Chapter XIX: Appendix

After the Revolution of 1830 the Saint-Simonists were referred to in the French Chamber of Deputies as a sect who advocated community of goods and of women. The following communication in their defence was addressed to the Chamber by Bazard and Enfantin, October 1, 1830:—

‘The Saint-Simonists undoubtedly do profess ideas on the future of property and of women which are special to themselves, and which are connected with views entirely new and special on religion, authority, liberty—in short, on all the great problems which are now being agitated over the whole of Europe with so much disorder and violence; but these ideas are very different from the opinions which men attribute to them.

‘The system of community of goods is always understood to mean equal division among all the members of society, either of the means of production or of the fruit of the labour of all.

‘The Saint-Simonists reject this equal division of property, which in their eyes would constitute a greater violence, a more revolting injustice, than the unequal division, which was originally effected by force of arms, by conquest.

‘For they believe in the natural inequality of men, and regard this inequality as the very basis of association, as the indispensable condition of social order.

‘They reject the system of community of goods, for this would be a manifest violation of the first of all the moral laws, which it is their mission to teach, and which enjoins that in the future each man should be placed according to his capacity, and rewarded according to his work.

‘But in virtue of this law they demand the abolition of all the privileges of birth without exception, and consequently the destruction of the right of inheritance, the greatest of those privileges, which at present comprehends them all, and of which the effect is to leave to chance the distribution of social privileges amongst the small number of those who can lay claim to them, and to condemn the most numerous class to depravation, ignorance, and misery.

‘They demand that all the instruments of labour, land, and capital, which at present form the divided stock of private proprietors, should be exploited by associations with a suitable gradation of functions, so that the task of each may be the expression of his capacity, and his riches the measure of his services.

‘The Saint-Simonists do not attack the institution of private property, except in so far as it consecrates for some the impious privilege of idleness—that is to say, of living on the labour of others; except as it leaves to the accident of birth the social status of individuals.

‘Christianity has delivered women from slavery, but it has nevertheless condemned them to an inferior position, and in Christian Europe we still see them everywhere deprived of religious, political, and civil rights.

‘The Saint-Simonists announce their final liberation, their complete emancipation, but they do not aim at abolishing the sacred law of marriage proclaimed by Christianity; on the contrary, they desire to fulfil this law, to give it a new sanction, to add to the authority and inviolability of the union which it consecrates.

‘Like Christians they demand that a single man be united to a single woman; but they teach that the wife should become the equal of the husband, and that, according to the special grace with which God has endowed her sex, she should be associated in the exercise of the triple function of religion, the State, and the family, so that the social individual, which hitherto has been the man only, may henceforward be man and woman.

‘The religion of Saint-Simon seeks only to abolish the shameful traffic, the legal prostitution, which, under the name of marriage, at present so frequently consecrates the unnatural union of self-sacrifice and egotism, of intelligence and ignorance, of youth and decrepitude.

‘Such are the most general ideas of the Saint-Simonists on the changes which they demand in the arrangements of property and in the social condition of women.’

PROGRAMME OF THE SOCIALISTIC WORKING MEN’S PARTY OF GERMANY

Gotha, _May_ 1875.

I. Labour is the source of all wealth and all culture, and as useful work in general is possible only through society, so to society, that is to all its members, the entire product belongs; while as the obligation to labour is universal, all have an equal right to such product, each one according to his reasonable needs.

In the existing society the instruments of labour are a monopoly of the capitalist class; the subjection of the working class thus arising is the cause of misery and servitude in every form.

The emancipation of the working class demands the transformation of the instruments of labour into the common property of society and the co-operative control of the total labour, with application of the product of labour to the common good and just distribution of the same.

The emancipation of labour must be the work of the labouring class, in contrast to which all other classes are only a reactionary mass.

II. Proceeding from these principles, the socialistic working men’s party of Germany aims by all legal means at the establishment of the free state and the socialistic society, to destroy the Iron Law of Wages by abolishing the system of wage-labour, to put an end to exploitation in every form, to remove all social and political inequality.

The socialistic working men’s party of Germany, though acting first of all within the national limits, is conscious of the international character of the labour movement, and resolved to fulfil all the duties which this imposes on the workmen, in order to realise the universal brotherhood of men.

* * * * *

In order to prepare the way for the solution of the social question, the socialistic working men’s party of Germany demands the establishment of socialistic productive associations with State help under the democratic control of the labouring people. The productive associations are to be founded on such a scale both for industry and agriculture that out of them may develop the socialistic organisation of the total labour.

The socialistic working men’s party of Germany demands as the basis of the State:—

I. Universal, equal, and direct right of electing and voting, with secret and obligatory voting, of all citizens from twenty years of age, for all elections and deliberations in the State and local bodies. The day of election or voting must be a Sunday or holiday.

II. Direct legislation by the people. Questions of war and peace to be decided by the people.

III. Universal military duty. A people’s army in place of the standing armies.

IV. Abolition of all exceptional laws, especially as regards the press, unions, and meetings, and generally of all laws which restrict freedom of thought and inquiry.

V. Administration of justice by the people. Free justice.

VI. Universal and equal education by the State. Compulsory education. Free education in all public places of instruction. Religion declared to be a private concern.

The socialistic working men’s party demands within the existing society:

(1) Greatest possible extension of political rights and liberties in the sense of the above demands.

(2) A single progressive income-tax for State and commune, instead of the existing taxes, and especially of the indirect taxes that oppress the people.

(3) Unrestricted right of combination.

(4) A normal working-day corresponding to the needs of society. Prohibition of Sunday labour.

(5) Prohibition of labour of children, and of all women’s labour that is injurious to health and morality.

(6) Laws for the protection of the life and health of workmen. Sanitary control of workmen’s dwellings. Inspection of mines, of factories, workshops, and home industries by officials chosen by the workmen. An effective Employers’ Liability Act.

(7) Regulation of prison labour.

(8) Workmen’s funds to be under the entire control of the workmen.

PROGRAMME OF THE KNIGHTS OF LABOUR OF AMERICA, 1885

I. To make industrial and moral worth, not wealth, the true standard of individual and national greatness.

II. To secure to the workers the full enjoyment of the wealth they create; sufficient leisure in which to develop their intellectual, moral, and social faculties; all the benefits, recreation, and pleasures of association; in a word, to enable them to share in the gains and honours of advancing civilisation.

In order to secure these results, we demand of the State:

III. The establishment of Bureaus of Labour Statistics, that we may arrive at a correct knowledge of the educational, moral, and financial condition of the labouring masses.

IV. That the public lands, the heritage of the people, be reserved for actual settlers; not another acre for railroads or speculators: and that all lands now held for speculative purposes be taxed to their full value.

V. The abrogation of all laws that do not bear equally upon capital and labour, and the removal of unjust technicalities, delays, and discriminations in the administration of justice.

VI. The adoption of measures providing for the health and safety of those engaged in mining, manufacturing, and building industries; and for indemnification to those engaged therein for injuries received through lack of necessary safeguards.

VII. The recognition by incorporation of trades-unions, orders, and such other associations as may be organised by the working masses to improve their condition and protect their rights.

VIII. The enactment of laws to compel corporations to pay their employees weekly, in lawful money, for the labour of the preceding week, and giving mechanics and labourers a first lien upon the product of their labour to the extent of their full wages.

IX. The abolition of the contract system on national, State, and municipal works.

X. The enactment of laws providing for arbitration between employers and employed, and to enforce the decision of the arbitrators.

XI. The prohibition by law of the employment of children under fifteen years of age in workshops, mines, and factories.

XII. To prohibit the hiring out of convict labour.

XIII. That a graduated income-tax be levied.

And we demand at the hands of the Congress:

XIV. The establishment of a national monetary system, in which a circulating medium in necessary quantity shall issue direct to the people, without the intervention of banks; that all the national issue shall be full legal tender in payment of all debts, public and private; and that the Government shall not guarantee or recognise any private banks, or create any banking corporations.

XV. That interest-bearing bonds, bills of credit or notes shall never be issued by the Government, but that, when need arises, the emergency shall be met by issue of legal tender, non-interest-bearing money.

XVI. That the importation of foreign labour under contract be prohibited.

XVII. That in connection with the post-office, the Government shall organise financial exchanges, safe deposits and facilities for deposit of the savings of the people in small sums.

XVIII. That the Government shall obtain possession, by purchase, under the rights of eminent domain, of all telegraphs, telephones, and railroads, and that hereafter no charter or licence be issued to any corporation for construction or operation of any means of transporting intelligence, passengers or freight.

And while making the foregoing demands upon the State and National Government, we will endeavour to associate our own labours:

XIX. To establish co-operative institutions such as will tend to supersede the wage system, by the introduction of a co-operative industrial system.

XX. To secure for both sexes equal pay for equal work.

XXI. To shorten the hours of labour by a general refusal to work for more than eight hours.

XXII. To persuade employers to agree to arbitrate all differences which may arise between them and their employees, in order that the bonds of sympathy between them may be strengthened and that strikes may be rendered unnecessary.

BASIS OF THE FABIAN SOCIETY

The Fabian Society consists of socialists.

It therefore aims at the reorganisation of society by the emancipation of Land and Industrial Capital from individual and class ownership, and the vesting of them in the community for the general benefit. In this way only can the natural and acquired advantages of the country be equitably shared by the whole people.

The Society accordingly works for the extinction of private property in land and of the consequent individual appropriation, in the form of rent of the price paid for permission to use the earth, as well as for the advantages of superior soils and sites.

The Society, further, works for the transfer to the community of the administration of such industrial capital as can conveniently be managed socially. For, owing to the monopoly of the means of production in the past, industrial inventions and the transformation of surplus income into capital have mainly enriched the proprietary class, the worker being now dependent on that class for leave to earn a living.

If these measures be carried out, without compensation (though not without such relief to expropriated individuals as may seem fit to the community), rent and interest will be added to the reward of labour, the idle class now living on the labour of others will necessarily disappear, and practical equality of opportunity will be maintained by the spontaneous action of economic forces with much less interference with personal liberty than the present system entails.

For the attainment of these ends the Fabian Society looks to the spread of socialist opinions, and the social and political changes consequent thereon, including the establishment of equal citizenship for men and women. It seeks to promote these by the general dissemination of knowledge as to the relation between the individual and society in its economic, ethical, and political aspects.

The work of the Fabian Society takes, at present, the following forms:—

(1) Meetings for the discussion of questions connected with socialism.

(2) The further investigation of economic problems, and the collection of facts contributing to their elucidation.

(3) The issue of publications containing information on social questions, and arguments relating to socialism.

(4) The promotion of socialist lectures and debates in other societies and clubs.

(5) The representation of the Society in public conferences and discussions on social questions.

INDEX

Alexander II., great hopes at his accession, 256;
rise of the revolutionary party during his reign, 257;
assassination, 265.
Alexander III., and the revolutionary party, 270, 325.
Allen, W., 62.
Altruism, 11.
America, no class divisions till the middle of the nineteenth century,
334; great transformation in industrial conditions, 335;
organised capital confronted with organised labour, 335-336;
the plutocracy and Rockefeller, 371;
problem before the American people, 372, etc.
Anarchism, first taught by Proudhon, 56;
the Marx school and the anarchist, 151;
its relation to the International, 190-192;
Michael Bakunin, its great apostle, 237;
set forth by Bakunin, 240, etc.;
and at the trial at Lyons, 243-245;
summed up and criticised, 246;
a leading form of socialism in Russia, 257-272;
France, Italy, 243, 324;
in Spain, 324.
Anarchy, socialism wrongly identified with, 7.
Art as related to socialism, 11.
Association of all classes of all nations founded by Owen, 3.
Association, productive, with State help, 108, 110, 119.
Australia, Labour Party in, 334;
its power limited by circumstances, 393-394.
Austria, 325, 377-378.

Babeuf, his communism, 18.
Bakunin, Michael, at Paris, 42;
activity in the International, 190, 191;
his life, 237;
opinions, 240;
his influence in Russia, 260.
Bax, Belfort, 329.
Bazard, 26.
Bebel, 208, 212, 218, 315, etc., 380.
Belgium, 319.
Bentham, Jeremy, 62.
Bernstein, 220, 314.
Bismarck, his work in German history, 79;
his historic insight, 94;
his relation to the German Social Democracy, 216, etc.;
his State socialism, 347.
Blanc, Louis, his method of remuneration, 9;
his activity during the Revolution of 1848, 42;
life and theories, 43;
points of agreement with Lassalle, 273, 274.
_Bourgeoisie_, the middle or capitalist class, 41, 98, 139, etc., 172,
etc.;
its position in Russia, 255, 266;
a theory of Marx, 411.

Capital, aim of socialism with regard to it, 8, 9, 10, etc.;
contrast between labour and capital, 25;
individual capital, an institution in Fourier’s system, 38, 40;
how regarded by L. Blanc, 45, 46;
by Proudhon, 56;
how to be obtained by the productive associations of Lassalle, 108;
a historic category, 113;
word wrongly used by socialists, 114;
exposition of capital by Marx, 138, etc.;
its international relation to labour, 171, etc.;
its place in anarchism, 241, 245;
its place in a reasonable socialism, 290, etc.
Capitalism, correct name for the prevalent economic order as controlled
by capitalists, 115, 141, 145.
Catholic Church, its societies and their property, 16;
how related to Saint-Simon, 25, 29;
its social activity, 340.
Chartism, its import, 42, 70.
Christian socialism, in England, 71;
in Germany, 342.
Christian Social Union, 343.
Christianity, relation to socialism, 10, 71, 339, 389.
Clifford, 343.
Collectivism, economic basis of the prevalent socialism, 12;
its place in L. Blanc’s system, 46;
goal of Lassalle’s scheme, 111;
economic basis of anarchism, 247, 249;
goal of the social democratic movement, 229;
its abstractness criticised, 290;
the goal of international socialism, 369.
Colonial system, 368.
Commune, the, its place in Fourier’s system, 31;
at Paris, 188;
its place in anarchism, 243, 273;
its general place in socialism, 289, 346.
Communism, its relation to socialism, 16, 18.
Communist Party, formation, 133, 172;
its manifesto, 173, etc., 366, etc.
Conjunctures, Lassalle’s theory of, 112.
Co-operative movement, really founded by Owen, 70;
promoted by Christian socialists in England, 71;
movement in Germany and its relation to Lassalle, 84, 106, 107, 116;
commended by the International, 180, 184, 185;
its recent progress, 350, etc.

Darwin, relation of his doctrine of development to economics, 281;
relation of his teaching to that of Marx, 294;
relation of his theory to socialism, 295, etc.
Democracy, socialism its economic complement, 10;
one of the conditions necessary for the growth of socialism, 18;
the political basis of L. Blanc’s schemes, 43, etc.;
development of, 47;
democracy of workers, 99, 120;
how trained for its great task, 148, 160;
its importance, 284, 287, 288;
its place in social evolution, 357, 381, etc.
Denmark, 318.
Distribution, problem of, how solved in various schools of socialism, 9;
such methods criticised, 291;
moral and scientific basis of, 360.
Dönniges, Fraulein von, 91.

Empire, the conception of, and socialism, 406-409. Enfantin, 26, 27, 29. Engels, Fr., 73, 130, 132, 135; his exposition of the function of the State, 150.

Fabian Society, origin and aims, 329, 330;
some of its views criticised, 331, 400, 401;
its basis, 427.
Feudalism, in relation to socialism, 11, 19, 24;
its overthrow by the capitalist class, 97, 142;
not a stereotyped system, 278;
evolved by the struggle for existence, 298.
Fourier, method of remuneration, 9;
admitted private capital, 13;
a founder of socialism, 15;
grew up under the immediate influence of the French Revolution, 18;
life and opinions, 31;
contrast to Saint-Simon and the centralising socialism, 31, 273, 274;
his safeguards for individual and local freedom, 290.

George, Henry, 328.

Hegel, influence on Lassalle, 74; on Marx, 131, 151, 152, 161, 279; his doctrine of development, 294. Held, Adolf, definition of socialism, 5. Holland, 318. Homestead, its place in a reasonable socialism, 407. Hyndman, 328.

Independent Labour Party, 330, 332.
India, 368, 408.
Individuality under socialism, 11, 307, 406, 420.
International, its aim, 6;
Marx and the International, 166;
history, 168;
influence in it of Bakunin, 190;
influence of it on the Russian revolutionary movement, 260;
revival, 363, etc.
Italy, 322, 381, 391.

Janet, Paul, definition of socialism, 5. Jaurèz, 321.

Keir Hardie, Mr., 333. Kent, Duke of, 66. Ketteler, Bishop, 88, 340. Kingsley, 71. Kropotkin, Prince, 243, 244.

Labour Party in Britain, how founded, 332-333;
its strength and character, 333.
_Laissez-faire_, 4;
economic optimism implied in it, 14;
entirely unsuitable to Prussia, 280;
its adherents in England, 347;
influence on labour, 398.
Lassalle, at Paris, 42;
on the power of lying, 49;
his life, 73;
his theories, 95;
his relations to Marx, 95;
Rodbertus, 95, 124;
position of the Social Democratic Party at his death, 203;
Bismarck’s relation to him, 216;
his influence on the revolutionary party in Russia, 259;
points of agreement with L. Blanc, 273, 274;
his presentation of socialism, 279;
exaggerated estimate of the influence of the social principle, 306;
his Iron Law of Wages, considered in relation to the evolution of
capitalism, 409.
Laveleye, definition of socialism, 5.
Lavroff, 243, 260.
Leroux, Pierre, 26.
Liebknecht, W., 208, 210, 218, 233, etc., 316.
Lodge, Senator, on the very serious situation established by the trusts,
372, 376.
Ludlow, 71.

Malthus, relation to Owen, 69;
his theory and the population question, 296;
struggle for existence, 297.
Manchester theory of the State, 102.
Marx, Karl, his relation to the existing State, 6;
his school the most influential form of contemporary socialism, 15;
Proudhon’s right of _aubaine_, compared with the theory of capital,
56;
his theory of surplus value enunciated by the Chartists, 71;
comparison of his character with Lassalle’s, 92;
relation of his theory of surplus value to Lassalle’s Iron Law of
Wages, 103;
collectivism common to him with Lassalle and Rodbertus, 111;
use of the word _capital_, 114;
life and theories, 130;
criticism of his theories, 154;
compared with Adam Smith, 162;
his place in history, 166;
founding of the Communist League, 172;
influence on the International, 179, etc.;
influence on the Social Democratic movement in Germany, 230;
influence on the revolutionary movement in Russia, 259;
socialist movement should not be identified with his views, 275;
his abstractness, 279;
in England, 328;
his views criticised, 386, etc., 411, etc.
Materialism, relation to socialism, 10;
as held by Marx, 151, 158, etc.;
held by Bakunin, 240;
socialism purified from it, 285.
Maurice, 71.
Mazzini, 179, 243.
Militarism, 368.
Mill, J. S., his conception of socialism, 286.
Milton, 414.
Mir, the Russian form of the village community, 251, etc.;
its analogy to the community of Owen, the _phalange_ of Fourier, and
the free commune of Bakunin, 273;
its possible disintegration, 384;
the starting-point of agrarian reform, 392.
More, Thomas, 16.
Municipality, or commune, as a factor in the evolution of socialism,
189, 346, etc.

Napoleon I., 169. Napoleon III., 57, 178. New Christianity of Saint-Simon, 25. New Harmony, 66. New Lanark, 60. New Zealand, a democratic State, 349. Nicholas, Emperor, 63. Nihilism, the correct name for the early stage of the revolutionary movement in Russia, 257, etc.

Orbiston, 96.
Owen, Robert,
founder of the association of all classes of all nations, 3;
one of the historic founders of socialism, 4, etc.;
the influences that conditioned his work, 19;
life and theories, 59;
doctrine of surplus value held in his school, 137;
influence on Russian revolutionary movement, 259;
desire for a ready-made socialism, 273.

_Phalange_, 31, 33, 273.
Plato, 16.
Political economy, its relation to socialism, 14;
historical and ethical conception of, promoted by socialism, 281;
its relation to socialism again considered, 338, 339, 409-410.
Progressist party in Germany, 79, 83, 208.
Proletariat, the class excluded from land and capital and dependent on
wage-labour, 8;
brought into active historic contrast to the _bourgeoisie_, 41;
its share in the risings at Paris, 1848, 50;
its position conditioned by the development of capitalism, 139;
and necessary to it, 141;
its great _rôle_ in the final dissolution of capitalism, 148, etc.;
its emancipation, the great aim of international socialism, 172;
Marx the scientific expounder of the conditions of its existence and
of its emancipation, 173, etc.;
the Commune at Paris considered as a struggle for its deliverance,
189;
how existing in Russia, 260;
the democracy still mainly a proletariat, 357;
Marx’s theory of its future development, 412.
Proudhon, one of the leaders of the socialism of 1848, 42;
life and theories, 51;
theory of surplus value underlies his extravagances, 137;
the founder of anarchism, 56, 237;
his influence in the International, 183;
his exposition of anarchism, 248.

Ralahine, 67.
Reybaud, 4.
Rockefeller, 371, 376.
Rodbertus, his general conception of socialism, 13;
relation to Lassalle, 95, 96;
life and theories, 123;
relation to Lassalle and Marx, 137;
too abstract and Prussian, 279.
Roosevelt, his proposals for social reform, 399.
Roscher, 5.
Rousseau, 18.
Russia, the development of socialistic opinion, 21;
anarchism, 237;
revolutionary opinion, 250, etc.;
renewal of revolutionary activity, 325-327;
its repression, 382-384.

Saint-Simon, one of the historic founders of socialism, 4, 15, etc.;
his life and opinions, 22;
represented the principle of authority in the development of
socialism, 274;
the golden age, 420.
Schäffle, definition of socialism, 12;
too abstract and Prussian in his conception of socialism, 277;
his high rank as an economist, 339.
Scheel, 6.
Schulze-Delitzsch, his schemes, 84;
Lassalle’s treatment of him, 86;
Lassalle’s criticism of his schemes, 107;
the same examined, 115, etc.
Schweitzer, 203, 207, etc.
Shaw, G. B., 330.
Smith, Adam, in relation to freedom, 17;
compared with Marx, 162;
his principle of natural liberty, 278, 292.
Social Democracy, its programme in Germany, 9;
as taught by L. Blanc, 48;
by Lassalle, 84, etc.;
German, 197, etc., 311, etc.;
its general aim, 363, etc.
Social Democratic Federation, 329.
Social selection, 304, 416.
Social workshops of Louis Blanc, 45, 48.
Socialist League, 329.
Socialist Revolutionary Party in Russia, 326, 382.
_Spectator_, 382.
State, in relation to socialism, 6;
historic relation to property, 16;
its place in Saint-Simon, 31;
in Louis Blanc, 44;
in Lassalle, 101, etc.;
in Rodbertus, 127;
its _rôle_ as explained by Fr. Engels, 150;
Bakunin’s relation to it, 240;
two opposing tendencies with regard to it in socialist movement, 274;
its place in socialism, 345, etc.;
further discussed, 400, 401, 405-409.
Stepniak’s estimate of the numbers of the Russian Revolutionary Party,
271.
Strike, general, advocated by Bebel to meet certain emergencies, 316.
Surplus value, theory of, as held by Chartists, 71;
as held by Owenites, Rodbertus, Proudhon, etc., 137;
its development by Marx, 138, etc.;
criticism of Marx’s theory of it, 154.

_Times_, the, and the International, 187. Trade unions and socialism, 367, 369, 391-405. Trusts, how they have grown in America, 335-337; a remedy for the evils of competition, 354-355; not confined to America, 355; a proof of the inadequacy of competition, 359, but a natural result of it, 404; a menace to labour and to society, 411. Turgenief, his novel, _Fathers and Sons_, 258. Tytherley, 67. Tzardom, its great function in Russian history, 251, 266, etc.

Vienna, great demonstration, 377. Village community, its place in history, 253; in English history, 397; should be restored to life under modern conditions, 407. Voltaire, 18, 246. _Vooruit_, at Ghent, 352.

Wages, Iron Law of, 103, etc., 384. Wagner, definition of socialism, 12; justly charged with abstractness, 277. Webb, Sidney, 330. Wells, H. G., 330. Westcott, 343. William I., Emperor, 79. William II., Emperor, 121, 195.

THE END

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