Chapter VIII (4)

[136] Later legal theory assimilated the third with the first class. Gaius says (ii. 7) In eo (provinciali) solo dominium populi Romani est vel Caesaris, nos autem possessionem tantum vel usumfructum habere videmur. But the theory is not ancient-perhaps not older than the Gracchan period. See Greenidge _Roman Public Life_ p. 320. From a broad standpoint the first and second classes may be assimilated, since the payment of harbour dues (_portoria_) is based on the idea of the use of public ground by a private occupant.

[137] _Cic. de Leg. Agr_. ii. 31. 84.

[138] Thedenat in Daremberg-Saglio _Dict. des Antiq. s.v_. Ergastulum.

[139] Compare Cunningham _Western Civilisation in its Economic Aspects_ vol. i. p. 162.

[140] Cic. _in Verr_. ii. 55. 137; iii. 33. 77; ii. 13. 32; 26. 63.

[141] Ibid. ii. 13. 32.

[142] Liv. xxv. 3.

[143] Liv. xxiii. 49.

[144] Liv. xxiv. 18; Val. Max. v. 6. 8.

[145] Plut. _Cato Maj_. 19.

[146] Liv. xliii. 16.

[147] Cic. _Brut_. 22. 85 Cum in silva Sila facta caedes esset notique homines interfecti insimulareturque familia, partim etiam liberi, societatis ejus, quae picarias de P. Cornelio, L. Mummio censoribus redemisset, decrevisse senatum ut de ea re cognoscerent et statuerent consules. For the value of the pine-woods of Sila see Strabo vi. 1. 9.

[148] Liv. xlv. 18 Metalli quoque Macedonici, quod ingens vectigal erat, locationesque praediorum rusticorum tolli placebat. Nam neque sine publicano exerceri posse, et, ubi publicanus esset, ibi aut jus publicum vanum aut libertatem sociis nullam esse. The _praedia rustica_ were probably public domains, that might have formed part of the crown lands of the Macedonian Kings and would now, in the natural course of events, have been leased to _publicani_.

[149] It might happen that the interest of the _negotiator_ was opposed to that of the _publicanus_. The former, for instance, might wish _portoria_ to be lessened, the latter to be increased (Cic. _ad Att_. ii. 16. 4). But such a conflict was unusual.

[150] Cato _R.R_. pr. 1. Est interdum praestare mercaturis rem quaerere, nisi tam periculosum sit, et item fenerari, si tam honestum sit. Majores nostri sic habuerunt et ita in legibus posiverunt, furem dupli condemnari, feneratorem quadrupli. Quanto pejorem civem existimarint feneratorem quam furem, hinc licet existimare. Cf. Cic. _de Off_. i. 42. 150. Improbantur ii quaestus, qui in odia hominum incurrunt, ut portitorum, ut feneratorum.

[151] Cic. _de Off_. ii. 25. 89. Cum ille ... dixisset "Quid fenerari?" tum Cato "Quid hominem," inquit, "occidere?"

[152] For such professional money-lenders see Plaut. _Most_. iii. 1. 2 ff.; _Curc_. iv. 1. 19.

[153] Liv. xxxii. 27.

[154] On the history and functions of the bankers see Voigt _Ueber die Bankiers, die Buchfuehrung und die Litteralobligation der Roemer_ (Abh. d. Koenigl. Saechs. Gesell. d. Wissench.; Phil. hist. Classe, Bd. x); Marquardt Staatsverw, ii. pp. 64 ff.; Deloume _Les manieurs d'argent a Rome_, pp. 146 ff.

[155] Plin. _H.N_. xxi. 3. 8.

[156] Cf. Cic. _de Off_, iii. 14. 58. Pythius, qui esset ut argentarius apud omnes ordines gratiosus....

[157] Yet the two never became thoroughly assimilated. The _argentarius_, for instance, was not an official tester of money, and the _nummularii_ appear not to have performed certain functions usual to the banker, e.g. sales by auction. See Voigt op. cit. pp. 521. 522.

[158] Plaut. _Cure_. iv. 1. 6 ff.

Commonstrabo, quo in quemque hominem facile inveniatis loco.
* * * * *
Ditis damnosos maritos sub basilica quaerito.
Ibidem erunt scorta exoleta, quique stipulari solent.
* * * * *
In foro infumo boni homines, atque dites ambulant.
Sub veteribus, ibi sunt qui dant quique accipiunt faenore.

[159] To be bankrupt is _foro mergi_ (Plaut. _Ep_. i. 2. 16), _a foro fugere, abire_ (Plaut. _Pers_. iii. 3. 31 and 38).

[160] Cic. _de Off_. ii. 24. 87. Toto hoc de genere, de quaerenda, de collocanda pecunia, vellem etiam de utenda, commodius a quibusdam optumis viris ad Janum medium sedentibus ... disputatur. For _Janus medius_ and the question whether it means an arch or a street see Richter _Topogr. der Stadt Rom_. pp. 106. 107.

[161] Liv. xxxix. 44; xliv. 16. The Porcian was followed by the Fulvian Basilica (Liv. xl. 51). The dates of the three were 184, 179, 169 B.C. respectively.

[162] Deloume op. cit. pp. 320 ff.; Guadet in Daremberg-Saglio _Dict. des Antiq. s.v_. Basilicae.

[163] Large transport ships could themselves come to Rome if their build was suited to river navigation. In 167 B.C. Aemilius Paulus astonished the city with the size of a ship (once belonging to the Macedonian King) on which he arrived (Liv. xlv. 35). On the whole question of this foreign trade see Voigt in Iwan-Mueller's _Handbuch_ iv. 2, pp. 373-378.

[164] Voigt op. cit. p. 377 n. 99.

[165] Compare Cunningham _Western Civilisation in its Economic Aspects_ vol. i. p. 165, "It is only under very special conditions, including the existence of a strong government to exercise a constant control, that free play for the formation of associations of capitalists bent on securing profit, is anything but a public danger. The landed interest in England has hitherto been strong enough to bring legislative control to bear on the moneyed men from time to time.... The problem of leaving sufficient liberty for the formation of capital and for enterprise in the use of it, without allowing it licence to exhaust the national resources, has not been solved."

[166] Plut. Numa 17. On the history of these gilds see Waltzing _Corporations professionelles chez les Remains_ pp. 61-78.

[167] The praetor was Rutilius (Ulpian in Dig. 38. 2. 1. 1), perhaps P. Rutilius Rufus, the consul of 105 B.C. (Mommsen Staatsr. in. p. 433). See the last chapter of this volume. For the principle on which such _operae_ were exacted from freedmen see Mommsen l.c.

[168] Inliberales ac sordidi quaestus (Cic. _de Off_. i. 42. 150).

[169] Gell. vii. (vi.) 9; Liv. ix. 46; Mommsen _Staatsr_. i. p. 497.

[170] Cf. Cic. _de Off_. i. 42. 151 Omnium autem rerum, ex quibus aliquid adquiritur, nihil est agricultura melius, nihil uberius, nihil dulcius, nihil homine libero dignius.

[171] See de Boor _Fasti Censorii_. A disturbing element in this enumeration is the uncertainty of numerals in ancient manuscripts. But the fact of the progressive decline is beyond all question. No accidental errors of transcription could have produced this result in the text of Livy's epitome.

[172] Liv. _Ep_. xvi.

[173] Ibid. lvi.

[174] Ibid. xlvi. xlviii.

[175] Euseb. Arm. a. Abr. 1870 Ol. 158.3 (Hieron. Ol. 158.2 = 608 A.U.C.).

[176] Liv. _Ep_. lvi.

[177] Eorum qui arma ferre possent (Liv. i. 44); [Greek: _ton echonton taen strateusimon haelikian] (Dionys. xi. 63); [Greek: ton en tais haelikiais_] (Polyb. ii. 23).

[178] Besides the _proletarii_ all under military age would be excluded from these lists. Mommsen (_Staatsr_. ii. p. 411) goes further and thinks that the _seniores_ are not included in our lists.

[179] The limit to the incidence of taxation was a property of 1500 asses (Cic. _de Rep_. ii. 22. 40), the limit of census for military service was by the time of Polybius reduced to 4000 asses (Polyb. vi. 19). Gellius (xvi. 10. 10) gives a reduction to 375 asses at a date unknown but preceding the Marian reform. Perhaps the numerals are incorrect and should be 3,750.

[180] Liv. xl. 38.

[181] Gell. i. 6. Cf. Liv. _Ep_. lix.

[182] See Wallon _Hist. de l'Esclavage_ ii. p. 276.

[183] _Concubinatus_ could not, by the nature of the case, become a legal conception until the Emperor Augustus had devised penalties for _stuprum_. It was then necessary to determine what kind of _stuprum_ was not punishable. But the social institution and its ethical characteristics, although they may have been made more definite by legal regulations, could not have originated in the time of the Principate. For the meaning of _paelex_ in Republican times see Meyer _Der roemische Konkubinat_ and a notice of that work in the _English Historical Review_ for July 1896.

[184] Cunningham _Western Civilisation_ p. 156. Cf. Soltau in _Kulturgesch. des klass. Altertums_ p. 318.

[185] Plin. _H.N_. xviii. 3. 22; Varro _R.R_. i. 1. 10.

[186] Colum. 1. 1. 18. The Latin translation was probably made shortly after the destruction of Carthage, _circa_ 140 B.C. (Mahaffy _The Work of Mago on Agriculture_ in _Hermathena_ vol. vii. 1890). Mahaffy believes that the Greek translation by Cassius Dionysius (Varro _R.R_. i. 1. 10) was later, and he associates it with the colonies planted by C. Gracchus in Southern Italy.

[187] Saturnia in 183 (Liv. xxxix. 55), Graviscae in 181 (Liv. xl. 29), Luna in 180 and again in 177 (Liv. xli. 13; Mommsen in C.I.L. i. n. 539). See Marquardt _Staatsverw_, i. p. 39.

[188] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 8; Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 198.

[189] Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 198.

[190] Liv. xxxix. 29.

[191] Varro _R.R_. ii. 5. II Pascuntur armenta commodissime in nemoribus, ubi virgulta et frons multa. Hieme secundum mare, aestu abiguntur in montes frondosos.

[192] Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 16.

[193] Nitzsch op. cit. p. 17.

[194] Cic. _de Off_. ii. 25. 89. So in Cato's more reasoned estimate (_R.R_. i. 7) of the relative degrees of productivity, although _vinea_ comes first (cf. p. 80) yet _pratum_ precedes _campus frumentarius_.

[195] App. _Hannib_. 61.

[196] App. l.c.; Gell. x. 3. 19.

[197] Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 193 So zerfiel denn Mittelitalien in zwei scharf-getheilte Haelften, den ackerbauenden Westen und den viehzuchttreibenden Osten; jener reich an Haefen, von Landstrassen durchschnitten, in einer Menge von Colonien oder einzelnen Gehoeften von Roemischen Ackerbuergern bewohnt; dieser fast ohne Haefen, nur von einer Kuestenstrasse durchschnitten, fuer den grossen Roemer der rechte Sitz seiner Sclaven und Heerden. Cf. p. 21. For the pasturage in Calabria and Apulia see op. cit. pp. 13 and 193.

[198] Liv. xxviii. II; cf. Luc. _Phars_. i. 30.

[199] Dureau de la Malle (Economie Politique ii. p. 38) compares the precept of the Roman "Quid est agrum bene colere? bene arare. Quid secundum? arare. Tertio stercorare" with the adage of the French farmer "Fumez bien, labourez mal, vous recueillerez plus qu'en fumant mal et en labourant bien".

[200] See Dreyfus _Les lois agraires_ p. 97. Varro (_R.R_. i. 12. 2) is singularly correct in his account of the nature of the disease that arose from the _loca palustria_:--Crescunt animalia quaedam minuta, quae non possunt oculi consequi, et per aera intus in corpus per os ac nares perveniunt atque efficiunt difficilis morbos. The passage is cited by Voigt (Iwan-Mueller's _Handbuch_ iv. 2. p. 358) who gives a good sketch of the evils consequent on neglect of drainage.

[201] Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 228.

[202] Polyb. xxxvii. 4.

[203] Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 237.

[204] Polyb. xxxvii. 3.

[205] Polyb. ii. 15.

[206] For such purchases from Sardinia see Liv. xxxvi. 2, from Sicily (at a period later than that which we are considering) Cic. _in Verr_. iii. 70, 163.

[207] Cf. Cato _R.R_. i. 3 (In choosing the situation of one's estate) oppidum validum prope siet aut mare aut amnis, qua naves ambulant, aut via bona celebrisque.

[208] For the traditions which assign a very early date for laws dealing with the _ager publicus_ see the following chapter, which treats of the legislation of Tiberius Gracchus.

[209] App, _Bell. Civ_. i. 7 [Greek: _taes de gaes taes doriktaetou sphisin ekastote gignomenaes taen men exeirgasmenaen autika tois oikizomenois epidiaeroun hae epipraskon hae exemisthoun, taen d' argon ek tou polemou tote ousan, hae dae kai malista eplaethyen, ouk agontes po scholaen dialachein, epekaerytton en tosode tois ethelousin ekponein epi telei ton etaesion karpon_].

[210] For the evidence for this and other statements connected with the _ager publicus_ see the citations in the next chapter.

[211] In consequence of the doubtfulness of the traditions concerning early agrarian laws this time cannot even be approximately specified. See the next chapter.

[212] Tradition represents the first laws dealing with the _ager publicus (e. g_. the supposed _lex Licinia_) as earlier than the _lex Poetelia_ of 326 B.C., which abolished the contract of _nexum_.

[213] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 8 [Greek: _hysteron de ton geitnionton plousion hypoblaetois prosopois metapheronton tas misthoseis eis eautous_.]

[214] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 7 [Greek: _oi gar plousioi ... ta ... anchou sphisin, osa te haen alla brachea penaeton, ta men onoumenoi peithoi ta de bia lambanontes, pedia makra anti chorion egeorgoun_.] Cf. Seneca _Ep_. xiv. 2 (90). 39 Licet agros agris adjiciat vicinum vel pretio pellens vel injuria.

[215] [Greek: _pedia makra_] (App. l.c.), Plin. _H.N_. xviii. 6. 35 Verumque confitentibus latifundia perdidere Italiam. (For the expression _lati fundi_ see Siculus Flaccus pp. 157, 161). Frontinus p. 53 Per longum enim tempus attigui possessores vacantia loca quasi invitante otiosi soli opportunitate invaserunt, et per longum tempus inpune commalleaverunt. For the invasion of pasturage see Frontinus p. 48 Haec fere pascua certis personis data sunt depascenda tunc cum agri adsignati sunt. Haec pascua multi per inpotentiam invaserunt et colunt.

[216] In spite of the fertility of the land, the native Gallic population had vanished from most of the districts of this region as early as Polybius' time (Polyb. ii. 35). Cf. Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 60.

[217] Val. Max. iv. 4. 6.

[218] Steinwender _Die roemische Buergerschaft in ihrem Verhaeltnis zum Heere_ p. 28.

[219] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 7.

[220] Polyb. vi. 39.

[221] Liv. xxvii. 9 (209 B.C.) Fremitus enim inter Latinos sociosque in conciliis ortus:--Decimum annum dilectibus, stipendiis se exhaustos esse ... Duodecim (coloniae) ... negaverunt consulibus esse unde milites pecuniamque darent.

[222] Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 194.

[223] Cato _R.R_. 144 etc.

[224] Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 187.

[225] Cato _R.R_. 5. 136.

[226] Cato _R.R_. 136 Politionem quo pacto _partiario_ dari oporteat. In agro Casinate et Venafro in loco bono parti octava corbi dividat, satis bono septima, tertio loco sexta; si granum modio dividet, parti quinta. In Venafro ager optimus nona parti corbi dividat ... Hordeum quinta modio, fabam quinta modio dividat.

[227] Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 188.

[228] Dureau de la Malle _Economie Politique_ ii. pp. 225, 226.

[229] Cato _R.R_. i. 7 Vinea est prima,... secundo loco hortus inriguus, tertio salictum, quarto oletum, quinto pratum, sexto campus frumentarius, septimo silva caedua, octavo arbustum, nono glandaria silva.

[230] Cic. _de Rep_. iii. 9. 16 Nos vero justissimi homines, qui Transalpinas gentis oleam et vitem serere non sinimus, quo pluris sint nostra oliveta nostraeque vineae. Cf. Colum. iii. 3. 11.

[231] See Cato _R.R_. 7, 8 for the produce of the _fundus suburbanus_. Cf. c. 1 (note 2) for the value of the _hortus inriguus_.

[232] See the citations in Voigt (Iwan-Mueller's _Handbuch_ iv. 2 p. 370). Communities and corporations employed _coloni_ on their _agri vectigales_ (Cic. _ad Fam_. xiii. 11, 1; Hygin. _de Cond. Agr_. p. 117. 11; Voigt l.c.).

[233] Liv. xlv. 34.

[234] Mahaffy ("The Slave Wars against Rome" in _Hermathena_ no. xvi. 1890) believes that the majority of these were shipped to Sicily.

[235] Strabo xiv. 5. 2.

[236] Cf. Arist. _Pol_. i. 8. 12 [Greek: _hae polemikae physei ktaetikae pos estai; hae gar thaereutikae meros autaes, hae dei chraesthai pros te ta thaeria kai ton anthropon hosoi pephykotes archesthai mae thelousin, hos physei dikaion touton onta ton polemon_.]

[237] Mahaffy (l.c.) thinks that the Syrians and Cilicians of the first slave war in Sicily, whom he believes to have been transferred from Carthage, had been secured by that state in a trade with the East--the trade which perhaps took the Southern Mediterranean route from Malta past Crete and Cyprus.

[238] Wallon _Histoire de l'Esclavage_ ii. p, 45.

[239] Strabo xiv, 3. 2 [Greek: _en Sidae goun polei taes Pamphylias ta naupaegia synistato tois Kilixin, hypo kaeruka te epoloun ekei tous halontas eleutherous homologountes_.]

[240] Strabo (xiv. 5. 2), after describing the slave market at Delos, continues [Greek: _hoste kai paroimian genesthai dia touto; hempore, katapleuson, exelou, panta pepratai_.]

[241] Plut. _Cato Maj_. 4.

[242] If we make the denarius a rough equivalent of the drachma, some of the prices given in Plautus are as follows:--A child, 600 denarii, a nurse and two female children, 1800, a young girl, 2000, another 3000. Here we seem to get the average prices for valuable and refined domestics. Elsewhere special circumstances might increase the value; a female lyrist fetches 5000 denarii, a girl of remarkable attractions 6000. See Wallon _Hist. de l'Esclavage ii. pp. 160 ff.

[243] Ter. _Andria_ ii. 6. 26.

[244] It is probable, however, that in the case of superintendents (_villici, villicae, procuratores_) experience may have been an element in the prices which they fetched.

[245] Festus p. 332 Sardi venales, alius alio nequior.

[246] Plut. _Cato Maj_. 21.

[247] Cato _R.R_. 56, 57.

[248] Ibid. 2.

[249] At the close of this period a division took place between the functions of _villicus_ and those of _procurator_. The former still controlled the economy of the estate and administered its goods; the latter was the business agent and entered into legal relations with other parties. See Voigt in Iwan-Mueller's _Handbuch_ iv. 2 p. 368.

[250] Colum. i. 6.

[251] An inspection of all the _ergastula_ of Italy was ordered by Augustus (Suet. _Aug_. 32) and Tiberius (Suet. _Tib_. 8). Columella (i. 8) recommends inspection by the master.

[252] Kidnapping became very frequent after the civil wars. It was to prevent this evil that inspection was ordered by the Emperors (note 3). See Thedenat in Daremberg-Saglio _Dict. des Antiq. s.v_. Ergastulum.

[253] Plaut. _Most_. i. 1. 18; Florus iii. 19.

[254] For the distinction between the _vincti_ and _soluti_ see Colum. i. 7.

[255] Varro _R.R_. ii. 2 10 The proportion is larger than would be demanded in modern times, but Mahaffy (l.c.) remarks that we do not hear of the work of guardianship being shared by trained dogs, and that the danger from wild beasts and lawless classes was considerable. As regards the first point, however, we do hear of packs of hounds which followed the Sicilian shepherds (Diod. xxxiv. 2), and it is difficult to believe that these had not developed some kind of training.

[256] Varro _R.R_. ii. 10. 7.

[257] Diod, xxxiv. 2. 38.

[258] Val. Max. ii. 10. 2.

[259] Livy (xxxii. 26) speaks of them as _nationis eius_. He has just mentioned the slaves of the Carthaginian hostages. But it does not follow that either class was composed of native Africans. They may have been imported Asiatics, as in Sicily.

[260] Liv. xxxii. 26.

[261] Liv. xxxiii. 36 Etruriam infestam prope conjuratio servorum fecit.

[262] Liv. xxxix. 29.

[263] Buecher _Die Aufstaende der unfreien Arbeiter_ p. 34. Cf. Soltau in _Kulturgesch. des klass. Altertums_ p. 326.

[264] Oros. v. 9 Diodor. xxxiv. 2. 19.

[265] Mahaffy l.c.

[266] Cf. Buecher op. cit. p. 79.

[267] Diod. xxxiv. 2. 27. For the large number of Roman proprietors in Sicily see Florus ii. 7 (iii. 19) 3--(Sicilia) terra frugum ferax et quodam modo suburbana provincia latifundis civium Romanorum tenebatur.

[268] Diod. xxxiv. 2. 32. 36.

[269] Diod. l.c.

[270] Diod. xxxiv. 2. 31. This may have been true of the time of which we are speaking; for the influence of the Roman residents in Sicily on the administration of the island must always have been great. But Diodorus assigns an incorrect reason when he states that the Roman knights of Sicily were judges of the governors of the provinces. This is true only of the period preceding the second servile war.

[271] Historians profess to tell the mechanism by which this device was secured. A spark of fire was placed with inflammable material in a hollow nut or some similar small object, which was perforated. The receptacle was placed in the mouth, and judicious breathing did the rest. See Diodorus xxxiv, 2. 7; Floras ii. 7 (iii. 19).

[272] Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 228.

[273] Diod. xxxiv. 2. 24 [Greek: _hypo gar taes pepromenaes autois kekyrosthai taen patrida taen Ennan, ousan akropolin holaes taes naesou_.]

[274] Ibid. 2. 12 [Greek: _oud estin eipein ... hosa enybrizon te kai enaeselgainon_.]

[275] [Greek: _planon te apekaloun_] (Diod. xxxiv. 2. 14).

[276] Diodor. xxxiv. 3. 41.

[277] Ibid. 2. 39.

[278] Ibid., 2, 24.

[279] Liv. _Ep_. lv.; App. _Syr_. 68. Cf. Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 288.

[280] Diodorus describes him as an Achaean. Mahaffy (l.c.) suspects that he came from Eastern Asia Minor or Syria, where Achaeus occurs as a royal name. But the name also occurs in old Greece. One may instance the tragic poet of Eretria.

[281] [Greek: _kai boulae kai cheiri diapheron_] (Diod. xxxiv. 2. 16).

[282] Ibid. 2. 42.

[283] Florus ii. 7 (iii. 19). 6.

[284] Diod. xxxiv. 2. 43.

[285] Ibid. 2. 18; Florus l.c.

[286] Florus ii. 7 (iii. 19). 7 Quin illud quoque ultimum dedecus belli, capta sunt castra praetorum--nec nominare ipsos pudebit--castra Manli Lentuli, Pisonis Hypsaei. Itaque qui per fugitivarios abstrahi debuissent praetorios duces profugos praelio ipsi sequebantur. P. Popillius Laenas, the consul of 132 B.C., was praetor in Sicily either immediately before, or during the revolt (C.I.L. i. n. 351. l. g).

[287] Strabo vi. 2. 6. For the question whether they held Messana see p. 98.

[288] Florus ii. 7 (iii. 19). 2 Quis crederet Siciliam multo cruentius servili quam Punico bello esse vastatam?

[289] [Greek: _epi tae prophasei ton drapeton_] (Diodor. xxxiv. 2. 48). Wallon (_Hist. de l'Esclavage_ ii. p. 307) takes these words to mean that the peasantry professed to be marching against the slaves.

[290] Mahaffy (l.c.) has raised and discussed this question. His conclusions are (i) that the pirates may have been influenced by a sense of business honour to the effect that the man-stealer should abide by his bargain, (ii) that these pirates may have received some large bribe, direct or indirect, from Rome, (iii) that the natural enmity between the slaves and the pirates may have hindered an agreement for transport, (iv) that the Cilician slaves, accustomed to permanent robber-bands, may have not held it impossible that Rome would acquiesce in such a creation in Sicily, (v) that the Syrian towns would not have troubled about the restoration of such of their members as had become slaves, even had they not feared to offend Rome. He remarks that the return of even free exiles to a Hellenistic city was a cause of great disturbance.

[291] Liv. _Ep_. lvi.; Oros. v. 9.

[292] C.I.L. i. nn. 642, 643.

[293] Oros. v. 9. This _Mamertium oppidum_ of Orosius has often been interpreted as Messana (_Mamertinorum oppidum_, Buecher, p. 68); for, although the slaves of this town had not revolted (Oros. v. 6. 4), it might have been captured by the rebels. Schaefer, however (_Jahrb. f. Class. Philol_. 1873 p. 71) explains Mamertium as Morgantia (_Murgentinum oppidum_).

[294] Val. Max. ix. 12 _ext_. 1. Diodorus (xxxiv. 2. 20) calls him Comanus and speaks of his being captured during the siege of Tauromenium.

[295] Oros. v. 9.

[296] Wallon _Hist. de l'Esclavage_ ii. p. 308.

[297] Florus ii. 7 (iii. 19). 8.

[298] For the _lex Rupilia_ see Cic. _in Verr_. ii. 13. 32; 15. 37; 16. 39; 24. 59.

[299] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 8. Plutarch speaks of an "attempt" ([Greek: _epecheiraese men oun tae diorthosei_]); but the effort perhaps went no further than the testing of opinion to discover the probability of support. The enterprise may have belonged to the praetorship of Laelius (145 B.C.).

[300] Polyb. vi. 11.

[301] Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 203.

[302] Cic. _Brut_. 27. 104 Fuit Gracchus diligentia Corneliae matris a puero doctus et Graecis litteris eruditus. Id. Ib. 58. 211 Legimus epistulas Corneliae matris Gracchorum: apparet filios non tam in gremio educatos quam in sermone matris. Cf. Quinctil. _Inst. Or_. i. 1. 6; Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 1.

[303] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 1. The King referred to in this story is perhaps Ptolemy Euergetes, who reigned from 146 to 117 B.C.

[304] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 8.

[305] Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ pp. 208 foll., 258.

[306] Polyb. vi. 14 [Greek: _krinei men oun ho daemos kai diaphorou_] (money penalties) [Greek: _pollakis ... thanatou de krinei monos_].

[307] Polyb. vi. 16 [Greek: _opheilousi d' aei poiein oi daemarchoi to dokoun to daemo kai malista stochazesthai taes toutou boulaeseos_].

[308] Polyb. vi. 57.

[309] Polyb. xxxvii. 4.

[310] Ibid.

[311] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 2.

[312] Ibid., 4 [Greek: _outos haen periboaetos hoste taes ton Augouron legomenaes hierosonaes axiothaenai di' aretaen mallon hae dia taen eugeneian_.] Tiberius may have filled the place vacated by the death of his father (_circa_ 148 B.C.). He would have been barely sixteen; and Plutarch says (l.c.) that he had but just emerged from boyhood. Election to the augural college at this time was effected by co-optation. See Underhill in loc.

[313] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 4.

[314] Cic. _pro Cael_. 14. 34; Suet. _Tib_. 2.

[315] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 4. The story is also told of the betrothal of Cornelia herself to the elder Gracchus (Liv. xxxviii. 57; Val. Max. iv. 2. 3; Gell. xii. 8); but Plutarch records a statement of Polybius that Cornelia was not betrothed until after her father's death, and Livy (l.c.) is conscious of this version.

[316] Fannius ap. Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 4 [Greek: _tou ge teichous epebae ton polemion protos_]. As the context seems to show that Tiberius did not remain until the end of the siege, the _teichos_ was probably that of Megara, the suburb of Carthage (Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 244); cf. App. _Lib_. 117.

[317] Plut. l.c.

[318] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 7; cf. App. _Iber_. 83; Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 280; Long _Decline of Rom. Rep_. i. p. 83.

[319] Plut. l.c.

[320] Vellei. ii. 1 Mancinum verecundia, poenam non recusando, perduxit huc, ut per fetialis nudus ac post tergam religatis manibus dederetur hostibus. Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 7 [Greek: _ton men gar hypaton epsaephisanto gymnon kai dedemenon paradounai tois Nomantinois, ton d' allon epheisanto panton dia Tiberion_.] Cf. Cic. _de Off_. iii. 30. 109.

[321] Cic. _Brut_. 27. 103 (Ti. Gracchus) propter turbulentissimum tribunatum, ad quem ex invidia foederis Numantini bonis iratus accesserat, ab ipsa re publica est interfectus. Id. _de Har. Resp_. 20. 43 Ti. Graccho invidia Numantini foederis, cui feriendo, quaestor C. Mancini consulis cum esset, interfuerat, et in eo foedere improbando senatus severitas dolori et timori fuit, eaque res illum fortem et clarum virum a gravitate patrum desciscere coegit. The same motive is suggested by Vellei. ii. 2; Quinctil. _Inst. Or_. vii. 4. 13; Dio Cass. _frg_. 82; Oros. v. 8. 3; Florus ii. 2 (iii. 14).

[322] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 8.

[323] Plut. l.c.

[324] Plut. l.c.

[325] Gell. i. 13. 10 Is Crassas a Sempronio Asellione et plerisque aliis historiae Romanae scriptoribus traditur habuisse quinque rerum bonarum maxima et praecipua: quod esset ditissimus, quod nobilissimus, quod eloquentissimus, quod jurisconsultissimus, quod pontifex maximus.

[326] Cic. _Acad. Prior_. ii. 5. 13 Duo ... sapientissimos et clarissimos fratres, P. Crassum et P. Scaevolam, aiunt Ti. Graccho auctores legum fuisse, alterum quidem, ut videmus, palam; alterum, ut suspicantur, obscurius.

[327] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 9.

[328] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 9 [Greek: _esemnologaese peri tou Italikou genous_]. The expression suggests the further question whether Gracchus intended Italians, as well as Romans, to benefit by his law. On this question see p. 115. But, whatever our opinion on this point, the widening of the issue by an appeal to Italian interests was natural, if not inevitable.

[329] App. l.c.

[330] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 9.

[331] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 9; cf. Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 8.

[332] The most respectable of the authorities for the Licinian law having dealt with the land question is Varro (_R.R_. 1. 2. 9 Stolonis illa lex, quae vetat plus D jugera habere civem R). A similar account is found in many other authors (Liv. vi. 35; Vellei. ii. 6; Plut. _Cam_. 39; Gell. vi. 3. 40; Val. Max. viii. 6. 3). A variant in the maximum amount permitted to a single holder is given by [Victor] _de Vir. Ill_. 20 [(Licinius Stolo) legem scivit, ne cui plebeio plus centum jugera agri habere liceret]; or the word "plebeio," if not a mistake, may suggest another clause in the supposed law.

[333] Cato ap. Gell. vi. (vii.) 3. 37. Cato asks whether any enactment punishes _intent_ (for the Rhodians were charged with having _intended_ hostility to Rome), and points his argument by the following _reductio ad absurdum_ of legislation conceived in this spirit, Si quis plus quingenta jugera habere voluerit, tanta poena esto: si quis majorem pecuum numerum habere voluerit, tantum damnas esto.

[334] On this subject see Niese _Das sogenannte Licinisch-sextische Ackergesetz_ (Hermes xxiii. 1888), Soltau _Das Aechtheit des licinischen Ackergesetzes von_ 367 v. Chr. (Hermes xxx. 1895).

[335] Mommsen in C.I.L. i. pp. 75 ff.

[336] Cic. _de Leg. Agr_. ii. 29. 81 Nec duo Gracchi, qui de plebis Romanae commodis plurimum cogitaverunt, nec L. Sulla ... agrum Campanum attingere ausus est. Cf. i. 7. 21.

[337] Exemptions were specified in the agrarian law of C. Gracchus, which must have appeared in that of his elder brother. They are noticed in the extant _Lex agraria_ (C.I.L. 1. n. 200; Bruns _Fontes_ 1. 3. 11) l. 6 Extra eum agrum, quei ager ex lege plebive scito, quod C. Sempronius Ti. f. tr. pl. rog(avit), exceptum cavitumve est nei divideretur.... The law of C. Gracchus is here mentioned as being the later enactment. Cicero, when he writes (_ad Att_. 1. 19. 4) of his own attitude to the Flavian agrarian law of 60 B.C. Liberabam agrum eum, qui P. Mucio L. Calpurnio consulibus publicus fuisset, is probably referring to land that, public in 133 B.C., still remained public in his own day.

[338] See Voigt _Ueber die staatsrechtliche Possessio und den Ager Compascuus_ p. 229.

[339] App. _Bell. Civ_. 1. 9 [Greek: _anekainize ton nomon maedena ton pentakosion plethron pleon hechein, paisi d' auton hyper ton palaion nomon prosetithei ta haemisea touton_]. Liv. _Ep_. lviii. Ne quis ex publico agro plus quam mille jugera possideret, cf. [Victor] _de Vir. Ill_. 64. The conclusion stated in the text, which is gained by a combination of these passages, is, however, somewhat hazardous.

[340] App, _Bell, Civ_. 1. 11 [Greek: _ekeleue tous plousious ... mae, en ho peri mikron diapherontai, ton pleonon hyperidein, misthon hama taes peponaemenaes exergasias autarkae pheromenous taen exaireton aneu timaes ktaesin es aei bebaion hekasto pentakosion plethron, kai paisin, ois eisi paides, ekasto kai touton ta haemisea_]. If [Greek: _aneu timaes_] means "without paying for it," the phrase has no relation to the _timae_ mentioned by Plutarch (see the next note) which was a valuation to be _received_ by the dispossessed. It can scarcely mean "without further compensation"; but, if interpreted in this way, the two accounts can be brought into some relation with each other.

[341] Plut, _Ti. Gracch_. 9 [Greek: _ekeleuse timaen proslambanontas ekbainein hon adikos ekektaento_].

[342] Siculus Flaccus (p. 136 Lachm.); cf. Mommsen l.c.

[343] There is a reference to this limit in the extant _Lex Agraria_ (C. I. L. i. n. 200; Bruns _Fontes_ 1. 3. 11) l. 14 Sei quis ... agri jugra Non amplius xxx possidebit habebitve, but there is no direct evidence to connect it with the Gracchan legislation.

[344] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 10.

[345] Cf. p. 110.

[346] Mommsen l.c.

[347] App, _Bell. Civ_. i. 10

[348] Cic. _de Leg. Agr_. ii. 12. 31 Audes etiam, Rulle, mentionem facere legis Semproniae, nec te ea lex ipsa commonet III viros illos XXXV tribuum suffragio creatos esse? App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 9 [Greek: _prosetithei ... taen loipaen treis airetous andras, henallassomenous kat' hetos, dianemein tois penaesin_]. Strachan-Davidson (in loc.) doubts this latter characteristic of the magistracy. The history of the land-commission proves at least that the occupants of the post were perpetually re-eligible and could be chosen in their absence. Thus Gracchus, in spite of his two years' quaestorship in Sardinia, was still a commissioner in 124 B.C. (App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 21). See Mommsen _Staatsr_. ii. i. p. 632. The electing body was doubtless the _plebeian_ assembly of the tribes under the guidance of a tribune. This was the mode prescribed by Rullus's law of 63 B.C. (Cic. _de Leg. Agr_, ii. 7. 16).

[349] App. _Bell, Civ_. i. 11.

[350] Cf. App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 10.

[351] App. l.c. [Greek: _daneistai te chrea kai tautaes epedeiknuon_.]

[352] App. l.c. [Greek: _plaethos hallo hoson en tais apoikois polesin hae tais isopolitisin hae hallos ekoinonei taesde taes gaes, dediotes homoios epaeesan kai es hekaterous auton diemerizonto. isopolitides_] would naturally be the _municipia (c.f. Lex Agraria_ l. 31); but Strachan-Davidson (in loc.) thinks that the _civitates foederatae_ are here intended. There is a possibility that Appian has used the term vaguely: but there is no real difficulty in conceiving the _municipia_ to be meant. Even the majority, that had received Roman citizenship, still continued to bear the name, and they may have continued to enjoy municipal rights in public land. The wealthier classes in these towns were therefore alarmed; the poorer classes (possessed of Roman citizenship) hoped for a share in the assignment.

[353] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 10.

[354] Plut. l.c.

[355] Plut. l.c.

[356] Plut. l.c. [Greek: _ouden eipein legontai peri allaelon phlauron, oude rhaema prospesein thaterou pros ton heteron di' horgaen anepitaedeion_.]

[357] Diod. xxxiv 6 [Greek: _synerreon eis taen Rhomaen oi hochloi apo taes choras hosperei potamoi tines eis taen panta dynamenaen dechesthai thalattan_.]

[358] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 12.

[359] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 10 [Greek: _paroxyntheis ho Tiberios ton men philanthropon epaneileto nomon, ton d' haedio te tois pollois kai sphodroteron epi tous adikountas eisepheren haedae, keleuon existasthai taes choras haen ekektaento para tous proterous nomous_]. Plutarch is apparently thinking of the abolition of what he calls the _timae_ (c. 9.); but his words do not necessarily imply that the original concessions mentioned by Appian (p. 114) were removed.

[360] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 10.

[361] Plut. l.c.

[362] App. _Bell. Civ_. 1. 12. Plutarch (_Ti. Gracch_. 11) preserves a tradition that the meeting was practically broken up by the adherents of the _possessores_ who, to prevent the passing of an illegal decree, carried off the voting urns.

[363] [Greek: _Mallios kai phoulbios_] (Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 11). Schaefer (_Jahrb. f. Class. Philol_. 1873 p. 71) thinks that the first name is a mistake for that of Manilius the jurist, consul in 149 B.C., and that the second refers to Ser. Fulvius Flaccus, consul in 135 B.C.

[364] App. _Bell. Civ_. 1. 12 _oi dunatoi tous daemarchous aexioun hepitrepsai tae boulae peri hon diapherontai_.

[365] App. _l. c_.

[366] App. _l. c_.

[367] Or in _contio_ held before the meeting. The scene is described in Plut. _Ti. Gracch_, 11.

[368] Plut. l.c. [Greek: _hypeipon ho Tiberios hos ouk estin archontas amphoterous kai peri pragmaton megalon ap' isaes exousias diapheromenous aneu polemou diexelthein ton chronon_.]

[369] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 12.

[370] Cf. Mommsen _Staatsr_. iii. p. 409, note 1.

[371] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 12.

[372] This is the name given by Appian (_Bell. Civ_. 1. 13); Plutarch (_Ti. Gracch_. 13) calls him Mucius; Orosius (v. 8. 3) Minucius.

[373] App. _Iber_. 83. Cf. Liv. xxvii. 20, xxix. 19. See Mommsen _Staatsr_. i. p. 629.

[374] Mommsen l.c.

[375] App. _Bell. Civ_. 1. 13; Plut. _Ti. Gracch. 13.

[376] Liv. _Ep_. lviii Promulgavit et aliam legem agrariam, qua sibi latius agrum patefaceret, ut iidem triumviri judicarent qua publicus ager, qua privatus esset. The titles borne by the commissioners appear as III vir a. d. a. (_Lex Latina Tabulae Bantinae_, C.I.L. 1. 197; Bruns _Fontes_ i. 3. 9; cf. _Lex Acilia Repetundarum_ 1. 13, C.I.L. i. 198; Bruns _Fontes_ i. 3. 10): III vir a. i. a. (C.I.L. i. nn. 552-555); III vir a.d.a. i. (C.I.L. i. n. 583).

[377] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 13.

[378] App. _Bell. Civ_. 1. 13.

[379] Plut. l.c.

[380] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 14.

[381] Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 315.

[382] Liv. _Ep_. lviii Deinde, cum minus agri esset quam quod dividi posset sine offensa etiam plebis, quoniam eos ad cupiditatem amplum modum sperandi incitaverat, legem se promulgaturum ostendit, ut iis, qui Sempronia lege agrum accipere deberent, pecunia quae regia Attali fuisset divideretur. [Victor] _de Vir. Ill_. 64 Tulit ut ea familia quae ex Attali hereditate erat ageretur et populo divideretur, Cf. Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 14; Oros. v. 8. 4.

[383] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 14.

[384] Ibid.; Oros. v. 8. 4.

[385] Plut. l.c.. Cicero (_Brut_. 21. 81) speaks of a speech of Metellus "contra Ti. Gracchum". Plutarch's citation may be from this speech.

[386] Cicero regarded Octavius's deposition as the ruin of Gracchus. _Brut_. 25. 95 Injuria accepta fregit Ti. Gracchum patientia civis in rebus optimis constantissimus M. Octavius. _De Leg_. iii. 10. 24 Ipsum Ti. Gracchum non solum neglectus sed etiam sublatus intercessor evertit; quid enim illum aliud perculit, nisi quod potestatem intercedenti collegae abrogavit? The deposition was an act of "seditio" (_pro Mil_. 27. 72).

[387] Plut. _Quaest. Rom_. Section 81.

[388] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 14.

[389] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 15.

[390] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 14.

[391] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 16 [Greek: _authis allois nomois anelambane to plaethos, tou te chronou ton strateion aphairon, kai didous epikaleisthai ton daepon apo ton dikaston kai tois krinousi tote synklaetikois ousi [triakosiois] katamignus ek ton hippeon ton ison arithmon_.] Dio Cass. _Frg_. 88 [Greek: _ta dikastaeria apo taes boulaes epi tous hippeas metaege_] (Cf. Plin. _H.N_. xxxiii. 34).

[392] Polyb. vi. 19.

[393] There was already such a maximum according to Polybius (vi. 19). What it precisely was, is uncertain, as the passage is corrupt. According to Lipsius's reading, it was twenty years, according to Casaubon's, sixteen under ordinary conditions, twenty in emergencies. The knights were required to serve ten campaigns. See Marquardt _Staatsverw_. ii. p. 381. The nature of the reduction proposed by Gracchus is unknown.

[394] _Lex Acilia_ ll. 23 and 74.

[395] Cic. _de Fin_. ii. 16. 54.

[396] No mention is made of the appeal in five cases in which criminal commissions had been established by the senate. The dates of these commissions are B.C. 331 (Liv. viii. 18; Val. Max. ii. 5. 3), 314 (Liv. ix. 26), 186 (Liv. xxxix. 8-19), 184 (Liv. xxxix. 41) and 180 (Liv. xl. 37).

[397] Vellei. ii. 2 (Tiberius Gracchus) pollicitus toti Italiae civitatem.

[398] Cicero is perhaps stating the result, rather than the intention, of the Gracchan legislation when he says (_de Rep_. iii. 29. 41) Ti. Gracchus perseveravit in civibus, sociorum nominisque Latini jura neglexit ac foedera. No point in the Gracchan agrarian law is more remarkable than its strict, perhaps inequitable, legality. That its author consciously violated treaty relations is improbable.

[399] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 14.

[400] For the qualifications at this period see Mommsen _Staatsr_. i. p. 505.

[401] Dio Cass. _frg_. 88 [Greek: _epecheiraese kai es to epion etos meta tou adelphou daemarchaesai kai ton pentheron hypaton apodeixai_].

[402] App. l.c.

[403] Mommsen _Staatsr_. i. p. 523. Dio Cassius indeed says (_fr_. 22) [Greek: _koluphen to tina dis taen archaen lambanein_]; but tradition held that the proviso had been violated in the early plebeian agitations.

[404] App. _Bell. Civ_. 1. 14.

[405] App. l.c.; Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 13. The scene is thus described by Asellio (a contemporary):--Orare coepit, id quidem ut se defenderent liberosque suos, eumque, quem virile secus tum in eo tempore habebat, produci jussit populoque commendavit prope flens (Gell. ii. 13. 5). Appian also speaks of a son, Plutarch of children.

[406] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_., 16.

[407] App. _Bell. Civ_. 1. 15.

[408] [Greek: _prostataes de tou Rhomaion daemou_] (Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 17).

[409] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 16.

[410] Richter _Topographie_ p. 128.

[411] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 18.

[412] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 19.

[413] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 15.

[414] Ibid. 16.

[415] The dictator was usually nominated by the consul between midnight and morning (Liv. viii. 23), for the purpose of the avoidance of unfavourable omens.

[416] Tradition ultimately carried it back to the fourth century B.C. In the revolution threatened by Manlius Capitolinus (384 B.C., Liv. vi. 19) the phrase Ut videant magistrates ne quid ... res publica detrimenti capiat was believed to have been employed.

[417] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 19 [Greek: _epei ... prodidosin ho archon taen polin, oi boulomenoi tois nomois boaethein akoloutheite_.] The most specific and juristically exact account of these proceedings (one probably drawn from Livy) is preserved by Valerius Maximus (iii. 2. l7): --In aedem Fidei publicae convocati patres conscripti a consule Mucio Scaevola quidnam in tali tempestate faciendum esset deliberabant, cunctisque censentibus ut consul armis rem publicam tueretur, Scaevola negavit se quicquam vi esse acturum. Tum Scipio Nasica Quoniam, inquit, consul dum juris ordinem sequitur id agit ut cum omnibus legibus Romanum imperium corruat, egomet me privatus voluntati vestrae ducem offero.... Qui rem publicam salvam esse volunt me sequantur.

[418] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 16; Plut. l.c. Appian speculates as to the meaning of the act. It may have been meant to attract the attention of his supporters, it may have been a signal of war, it may have been intended to veil the impending deed of horror from the eyes of the gods. Cf. Vellei. ii. 3.

[419] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 19.

[420] [Cic.] _ad Herenn_, iv. 55. 68.

[421] In the highly rhetorical exercise contained in [Cic.] _ad Herenn_. iv. 55. 68 is to be found the following picture:--Iste spumans ex ore scelus, anhelans ex infirmo pectore crudelitatem, contorquet brachium et dubitanti Graccho quid esset, neque tamen locum, in quo constiterat, relinquenti, percutit tempus.

[422] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 16.

[423] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 19.

[424] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 16 [Greek: _kai pantas autous nyktos exerripsan es to rheuma ton potamou_]. [Victor] _de Vir. Ill_. 64 (Gracchi) corpus Lucretii aedilis manu in Tiberim missum; unde ille Vespillo dictus.

[425] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 1.

[426] Vellei. ii. 3. 3 Hoc initium in urbe Roma civilis sanguinis gladiorumque impunitatis fuit. Inde jus vi obrutum potentiorque habitus prior, discordiaeque civium antea condicionibus sanari solitae ferro dijudicatae (cf. Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 20; App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 17). Cic. _de Rep_. i. 19. 31 Mors Tiberii Gracchi et jam ante tota illius ratio tribunatus divisit populum unum in duas partes.

[427] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 20 [Greek: _tautaen protaen historousin en Rhomae stasin, aph' ou to basileuesthai katelysan, aimati kai phono politon diakrithaenai_.]

[428] Sall. _Jug_. 31. 7 Occiso Ti. Graccho, quem regnum parare aiebant, in plebem Romanam quaestiones habitae sunt. Val. Max. iv. 7, 1 Cum senatus Rupilio et Laenati consulibus mandasset ut in eos, qui cum Graccho consenserant, more majorum animadverterent ... Cf. Vellei. ii. 7. 4.

[429] Cic. _de Amic_. 11. 37.

[430] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 20.

[431] Cic. _de Amic_. ii. 37; Val. Max. iv. 7. 1.

[432] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 20.

[433] Ibid. 21.

[434] Val Max. v. 3. 2 e Is quoque (Scipio Nasica) propter iniquissimam virtutum suarum apud cives aestimationem sub titulo legationis Pergamum secessit et quod vitae superfuit ibi sine ullo ingratae patriae desiderio peregit. Cf. Plut. l.c.; Strabo xiv. 1. 38. See Waddington _Fastes_ p. 662.

[435] Vellei. ii. 3. 1 P. Scipio Nasica ... ob eas virtutes primus omnium absens pontifex maximus factus est. The other view, that Nasica was already pontifex maximus before his exile, was widely prevalent and is stated by nearly all our authorities (Cic. _in Cat_. i. 1. 3; Val. Max. 1. 4. 1; Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 21; App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 16).

[436] Plut. l.c.

[437] Val. Max. vii. 2, 6 Par illa sapientia senatus. Ti. Gracchum tribunum pl. agrariam legem promulgare ausum morte multavit. Idem ut secundum legem ejus per triumviros ager populo viritim divideretur egregie censuit.

[438] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 21, C.I.L. i. n. 552 C. Sempronius _Ti. F. Grac_., Ap. Claudius C. F. Pulc., P. Licinius P. F. Crass. III vir. A. I. A. (Cf. nn. 553. 1504), n. 583 (82-81 B.C.) M. Terentius M. F. Varro Lucullus Pro Pr. terminos restituendos ex s. c. coeravit qua P. Licinius Ap. Claudius C. Graccus III vir A. D. A. I. statuerunt. These _termini_ suggest the _limites Graccani_ of the _Liber Coloniarum (Gromatici_ ed. Lachmann, pp. 209. 210) which may refer to the agrarian assignments under the _leges Semproniae_ (of Ti. and C. Gracchus) rather than to the colonial foundations of the younger brother.

[439] Liv. _Ep_. lix. Seditiones a triumviris Fulvio Flacco et C. Graccho et C. Papirio Carbone agro dividendo creatis excitatae. App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 18. C.I.L. i. n. 554 M. Folvios M.F. Flac., C. Sempronius Ti. F. Grac., C. Paperius C.F. Carb. III vire. A.I.A. (cf. n. 555).

[440] C.I.L. i. 551 (Wilmanns 797) Primus fecei ut de agro poplico aratoribus cederent pastores.

[441] Liv. _Ep_. lix. (131 B.C.) Censa sunt civium capita CCCXVIII milia DCCCXXIII praeter pupillos et viduas. Ib. lx. (125 B.C.) Censa sunt civium capita CCCLXXXXIIII milia DCCXXVI. See de Boor _Fasti Censorii_.

[442] Mommsen _Hist. of Rome_ bk. iv. c. 3.

[443] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 18 [Greek: _amelounton de ton kektaemenon autaen (sc. taen gaen) apographesthai, kataegorous ekaerytton endeiknynai; kai tachy plaethos haen dikon chalepon_].

[444] App. l.c.

[445] Unless we take such to be the meaning of Hyginus (_de Condic. Agr_. p. 116) Vectigales autem agri sunt obligati, quidam r. p. P. R., quidam coloniarum aut municipiorum aut civitatium aliquarum. Qui et ipsi plerique ad populum Romanum pertinentes.... The passage seems to state that some _agri_ which owed _vectigal_ to communities belonged to the Roman people. There might therefore be a fear of their resumption, although it should have been remote, since these lands, as the context shows, were dealt with by a system of lease (for its nature see Mitteis _Zur Gesch. der Erbpacht im Alterthum_ pp. 13 foll.), and leaseholds do not seem to have been threatened by Gracchus.

[446] App. _Bell. Civ_. i 19.

[447] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 21. Hom. _Od_. i. 47.

[448] Cic. _Phil_. xi. 8. 18; Liv. _Ep_. lix.; Eutrop. iv. 19.

[449] Liv. _Ep_. lix. Cum Carbo tribunus plebis rogationem tulisset, ut eundem tribunum plebi, quoties vellet, creare liceret, rogationem ejus P. Africanus gravissima oratione dissuasit. Cic. _de Amic_. 25. 95 Dissuasimus nos (Laelius), sed nihil de me: de Scipione dicam libentius. Quanta illi, dii immortales! fuit gravitas! quanta in oratione majestas! ... Itaque lex popularis suffragiis populi repudiata est. Cf. Cic. _de Or_. ii. 40. 170.

[450] Vellei. ii. 4. 4 Hic, eum interrogante tribuno Carbone quid de Ti. Gracchi caede sentiret, respondit, si is occupandae rei publicae animum habuisset, jure caesum. Et cum omnis contio adclamasset, "Hostium," inquit, "armatorum totiens clamore non territus, qui possum vestro moveri, quorum noverca est Italia?" Val. Max. vi. 2. 3 Orto deinde murmure "Non efficietis," ait, "ut solutos verear quos alligatos adduxi." Cf. Cic, _pro Mil_. 3. 8; Liv. _Ep_. lix; Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 21.

[451] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 19 [Greek: _ho d' es tous polemous autois kechraemenos prothymotatois hyperidein ... oknaese_.]

[452] Liv. _Ep_. lvii.

[453] App. _Bell. Civ_. i 19.

[454] Liv. _Ep_. lviii (p. 127).

[455] App. l.c.

[456] App. l.c.

[457] App. l.c.

[458] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 10.

[459] Oros. v. 10. 9; Cic. _de Amic_. 3. 12.

[460] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 20.

[461] Plut. _Rom_. 27 [Greek: _oi men automatos onta physei nosodae kamein legousin_.]

[462] Villei. ii. 4 Mane in lectulo repertus est mortuus, ita ut quaedam elisarum faucium in cervice reperirentur notae.

[463] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 10 [Greek: _kai deinon outos ergon ep' andri to proto kai megisto Rhomaion tolmaethen ouk etyche dikaes oud' eis elenchon proaelthen; enestaesan gar oi polloi kai katelysan taen krisin hyper tou Gaiou phobaethentes, mae peripetaes tae aitia tou phonou zaetoumenou genaetai_.] Vellei. ii. 4 De tanti viri morte nulla habita est quaestio. Cf. Liv. _Ep_. lix.

[464] Schol. Bob. _ad Cic. Milon_. 7. p. 383.

[465] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 20.

[466] Schol. Bob. l.c.; cf. Plut. _C. Gracch_. 10.

[467] Plut. l.c.

[468] Cic. _ad Fam_. ix. 21. 3, _ad Q. fr_. ii 3. 3, _de Or_. ii. 40. 170. Cf. _de Amic_. 12. 41.

[469] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 20.

[470] App. l.c.

[471] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 20 [Greek: _hos enioi dokousin, ekon apethane synidon hoti ouk esoito dynatos kataschein hon hyposchoito_.] For the theory of suicide cf. Plut. _Rom_. 27 [Greek: _oi d' auton hyph' eautou pharmakois apothanein (legousin)_.]

[472] Schol. Bob. _in Milon_, l.c.

[473] Val. Max. iv. 1. 12.

[474] Cic. _de Leg_. iii. 16. 35 Carbonis est tertia (lex tabellaria) de jubendis legibus ac vetandis.

[475] Liv. _Ep_. lvi.

[476] App. Bell. _Civ_. i. 21 [Greek: _kai gar tis haedae nomos ekekyroto, ei daemarchos endeoi tais parangeliais, ton daemon ek panton epilegesthai_.] It is possible that Appian has misconstrued the provision that, if enough candidates did not receive the absolute majority required for election (_explere tribus_), any one--even a tribune already in office--should be eligible. See Strachan-Davidson in loc.

[477] Or possibly by securing that some of its candidates should not receive the number of votes requisite for election. See the last note.

[478] App. _Bell. Civ_. i 21 [Greek: _kai tines esaegounto tous symmachous hapantas, oi dae teri taes gaes malista antelegon, es taen Rhomaion politeian anagrapsai, os meizoni chariti peri taes gaes ou dioisomenous; kai edechonto hasmenoi touth' oi Italiotai, protithentes ton chorion taen politeian_.]

[479] Cic. _de Off_. iii. 11. 47 Male etiam qui peregrinos urbibus uti prohibent eosque exterminant, ut Pennus apud patres nostros.... Nam esse pro cive qui civis non sit rectum est non licere; quam legem tulerunt sapientissimi consules Crassus et Scaevola (95 B.C.); usu vero urbis prohibere peregrinos sane inhumanum est. For the date of Pennus's law see Cic. _Brut_. 28. 109:--Fuit ... M. Lepido et L. Oreste consulibus quaestor Gracchus, tribunus Pennus.

[480] Festus p. 286 Resp. multarum civitatum pluraliter dixit C. Gracchus in ea, quam conscripsit de lege p. Enni (Penni _Mueller_) et peregrinis, cum ait: "eae nationes, cum aliis rebus, per avaritiam atque stultitiam res publicas suas amiserunt".

[481] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 34 [Greek: _Phoulouios phlakkos hypateion malista dae protos ode es to phanerotaton haerethize tous Italiotas epithymein taes Rhomaion politeias hos koinonous taes haegemonias anti hypaekoon esomenous_]. (Cf. i. 21), Val. Max. ix. 5. 1 M. Fulvius Flaccus consul, ... cum perniciosissimas rei publicae leges introduceret de civitate Italiae danda et de provocatione ad populum eorum, qui civitatem mutare noluissent, aegre compulsus est ut in Curiam veniret.

[482] Liv. xxxviii. 36. Four tribunes vetoed a _rogatio_ to grant voting rights to the _municipia_ of Formiae, Fundi and Arpinum in 188 B.C. on the ground that the senate's judgment had not been taken, but Edocti populi esse, non senatus jus, suffragium quibus velit impertire, destiterunt incepto.

[483] Val. Max. ix. 5, 1 Deinde partim monenti, partim oranti senatui ut incepto desisteret, responsum non dedit ... Flaccus in totius amplissimi ordinis contemnenda majestate versatus est. Cf. App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 21.

[484] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 34 [Greek: _esaegoumenos de taen gnomaen kai epimenon autae karteros, upa taes boulaes epi tina strateian exepemphthae dia tode_].

[485] Liv. _Ep_. lx; Ammian, xv. 12. 5.

[486] An isolated notice speaks of a rising at Asculum. [Victor] _de Vir. Ill_. 65 (C. Gracchus) Asculanae et Fregellanae defectionis invidiam sustinuit.

[487] Liv. viii. 22.

[488] Liv. xxvii. 10.

[489] Liv. _Ep_. lx L. Opimius praetor Fregellanos, qui defecerant, in deditionem accepit; Fregellas diruit. Cf. Vellei. ii. 6; Obsequens 90; Plut. _C. Gracch_. 3; [Cic.] _ad Herenn_. iv. 15. 22.

[490] Vellei. i. 15 Cassio autem Longino et Sextio Calvino ... consulibus Fabrateria deducta est.

[491] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 3.

[492] It has been supposed that this boy may really have been the son of Attalus brother of Eumenes, a fruit of the transitory connection between this prince and Stratonice, which followed the false news of Eumenes's death in 172 B.C. See F. Koepp _De Attali III patre_ in _Rhein. Mus_. xlviii. pp. 154 ff.; Wilcken in Pauly-Wissowa _Real, Enc_. p. 2170, and for the temporary marriage of Attalus with Stratonice Plut. _de Frat. Amor_. 18; Polyb. xxx. 2. 6. Livy (xlii. 16) and perhaps Diodorus (xxix. 34) speak only of Attalus's wooing, not of his marriage. If Attalus the Third was not the son of Eumenes, he was at least adopted by the king and was clearly recognised as his heir. The official view made the relationship between the Attali that of uncle and nephew.

[493] For the guardianship of the younger Attalus see Strabo xiii. 4. 2. The recognition of the regent as king is clearly attested by inscriptions (Fraenkel _Inschriften von Pergamon_ nn. 214 ff., 224, 225, 248. In n. 248.) the future Attalus the Third is called by the king [Greek: _ho tadelphon nios_] (l. 18, cf. l. 32 [Greek: _ho theios mon_] used by Attalus the Third) and has some power of appointment to the priesthood. There is no sign that the nephew was in any other respect a co-regent of the uncle. See Fraenkel op. cit. p. 169.

[494] Liv. xxxviii. cc. 12, 23, 25; Polyb. xxi. 39.

[495] Liv. xliv. 36; xlv. 19.

[496] Wilcken in Pauly-Wissowa _Real. Enc_. p. 2168 foll.

[497] Polyb. xxxii. 22; Diod. xxxi. 32 b.

[498] For the details of this struggle see Wilcken l.c. p. 2172; Ussing _Pergamos_ p. 50.

[499] Ussing op. cit. p. 51.

[500] Strabo xiii. 4. 2.

[501] Strabo l.c.; Lucian. _Macrob_. 12. He was sixty-one years old at his accession and eighty-two years old at the time of his death.

[502] Justin. xxxvi. 4; Diod. xxxiv. 3.

[503] Once, indeed, he seems to have taken the field with some success, as is proved by a decree in honour of a victory (Fraenkel _Inschr. von Pergamon_ n. 246). A vote of the town of Elaea honours the king [Greek: _aretaes heneken kai andragathias taes kata polemon, krataesanta ton hupenantion_] (l. 22). The victory is also mentioned in n. 249.