson_ =b=ḗgen his éarmas
þæt þā rā́pas to=b=_úrston þe he mid ge=b=únden wæs._
Ælf. Judges 269;

and earlier in Andreas 70, 197, 372, 796, 815, 1087, &c., or in Beowulf 403, 489, 644, 799, 865, 898, &c.

And even three lines in succession, as

_swýlce he ā=f=ḗdde of =f=íxum twā́m
ond of =f=ī́f hlā́fum =f=ī́ra cýnnes
=f=ī́f þū̀sendo; =f=ḗðan sǣ́ton._ An. 589 ff.

This usage, which in Middle English became very popular, is noticeably frequent in the poem of Judith, probably with a view to emphasis. Many examples of such pairs of verses are to be found collected by Dr. A. Brandeis from Ælfric.

The unaccented words may begin with the same letter as the accented words which bear the alliteration proper,[85] as

_ne hīe huru =h=éofona =h=élm =h=érian ne cū̀ðon._
Beow. 182,

or one of the unaccented words may begin with the same letter as an accented word which does not alliterate, as

_þæt fram =h=ā́m gefrǣ́gn =H=ígelāces bégn._ Beow. 194;

this of course has nothing to do with alliteration, though in later times it was often mistaken for it.

Verses without any alliteration at all, as

_he hélpeð þéarfan swýlce ēac wǣ́dlan._ Ps. lxxi. 13,

occur only in late OE. poetry like Ælfric's Homilies, and when rhyme was beginning to creep in.

§ =35. Alliteration in relation to the parts of speech and to the order the order of words.= Both alliteration and the whole structure of the alliterative line depend in the first place on the natural or etymological accent of the single words, and next on the syntactical accent which these words bear in their relation to one another in the sentence. Just as only the accented syllable of a single word can take part in the alliteration, so only can those words take part in it which are marked out in the sentence as important and therefore strongly accented.

The relative degree of stress is influenced at times by the rhetorical accent, but generally speaking we find a certain gradation of accent among the accented words depending on their intrinsic and not on their rhetorical importance in building up the sentence.

Two general principles may be laid down: (1) If the syntactical value of the two accented syllables of the hemistich is not equal, then the word which has the stronger accent of the two is chosen to alliterate. In the second hemistich it is always the first accented word (the 'head stave'), in the first hemistich it is generally the first accented word, though the second accented word may alliterate as well. (2) If the two accented syllables of the section are equal in syntactical value, then the first alliterates, and when double alliteration is allowed the second may also alliterate.

The various grammatical classes of words are treated in regard to the alliteration in the following way:--

=Nouns=, including adjectives and the infinitives and participles of verbs, have the strongest accent of all words in the sentence. A noun therefore takes precedence over the other parts of speech among which it occurs and has the alliteration, as

_nḗ in þā =c=éastre be=c=úman méahte._ An. 931.

_híre þā =Á=dam =a=ndswárode._ Gen. 827.

If two nouns occur in the same hemistich it is always the first which alliterates,

_=h=ū̀sa sḗlest. Wæs sēo =h=wī́l micel._ Beow. 146.

_=l=ánge hwī́le. Him wæs =l=ī́ffrḗa._ Beow. 16.

_=g=éongum ond éaldum, swylc him =g=ód séalde._ Beow. 72.

The only exceptions are when a special rhetorical emphasis is given to the second word.

When a noun and two adjectives or two nouns and an adjective occur in the same hemistich, one of these is always subordinated to the other, and the two together are treated as a combination. In such cases, where there is double alliteration in the hemistich, the position of the alliterating words may be either _a a x_, or _a x a_, the subordinate element (_x_) standing either in the last or the second place in the hemistich,

_=b=éorht =b=ḗacen Gódes =b=rímu swáðredon._ Beow. 570.

_=t=wélf wintra tī́d =t=órn geþólode._ Beow. 147.

In the case of single alliteration, it is always the first of the nouns or adjectives which alliterates.

=The verb= (excluding the infinitive and participles) is usually less strongly accented than the noun. It may therefore precede or follow the noun or adjective without alliteration, either in the arsis or thesis, as

_lḗt se =h=éarda =H=ígelāces þégn._ Beow. 2977.

_him þā =Sc=ýld gewā́t tō ge=sc=ǽp-hwī́le._ Beow. 26.

_gewāt þā =t=wélfa súm =t=órne gebólhen._ Beow. 2401.

On the other hand, when a hemistich consists only of one noun and one verb, the verb may alliterate, as

_=g=ṓdne ge=g=ýrwan cwæð hē =g=ū̀ð-cýning._ Beow. 199.
_=h=wḗtton =h=ígerōfne =h=ǣ́l scḗawedon._ Beow. 204.

When a substantive and an adjective are closely combined, a verb in the same hemistich may alliterate, as

_=b=ýreð =b=lṓdig wæl, =b=ýrgean þénceð._ Beow. 448.

_=s=éofon niht =s=wúncon; hē þē æt =s=únde oferflā́t._
Beow. 517.

In formulas consisting of noun+verb the noun predominates over the verb and takes the alliteration, as

_=w=érodes =w=ī́sa =w=órdhord onlḗac._ Beow. 259.

But if the verb is emphatic it may alliterate though there is a noun in the same hemistich; this occurs chiefly in the second hemistich, as

_ond be =h=éalse genám; =h=rúron him tḗaras._ Beow. 1872.

_=g=rýrelī̀cne =g=íst. =G=ýrede hine Beowulf._ ib. 1441,

but a few instances are found in the first hemistich, as

_ge=m=únde þā se =g=ṓda =m=ǣ́g Hígelā́ces._ Beow. 758.

When one of two verbs in the hemistich is subordinate to the other the verb in the subordinate clause alliterates, having a stronger accent than the verb in the main clause,

_mýnte þæt hē ge=d=ǣ́lde ǣr þon =d=ǽg cwṓme._
Beow. 731.

If the two verbs are co-ordinate the first alliterates,

_=w=órolde lī́fes: =w=ýrce sē þe mṓte._ Beow. 1387;

in the first hemistich both verbs commonly alliterate,

_=s=éomade ond =s=ýrede =s=ínnìhte hḗold._ Beow. 161.

=The adverb.= Adverbs of degree like _micle_, _swīðe_, _ful_, &c., are commonly found in the thesis, and even if they stand in the arsis they usually do not alliterate, as

_=ó=ftor mícle þonne on =ǣ́=nne sī́ð._ Beow. 1580.

When adverbs of this kind have a special rhetorical emphasis they may of course alliterate, as

_éfne swā =m=ícle swā bið =m=ǣ́gða cræft._ Beow. 1284.

_ac hē is =s=nél and =s=wíft and =s=wī́ðe lḗoht._
Phoen. 317.

Adverbs which modify the meaning of the word which they precede alliterate, as

_=ǣ́=scholt =ú=fan grǣ̀g: wæs sē =ī́=renþrḗat._
Beow. 330.

Adverbial prepositions preceding the verb also alliterate,

_hēt þā =ū́=p béran =ǣ́=ðelìnga gestrḗon._
Beow. 1920,

but not when they follow the verb,

_=G=ḗat wæs =g=lǽdmōd, =g=éong sò̄na tṓ._ Beow. 1785.

Adverbs derived from nouns are more strongly accented than the verb which they modify and therefore alliterate,

_ālégdon þā tō=m=íddes =m=ǣ́rne þḗoden._ Beow. 3141.

=Pronouns= (and pronominal adjectives like _monig, eall, fela_) are usually enclitic, and precede or follow the noun without alliterating, as

_manigu =ṓ=ðru gescéaft =é=fnswī̀ðe hím._ Metr. xi. 44.

_ealne =m=íddangéard ōð =m=érestrḗamas._ Dan. 503.

_fela ic =m=ónna gefrǽgn =m=ǣ́gðum wéaldan._ Wid. 10.

With a special rhetorical accent they may alliterate even if they precede the noun,

_on =þ=ǣ́m d[´æ]ge =þ=ýsses lī́fes._ Beow. 197.

The pronoun _self_ and the pronouns compounded with the prefix _ǣ_ (_ǣghwā_, _ǣghwylc_, &c.) are usually accented, and alliterate if they form the first arsis of the hemistich, as

_=s=ḗlran ge=s=ṓhte þǣm be him =s=elfa dḗah._ Beow. 1840.

_hǽfde =ǣ́=ghwæðer =é=nde gefḗred._ Beow. 2845.

=Prepositions, conjunctions, and particles= are not as a rule accented, but prepositions if followed by an enclitic pronoun take the accent and alliterate, as

_=é=aldum =é=arne and =ǣ́=fter þón._ Phoen. 238.
_nis =ú=nder mḗ =ǣ́=nig =ṓ=ðer._ Riddle xli. 86.

Whether words of these classes, standing in the first arsis of the first hemistich along with another alliterating word, were intended also to alliterate is somewhat uncertain, but it is probable that they were so, as in

_mid þȳ =m=ǣ́stan =m=ǽgenþr[`y]mme cýmeð._ Crist 1009.

These laws of accentuation are strictly observed only in the older poetry; by the end of the tenth century, in Byrhtnoth, the Metres of Boethius and the Psalms, they are frequently neglected.

§ =36. Arrangement and relationship of verse and sentence.= The following rules hold good in general for the distribution of the sentence or parts of the sentence between the hemistichs of the verse. Two distinct pauses occur in every alliterative line, one (commonly called the caesura) between the first and second hemistichs, the other at the end of the line, and these pauses are determined by the syntactical construction; that is to say, they coincide with the end of a clause or lesser member of the sentence. The hemistich must contain such parts of the sentence as belong closely together; and such coherent parts, as, for example, a pronoun and noun to which it refers or adverb with adjective, must not be separated from one another by the caesura, unless the pronoun or adverb is placed in the second arsis of the hemistich, as

_=w=ýrd æfter þíssum =w=órdgeméarcum._ Gen. 2355.

_gif ge wíllað =m=ī́nre =m=íhte gelḗfan._ Sat. 251.

In Beowulf this separation of closely connected words is permitted only if the word standing in the arsis alliterates at the same time. Longer parts of a sentence may be separated both by the caesura and the pause at the end of the line. The syntactical connexion between the parts of a sentence thus broken up makes the unity of the parts clear, and when the division occurs in the caesura between the two halves of the verse, the alliteration common to both hemistichs serves further to emphasize this unity.

The single alliterative lines are connected with one another by the prevailing usage of ending the sentence not at the end of the completed line, but at the end of the first hemistich or in the middle of the line, and of beginning a new sentence with the second hemistich. The great variety of expression, and the predilection for paraphrase by means of synonyms which is so characteristic of OE. poetry, contribute to make such breaks in the line easy. Whatever may be the explanation, it is certainly the fact that in the OE. poetry the metrical and syntactical members do sometimes coincide, but at other times overlap in a way which does not admit of being reduced to rule.[86]

The Lengthened Verse.

§ =37.= Besides the normal four-beat line (with two beats to each hemistich) there is in OE. and Old Saxon another variety, the =lengthened line= (_Schwellvers_) with three beats in each hemistich.[87] These verses occur in almost all OE. poems, either isolated or more commonly in groups, and occasionally we find lines with one hemistich of two beats and the second hemistich of three, like.

_=g=ā́stes dúgeðum þǣ́ra þe mid =g=ā́res órde._ Gen. 1522,

and _Jud._ 96, _Crist_ 1461, &c., or with a lengthened hemistich of three beats and a normal hemistich of two beats, like

_=b=ǣ́ron =b=rándas on =b=rýne =b=lā́can fȳ́res._
Dan. 246,

and _Sat._ 605, _Gnom. Ex._ 200, &c.

In the _Psalms_ and in Cynewulf's _Juliana_ they are wanting entirely, in Cynewulf's _Elene_ out of 1321 verses there are only fourteen lengthened whole lines, and three lengthened hemistichs. Examples of groups of these lengthened verses will be found in _Gen._ 44-46, 1015-1019, 2167-2169, 2854-2858; _Exodus_ 569-573, _Dan._ 59-106, 203-205, 226-228, 238-246, 262-271, 435-438, 441, 448, 452-458; _Judith_ 2-12, 16-21, 30-34, 54-61, 63-68, 88-99, 272-274, 289-291, 338-349; _Satan_ 202, 232, 237, 605, _Crist_ 621, 889, 922, 1050, 1382-1386, &c., and in many of the smaller poems.[88]

Lengthened verses of a looser type occur in _Salomon and Saturn_, and _Genesis_ B; they have unusually long theses of four or five unaccented syllables after the first accented syllable, as

_ǣ́nne hæfde hē swā swī́ðne gewórhtne._ Gen. 252,

or have equally long anacruses before the first accented syllable, as

_þæt wē him on þām lánde lā́ð gefrémedon._ Gen. 392.[89]

It is not always possible to draw a sharp distinction between regular lines with somewhat long first theses and lengthened lines. The general tone and rhythm of the passage in question help to determine whether we have the normal or the lengthened line before us. The lengthened line occurs in places where the sense demands a solemn and slow rhythm, in other cases where the movement of the passage is quicker we may assume a normal four-beat line with a long anacrusis, or a polysyllabic thesis in the middle of the hemistich. What distinguishes clearly undoubted examples of the lengthened verse is that in each hemistich we find three beats and three feet of equal and independent value. But, as in the usual two-beat hemistich of the normal line, both beats need not be equally strong, so in the three-beat hemistich the three beats do not always stand on the same footing as regards stress, nor does the position of the stronger beat require to be always the same in the two hemistichs. The beats which are accompanied by alliteration are, generally speaking, stronger than those without alliteration. In the employment of alliteration and in the structure of the hemistich the lengthened line is closely allied to the normal line.

=Alliteration.= 1. The first hemistich has commonly two alliterative sounds, which fall as a rule on the first and second beats:

_ge=s=ēoð =s=órga mǣ́ste._ Crist 1209;

more rarely on the second and third beats, as in

_wǣ́ron hyra =r=ǣ́das =r=ī́ce._ Dan. 497;

sometimes on the first and third beats, as

_=l=ī́f hēr mén for=l=ḗosað._ Rhyming Poem 56.

Now and then we find hemistichs with three alliterations:

_=d=ól bið sē þe him =d=ríhten ne on=d=rǣ́deð._ Seafarer 106,

_=þ=ȳ́ sceal on =þ=ḗode ge=þ=ḗon._ Gnom. Ex. 50;

and others with one alliteration only, in which case the alliteration falls more rarely on the first beat, as

_=c=ýning sceal rī́ce héaldan =c=éastra bēoð féorran gesȳ́ne._
Gnom. Ex. 1,

than on the second, as

_þæt sē wǣ́re =m=íhta wáldend sē þe hī́e of þām =m=írce genérede._
Dan. 448.

2. In the second hemistich the chief alliterative sound, the head-stave, generally falls on the second accented syllable, as in the last example, and only exceptionally on the first accented syllable, as

_=St=ȳ́ran sceal mon =st=róngum mṓde. =St=órm oft hólm gebríngeð._
Gnom. Ex. 51.

§ =38. The origin and structure of the lengthened verse.= It is clear from the comparative infrequency and the special use to which it is put that the lengthened line must be looked upon as originating in some way from the normal four-beat line. Two explanations of its development have been given. The first, which is Sievers's original view,[90] is that a foot or measure with the form –́ . . . (i.e. one accented syllable plus several unaccented ones) was prefixed to one of the five normal types; hence –́ × prefixed to A would give the form –́ × | –́ × –́ ×, and – × prefixed to B would give –́ × | × –́ × –́. The other explanation, given by Luick,[91] is that the lengthened hemistich is due to a blending of several types of the normal kind in this way. The hemistich starts with the beginning of one of the normal types A, B, C, then with the second accented syllable another type is begun and continued, as if the poet found the original beginning inadequate to express his emotion.

The manner in which the blending of two normal types results in new lengthened types of three beats will be seen in the following illustrations:

A –́× –́ ×
+C × –́ –́ ×
--------------
gives AC –́ × –́ –́ ×;

A –́ × –́ ×
+D –́ –́ ×̀ ×
--------------
gives AD – × –́ –́ ×̀ ×;

B × –́ × –́
+C × –́ –́ ×
-------------
gives BC × –́× –́ –́ ×;

B × –́ × –́
+A –́ × –́ ×
--------------
gives BA × –́ × –́ × –́ ×;

C × –́ –́ ×
+A –́ × –́ ×
--------------
gives CA × –́ –́ × –́ ×;

A –́ × –́ ×
+A –́ × –́ ×
--------------
gives AA –́ × –́ × –́ ×.

As Prof. Sievers himself[92] has accepted this theory (or, at least, has recognized it as a convenient method of exhibiting the structural varieties of the lengthened line), we shall adopt it here.

Of the fifteen different possible combinations of the original types, some do not actually occur, but with the sub-types to be taken into consideration we get no less than eighteen different types of the regular lengthened whole line, and these again admit of variations by means of resolution of accented syllables, polysyllabic theses, &c.

Only the most commonly occurring forms of the lengthened hemistich will be given here; for the others the reader may be referred to Sievers.[93]

§ =39.= By far the most common type is =A A= (some 525 examples),

–́ × . . . –́ × . –́ ×,

as in

_=w=éaxan =w=ī́tebrṓgan._ (_Hǽfden hīe =w=rṓhtgetḗme_). Gen. 45;

or with resolution of the first accented syllable in the first hemistich,

_=s=únu mid =s=wéordes écge._ Gen. 2857,

and in the second hemistich,

_=f=éla bið =f=ýrwet-géornra._ Gnom. Ex. 102;

with resolution of the second accented syllable in the second hemistich,

_þǣ́r þū þólades =s=íððan._ Crist 1410;

or of each of the three accented syllables in the second hemistich,

_hýre þæs =f=ǣ́der on róderum._ Jud. 5.

The chief variation of this type arises from the prolongation of the first thesis, which may run from one to six syllables. At the same time the usual resolutions may be introduced, as in the following examples: Ordinary type, –́ × × || –́ × | –́ ×, very common,

_=g=rímme wið =g=ód gesómnod._ Gen. 46;

with resolution of the first accented syllable,

_=r=éced ofer =r=ḗadum gólde._ Gen. 2404;

with resolution of the last two accented syllables,

_=sn=ū̀de þā =sn=óteran ídese._ Jud. 55;

type with trisyllabic thesis, –́ × × × || –́ × |–́ ×,

_=m=ḗda syndon =m=ícla þī́na._ Gen. 2167;

with resolution of the first accented syllable,

_wíton hyra =h=ýht mid drýhten._ Gū. 61;

thesis of four to six syllables, (–́ × . . . . . || –́ × | –́ ×),

_=ǣ́=leð hȳ mid þȳ =éa=ldan lī́ge._ Crist 1547,

_=s=íððan hē hæfde his gā́st on=s=énded._ Cross 49,

_=b=étre him wǣre þæt hē =b=rṓðor ā́hte._ Gnom. Ex. 175.

Less frequently the second foot has two unaccented syllables, and in that case the first foot has either one or sometimes two unaccented syllables, thus

(i) –́ × || –́ × × | –́ ×, or (ii) –́ × × || –́ × × | –́ ×,

as (i) _saā́ þū =Á=bele wū̀rde._ Gen. 1019;

with resolution of the first arsis,

_=s=ígor and =s=ṓðne gelḗafan._ Jud. 89.

(ii) _=r=ínca tō =r=ū̀ne gegángan._ Jud. 54.

=Type A2A=, –́ ×̀ –́ × –́ ×, which is type AA with secondary accent on the first thesis, occurs, according to Sievers, some twenty times, and always in the first hemistich. Examples are,

_=w=ǣ́rfæ̀st =w=íllan mī́nes._ Gen. 2168;

with resolution of the last arsis,

_=þ=éarlmò̄d =þ=ḗoden gúmena._ Jud. 66;

with disyllabic second thesis,

_=f=rḗobèarn =f=ǽðmum beþéahte._ Gen. 2867.

=Type A*A=, –́ . ×̀ × | –́ × . | –́ ×, which is AA strengthened and with disyllabic first thesis, is nearly as common as A2A, and is always in the first hemistich, as for example,

_=ā́=rlḕas of =ḗ=arde þī́num._ Gen. 1019,

_=b=éalofùl his =b=éddes nḗosan._ Jud. 63;

with trisyllabic first thesis,

_=h=rḗohmò̄d wæs sē =h=ǣ́ðena þḗoden._ Dan. 242.

=Type AB=, –́ × . . . –́ × . –́, some thirty instances equally distributed between the first and second hemistichs. Examples are,

_=é=orðan =ȳ́=ðum þéaht._ Riddle xvii. 3,

_=w=ǽsceð his =w=ā́rig hrǽgl._ Gnom. Ex. 99.

=Type AC=, –́ × . . . –́ –́ ×, about twenty-nine instances, of which more than the half occur in the first hemistich, as

_=h=ríncg þæs =h=ḗan lándes._ Gen. 2854,

_=w=lítige tō =w=óruldnýtte._ Gen. 1016.

=Type AD=, –́ × . . –́ –́ × ×̀, is rarer, occurring about twelve times, apparently only in the first hemistich, as

_=b=éalde =b=ýrnwíggènde._ Jud. 17,
_=J=ū̀das hire on=g=ḗn þíngòde._ El. 609.

=Type A E=, –́ × . . –́ ×̀ × . –́, somewhat more common than the last, and in both hemistichs, as

_=s=wéord and =s=wā́tigne hélm._ Jud. 338,
_sǽgde him =ú=nlȳ̀tel spéll._ Gen. 2405.

=Type B A=, × . –́ × . . . –́ × . –́ ×, about 120 instances, has as its simplest form, × –́ × –́ × –́ ×, as

_ā=l=ǣ́ton =l=ī́ges gánga._ Dan. 263;

with disyllabic thesis after the first arsis, × –́ × × –́ × –́ ×, as

_ā=w=ýrged tō =w=ī́dan áldre._ Gen. 1015;

with trisyllabic thesis, × –́ × × × –́ × –́ ×, as

_hȳ =t=wḗgen sceolon =t=ǣ́fle ymbsíttan._ Gnom. Ex. 182;

the initial thesis or anacrusis is rarely disyllabic.

=Type B B=, × . –́ × . . . –́ ×. –́, about nine times and mostly in the first hemistichs, as

_ge=b=ī́dan þæs hē ge=b=ǣ́dan ne mǣ́g._ Gnom. Ex. 105;

with resolution of two of the accented syllables,

_ofer=c=úmen bið hē ǣ́r hē ā=c=wéle._ Gnom. Ex. 114.

=Type B C=, × . . –́ × . . . –́ –́ ×, nearly as common as the last and nearly always in the first hemistich, as

_and nā́hte =é=aldfḗondum._ Dan. 454,

_be=g=óten of þæs =g=úman sī́dan._ Cross 49.

=Type B D=, × . –́ × . . –́ –́ ×̀ ×, about sixteen times, and in either hemistich, as

_on =é=orðan =ú=nswǣ́slī̀cne._ Jud. 65,

_a=l=ḗdon hīe þǣr límwḗrìgne._ Cross 63.

=Type C A=, × –́ –́ ×. –́ ×, with some fifteen examples, of which eight are in the first hemistich, as

_ge=s=ḗoð =s=órga mǣ́ste._ Crist 1209,

_tō =c=wále =c=níhta fḗorum._ Dan. 226.

=Type C C=, × . . . . –́ –́ –̆́×, occurs only nine times, of which six are in the second hemistich, as

_þæt wæs =g=ód ǽlmíhtig._ Cross 396;

with resolution of the first accented syllable,

_ne sē =b=rýne =b=ḗtmǽcgum._ Dan. 265,

_þē þæt =w=éorc stáðoláde._ And. 800.

Other combinations are given by Sievers, _Altgermanische Metrik_, § 95, but these occur so rarely or are so doubtful that they need not be mentioned here. A few lengthened hemistichs have four beats, as

_engel in þone ófn ínnan becwṓm._ Dan. 238,

and others in Sievers's _Altgermanische Metrik_, § 96.

Formation of Stanzas and Rhyme.

§ =40.= OE. poetry is mainly narrative, and does not run into any kind of recurring stanza or strophe, but is entirely stichic. Traces of an arrangement of lines so as to form a stanza are found in Dēor, the Runic Poem, the Psalms and Hymns, the so-called First Riddle, and in the Gnomic verses of the Exeter Book, which may be compared to the Old French 'tirades'.[94]

On the other hand, end-rhyme of the two hemistichs, combined with alliteration, is not very uncommon, though in most cases it seems only an incidental ornament, as

_=f=ýlle ge=f=ǣ́gon; =f=ǽgere geþǣ́gon._ Beow. 1014.

_=w=órd-gyd =w=récan ond ymb =w=ér sprécan._ Beow. 3172.

In the Rhyming Poem of the Exeter Book we have eighty-seven lines in which the first and second hemistichs rhyme throughout, and in some passages of other poems, noticeably in the _Elene_, vv. 114-115, and vv. 1237-1251, in which Cynewulf speaks in his own person, or Crist 591-595, And. 869-871, 890, Gūthl. 801, Phoen. 15-16, 54-55; assonance is found not unfrequently alongside of perfect rhyme, as in Gūthl. 802, Phoen. 53. These places are sufficient to prove a systematic and deliberate use of rhyme, which serves to accentuate the lyrical tone of the passages.

Monosyllabic rhymes such as _nān: tān_ (Rhym. Poem 78), _rād: gebā́d_ (ib. 16), _onlā́h: onwrā́h_ (ib. 1) are called masculine, and disyllabic rhymes like _wóngum: góngum_ (ib. 7), _géngdon: méngdon_ (ib. 11), or trisyllabic _hlýnede: dýnede_ (ib. 28), _swínsade: mínsade_ (ib. 29), _bífade: hlífade_ (ib. 30), are called feminine.

According to their position in the hemistich, rhymes fall into two classes (_a_) interior rhymes like _hónd rónd gefḕng_ Beow. 2609, _stī́ðmò̄d gestṓd_ Beow. 2567, in compounds _wórd-hòrd ontḗac_ Beow. 259, in co-ordinate formulae like _þā wæs sǣ́l and mǣ́l_ Beow. 1008, _wórdum and bórdum_ El. 24, _grund ond sund_ And. 747, and as so-called grammatical rhymes _lāð wið lāðum_ Beow. 440, _béarn æfter béarne_, Gen. 1070; (_b_) sectional rhymes joining the two halves of one line, as

_=s=écgas mec =s=ǣ́gon =s=ýmbel ne ālǣ́gon._ Rhym. P. 5;

not unfrequently, very often in the Rhyming Poem, two, three, four or more alliterative lines are connected in this fashion.

The OE. end rhymes are either (_a_) complete rhymes as _hond: rond_, _gefǣ́gon: geþǣ́gon_, or (_b_) assonances, in which only the vowels correspond, as _wæf: læs_ El. 1238; _wrā́ðum: ā́rum_ Crist. 595; _lúfodon: wúnedon_ And. 870; that the assonances are not accidental is clear from the fact that they occur alongside of perfect rhymes.[95]

NOTES:

[15] Tacitus, _Germania_, cap. 2.

[16] Grein-Wülker, iii. 1, p. 156.

[17] The influence of the Latin system on Otfrid is clear from his own
words, I. i. 21.

[18] For a review of recent metrical theories see Sievers,
_Altgermanische Metrik_, 1893, pp. 2-17, and his article on metre
in Paul's _Grundriss_, ii. 2.

[19] Cf. Lachmann, 'Über althochdeutsche Betonung und Verskunst,'
_Schriften_, ii. 358 ff., and 'Über das Hildebrandslied', _ib._,
ii. 407 ff.

[20] _Germania_, iii, p. 7.

[21] _Zeitschrift für deutsches Altertum_, i, p. 318, and _de Carmine
Wessofontano_, 1861, p. 10.

[22] _De Anglo-Saxonum arte metrica_, 1871.

[23] 'Grundzüge der altgermanischen Metrik,' _Zeitschrift für deutsche
Philologie_, ii. 114 ff.

[24] _Ibid._, iii. 280 ff.

[25] _Zur althochdeutschen Alliterationspoesie_, Kiel and Leipzig.

[26] John Lawrence, _Chapters on Alliterative Verse_, London, 1893;
reviewed by K. Luick, _Anglia_, Beiblatt iv, pp. 193, 201.

[27] Möller's own notation; Lawrence's sign for the rest is a small
point, and his sign for the end of a section is a thick point.

[28] _Untersuchungen zur westgermanischen Verskunst_ I, Leipzig, 1889;
'Zur Metrik des alts. und althochd. Alliterationsverses,'
_Germania_, xxxvi. 139 ff., 279 ff.; 'Der altdeutsche Reimvers
und sein Verhältnis zur Alliterationspoesie,' _Zeitschrift für
deutsches Altertum_, xxxviii. 304 ff.

[29] _Die Metrik des westgermanischen Alliterationsverses_, Marburg,
1892.

[30] Paul's _Grundriss der germanischen Philologie_, ed. I, ii. i.
518.

[31] _Der altenglische Vers_: I. _Kritik der bisherigen Theorien_,
1894; II. _Die Metrik des Beowulfliedes_, 1894; III. _Die Metrik
der sog. Caedmonischen Dichtungen_, &c., 1895. This last part is
by F. Graz. These are reviewed by K. Luick, _Anglia_, Beiblatt
iv. 294; M. Trautmann, ib., iv. 131; vi. 1-4; Saran, _Zeitschrift
für deutsche Philologie_, xxvii. 539.

[32] _Geschichte der deutschen Litteratur_, 1894, i. 228, and
_Ergänzungsheft zu Band I, Die altsächsische Genesis_, 1895,
p. 28 ff.

[33] 'Zur Kenntniss des germanischen Verses, vornehmlich des
altenglischen,' in _Anglia_, Beiblatt v. 87 ff.

[34] _Z. f. d. A._, xxxviii. 304.

[35] _Certayne notes of Instruction concerning the making of verse or
ryme in English_, 1575; Arber's reprint, London, 1868, p. 34.