Chapter M: Thompson (5)

Reaches But does not reach Additions Deductions
s. d. s. d.
4 2 4 4 None None
4 4 4 6 1¼ "
4 6 4 8 2½ "
4 8 4 10 3¾ "
4 10 5 0 5 "
5 0 5 2 6¼ "
5 2 5 4 7½ "
5 4 5 6 8¾ "
5 6 5 8 10 "
5 8 5 10 11¼ "
5 10 6 0 13¾ "
6 0 6 2 16¼ "
6 2 6 4 17½ "
6 4 6 6 18¾ "
6 6 6 8 20 "

And so on upwards, 1¼ per cent. for each 2d., the 2½ per cent. variations for the two ranges of 2d. each in price between 5s. 10d. and 6s. 2d. being limited to those special ranges.

4 0 4 2 -- 1¼
3 10 4 0 -- 2½
3 8 3 10 -- 3¾
3 6 3 8 -- 5

And so on downwards.

WORKMEN'S SCALE

There shall be made the
following additions to the
When the Net standard tonnage rates and
Average Selling datal wages, being those at
Price of Coal November 1879

Reaches But does not reach Additions
s. d. s. d. (5s. minimum wage)
4 8 4 10 2½
4 10 5 0 5
5 0 5 2 7½
5 2 5 4 10
5 4 5 6 12½
5 6 5 8 15
5 8 6 0 17½
6 0 6 2 20
6 2 6 4 22½
6 4 6 6 25
6 6 6 8 27½
6 8 6 10 30
6 10 7 0

And so on upwards, 2½ per cent. for every 2d.

It will be obvious that the difference between the two is very wide. The workmen sought to renew the minimum wage, although but two years had intervened since the dark experience of 1877-79, and when it was impossible for the condition to have been forgotten.

DEATH OF MR MACDONALD

On October 31st, 1881, Mr Macdonald, M.P., died at Wellhall, near Hamilton, Scotland. He was the ablest leader the miners of Scotland had, and one of the first Labour representatives in the House, being elected with our good friend Mr Burt in 1874. He was often called the "Miners' Friend." Although not a Durham man he was so intimately and closely connected with our early history and progress up to his death that there would be a great hiatus if no mention were made of him. The Executive Committee was represented at his funeral, and the first Council meeting after his death passed a resolution expressing deep sorrow at his death, and regarding it as an irreparable loss and national calamity to the mining population of England, Scotland, and Wales. His self-sacrificing efforts for a number of years on their behalf cannot be fully known, but his memory will ever be held dear by a grateful people. A movement was immediately started to commemorate his work, the result of which was the statue which is in front of the Hall in Durham. As Mr Crawford said, "It is the last tribute of respect we can pay to one who through good and evil report kept steadily in view the one object of his life--viz. to reduce the misery, and alleviate the sorrows of the mining population, while following their hazardous occupation."

It will be interesting to place on record an outline of his life. He was born in the year 1821, and began work at eight years of age. When he was born the condition of the mining population was dreadful. There was no law to protect the miner, and there was little regard for health or life. The hours were fearfully long. Women worked in the mines under the most debasing conditions. In the midst of this he set himself the uphill task of self-education--uphill now, but how much more so then! In early life he left the mines, and became a teacher. The knowledge he acquired he determined to devote to bettering the condition of the miners. Between 1850 and 1855 he was assiduous in procuring amended Miners' Acts, and those of 1855 and 1860 were mainly due to his efforts. From that time until his death he was earnestly working in efforts to ameliorate the conditions of the life he knew so well, and at his death was busily engaged in further amending the Mines Act. He was a sample of men who have been endowed with splendid powers, and who might have made a fortune if they had followed commercial pursuits as eagerly as they followed after reform and better temporal conditions for others, but who, when there was nothing to gain, counted it their highest good if they could in any way assist their class on to a higher platform and into brighter conditions of life. They chose rather to suffer with the people in their affliction, and help those who needed it, than to make for themselves monetary positions. When he died a truly great man left the ranks of reformers, and to the honour of Englishmen be it said, they honoured him in death as they appreciated him in life, as witness the splendid statue which was unveiled on 17th November 1883 by his colleague in Union and Labour representation in Parliament, Mr T. Burt.

In the beginning of 1882 a matter arose which, were it not for the fact that it would leave an incompleteness in our record, might have been passed over unnoticed. Some doubts were felt as to the state of the accounts, and it was resolved to have a thorough inquiry into and examination of the books. Mr John Staton, the accountant, was employed for the purpose. His report was to the effect that the treasurer was indebted to the Association to the amount of £282, 11s. 1d. This examination covered the period commencing with December 1876. He not only described the amount, but he suggested a system of book-keeping. The result of the affair was the suspension of the treasurer (Mr Forman acting _pro tem._), and his removal on the 6th of May, and the appointment of Mr J. Wilson. The whole circumstance was unfortunate. There were many (the writer among them) who doubted if there had been any defrauding, and who were convinced he had only been careless. He was an earnest worker in the Association.

1883-84

Five Days per Week Movement--Fourth Sliding Scale--Second Relief
Fund--Wheatley Hill "Putt Pay"

The question of restriction of the output was again brought under discussion at the beginning of the year. It was not peculiar to nor spontaneous in Durham, but was of extraneous suggestion. It was the result of a miners' conference in Leeds, and was set forth under two phases: the reduction in the hours per day and the days per week to five--all the pits being off on the Saturday. The members were told plainly by Mr Crawford what the real issue was and what was the condition of the mining districts. While in other districts the hours had to be reduced, in Durham they would remain, but the days per week would apply to all alike. He, however, pointed out that there was only one-sixth of the miners of the county represented. A special Council was called, and the matter placed before it, when it was decided "that pits ought to work not more than five days per week and draw coal not more than ten hours per day--each and every pit being idle every Saturday, irrespective of how many of the preceding days of the week have been worked."

A Second National Conference was held on the question. A report was issued by the representatives, Messrs Crawford and Wilson, which showed the fallacy of attempting any national movement. The conference was called to hear how far the decision had been carried out. The report showed that there were only 81,000 paying members in the districts represented, the total number employed being about 379,000; that there were only 9500 persons who had adopted the Leeds Resolution of Restriction, and some districts positively refused to carry it out. In the face of these facts the conference reaffirmed the restriction resolution, and resolved that the ballot should be taken in each district, and that there should be an adjournment to hear the result.

In the meantime a meeting was held between the Executive Committee in Durham and the owners. The Committee stated their reasons for requesting the meeting, and hoped the owners would assist them to carry the conference decisions into effect. The reply was that the question was so important to both employers and employed that it would require serious consideration. Could the workmen point out any probable good which would result? How far it had been carried out? Unless it were generally adopted it would mean ruin to those districts attempting it. They were willing to take part in a national conference for the purpose of discussing the subject. The matter was again brought before a conference in Birmingham on April 10th. There were twenty-seven delegates present from districts where 229,000 men were employed. The only item of business was the appointment of a Committee to meet the Mine Owners' National Association, each district to appoint its own representative on the Committee. Mr Crawford was afterwards appointed to act for Durham. The request for a meeting was sent to Mr Maskell W. Peace, the owners' secretary. It was refused, as they considered it outside their province. Beyond the disorganisation in the other districts it was found in Durham to be incompatible with the sliding scale, and as a consequence the attempt at a national regulation of labour proved abortive. That which oft looks easy when at a distance is often found impracticable when we are brought face to face with it. If a national restriction be ever carried out it will need solid unions, and all men of one mind, or it will fail at the start.

THE FOURTH SLIDING SCALE

As the period approached when the definite year of the scale would end there were growing signs that the requisite six months' notice would be given. At a meeting of the Federation Board held on May 23rd it was decided to give such notice to terminate the scale at the end of the year, and the Board prepared to meet the emergency, and if possible renew the scale or modify it. A resolution was come to at their meeting in October, expressive of their opinion that "a sliding scale is the best mode of adjusting the wages questions." They further resolved that each section should meet the owners for the purpose of discussing any alteration peculiar to themselves. Acting on that arrangement the Executive Committee sent out a circular urging the maintenance of the principle. In addition they called a special Council, and asked for suggested amendments. In response there were seventy-seven suggestions returned, embracing every kind of alteration or grievance, to be considered before the scale was re-established. These were sent to the employers, who replied by sending a counter list containing (if not as many) a very large number of questions. The Federation Board asked why they were making so many claims. These reasons were supplied, each section being taken _seriatim_. The various Committees and the Federation Board were doing their best to get the settlement placed in the hands of some body of men, so that the scale might be rearranged. This advice was not accepted, for at a special Council the power to settle was retained by the county so far as the miners were concerned.

The reasons assigned by the owners in support of their claims were unacceptable to the Board. They felt justified, they said, in refusing, but were willing to meet to discuss the respective alterations. The meeting took place, but it was found that the representatives of the miners could not proceed, as their Council had refused to accept the scale until all the notices of men who were discharged for depression of trade were withdrawn and all the pits recommenced. "The owners said that such a thing was an impossibility, seeing that a want of trade was the only cause of pits being stopped and men dismissed. If the pits could be worked they would work them, but this they could not do in consequence of the terrible depression of trade. It was nonsense to say that the pits were stopped by an arrangement among the owners. That was a monstrous absurdity." These remarks were sent out to the miners with a most earnest appeal not to delay the matter any longer, because it could only result in danger. A form accompanied the circular upon which the lodges were asked to vote whether they would place the question of a sliding scale in the hands of the Federation Board. This appeal was successful, and the Board was instructed to proceed with it by a majority of 104. At the earliest possible moment a meeting was arranged, and the scale agreed to on the lines of the previous one, to commence on 1st August 1884, and to continue for two years certain, subject to two calendar months' notice. But such notice was to be given on a date to permit of a termination on the 31st of July. This fourth sliding scale was similar to the third one, which appears on page 177, so we need not reproduce it.

SECOND RELIEF FUND

The formation of the Second Relief Fund was forced upon the county by the fact that there were so many men out of work, and their poverty was a peril to those who were in employment. Men's necessities are a strong force, oft compelling them to do things they would otherwise shrink from. It was thought, therefore, it would be sound economy to ease off the poverty, if luxury could not be afforded, and thus save men from overcrowding the labour market, or at least from accepting conditions which, if once established, would prove a general injury. Then there was a feeling of sympathy for the distress seen on all hands, and a desire to alleviate, if not obliterate it; for the miners of Durham may have little, but they never hesitate to share it. They are not the men "who, seeing their brother in distress, shut up their bowels of compassion against him." The sight of distress, or a knowledge that someone is in danger, never appeals in vain.

The Council meeting held on May 3rd, 1884, dealt with the question of providing for the relief of those men who were discharged through depression of trade. It decided that a special Council should be called on the 7th for the purpose of discussing the best means, and in the meantime suggestions might be sent in--"motions of all kinds, including levies, to be admissible." Without describing these in detail, suffice it to say that there were eighty-eight in number, covering all phases of the subject, both as to means of raising money and amount of benefit. The Council decided for a levy of 3d. per full and 1½d. per half member per fortnight. That £2000 should be advanced from the General Fund, to be redeemed by the levy, and "that the amount of money the levy will bring be equally divided by the Executive Committee amongst the men idle or who may be idle." It was soon found that the income from the levy would not give anything near 10s., and often it was found to run as low as 5s., per week.

WHEATLEY HILL "PUTT PAY"

As this, although belonging to an individual colliery, is yet of a peculiar character, it will be well to note it here. On the pay Friday falling on April 4th it was found that the company had become bankrupt, and the wages of the workmen were not forthcoming. This being the second occasion at these collieries, and only half the amount for the previous occasion having been paid, there was great consternation, and the presence of an agent was urgently requested. The treasurer immediately went out, and found the people ready for a riot. This, of course, was to be expected. Mr Ramsay, the agent of the colliery, desirous to meet in part the wants of the people, sold a branch engine, but when the N.E.R. engine came to take it away men, women, and children commenced and pulled the rails up, thus keeping both engines as it were in "pound." It was arranged that there should be a mass meeting the next day (Saturday), and the treasurer was to attend to persuade the men to allow the sale to proceed, and accept the money as an instalment of their wages. The meeting was held in a field. The day was fine, there was a large crowd, and the treasurer was in his most eloquent mood, when a very laughable incident occurred. There was a pigeon-flying match from Newcastle to Thornley. It was about the time when the birds were expected. Some of the men were watching the heavens more closely than they were listening to the speaker or at the time thinking about their wages. Just when the orator was in the midst of one of his best sentences a voice was heard (which was the descent from the sublime to the ridiculous): "Haud thee hand till th' 'Slate Cock' comes in." In a moment speaker and occasion were lost, and the gathering generally watched the bird, hero of the hour, as, like an arrow shot from some great bow, he came right on to his "ducket." Then in deliberate manner the same voice was heard exclaiming: "There, he's landed; thoo can gan on wi' thee speech." But rhetoric and reason were both ineffective after the "Slate Cock" had landed.

The Executive Committee, however, were quick in their action, and put in men as bailiffs at each colliery to prevent anything being taken away. After a year had been taken up by the process of law, and £1000 spent in money, the entire wages, slightly over £4724, with the colliery pay sheets, were handed over to the treasurer. That sum included the wages of Union and non-Union men alike, and was paid to all with this difference, that the members got their money free of cost, but the non-members were charged 7s. each towards the cost incurred in procuring the money. This sum was all paid out as per the pay sheets. The last man to turn up was five years after.

1885

Industrial Remuneration Conference--Extension of the
Franchise--Labour Representation--Lloyd Jones

In January 1884 a peculiar but very useful conference was held in London. It was, and is, known as the "Industrial Remuneration Conference." In the preface to the proceedings, which were published, we are told why the conference was called.

"In the spring of 1884, a gentleman of Edinburgh determined to devote
a considerable sum of money to the purpose of keeping before the
public mind this vital question, viz.: What are the best means,
consistent with justice and equity, for bringing about equal division
of the daily products of industry between Capital and Labour, so that
it may become possible for all to enjoy a fair share of material
comfort and intellectual culture, and possible for all to lead a
dignified life, and less difficult for all to lead a good life?"

For the purpose indicated he gave £1000, vested in seven trustees, Mr T. Burt being one of them. To the trustees there was a Committee added, and Mr Crawford was, by the consent of the Miners' Council, amongst the number. That Committee considered that the best means of carrying out the trust was by organising a conference and inviting all sorts and conditions of opinion. There were two main branches of inquiry: "Is the present system or manner whereby the products of industry are distributed between the various persons and classes of the community satisfactory; or if not, are there any means by which that system could be improved?" These general propositions were divided into many branches. The purpose of this historical outline is served by mentioning the connecting link being Mr Crawford's appointment on the Committee. The chairman of the conference was Sir C. Dilke.

While these important industrial matters were taking place the political affairs had not been neglected. The Franchise Association had kept up a close and instructive agitation not only at home, but outside the county, pressing the demand for an assimilation of county to borough. They urged that it was a glaring anomaly for a man to be eligible to vote in a borough, and because he passed over an arbitrary line (yet in all respects the same man in trade and duties of citizenship) he was not permitted to do so. At the Trades Union Congress held in Nottingham in 1883 the following resolution was proposed by the representatives from Durham:--

That, without accepting an equalisation of the county with the
borough franchise as a final solution of the great question of
Parliamentary Reform, this congress is of opinion that the Government
should lose no time in introducing their promised measure, and calls
upon the organised trades of the country to assist by every means in
their power in promoting the popular movement in support of this
long-expected reform, and authorises the Parliamentary Committee to
join with the Durham Franchise Association and other Associations of
all kinds in the proposed deputation to the Prime Minister.

The result of this resolution was the reception by Mr Gladstone of a very large deputation, representative of all the Trades Unions in the country, on January 3rd, 1884. Three speakers--J. Arch, A. Wilkie, and J. Wilson--were selected, and they received the assurance that the Government would introduce the Bill. It was introduced, and occupied nearly the whole of the session; was carried through the Commons, but was defeated by the Lords, or as Mr Gladstone said, they put "an effectual stoppage on the Bill; or in other words, they did practically reject it." The Liberals, however, were determined that the matter should be settled, and for that purpose summoned an autumn session. By the tact and eloquence of the Prime Minister the great measure was carried in spite of the most bitter opposition, in which constitutional means were stretched to their utmost limit, and the deepest depths of vulgarity were ransacked for the foulest epithets to use against the working classes, some of whom appear to have very short memories, as they forget this and other great acts done for them by the Liberals.

The passing of the Act did not take the miners of Durham or their colleagues over the Tyne by surprise, but found them expectant, and ready to use their newly acquired power. The twelve years of the teaching of the Franchise Association bore fruit at once. During the summer of 1884 numerous district meetings were held. The Miners' Executive and the Committee of the Franchise worked together. The two great questions were the political right withheld and the action of the irresponsible House of Lords in thwarting the will of the nation as expressed by the duly elected representatives of the people. The 4th of October was the appointed day to hold district meetings simultaneously all over the county. The people were urged to make them a success. The Committee was appointed to take charge, and the owners were notified that all the collieries would be off on that day. The whole county was in a political fever. John Morley had uttered his memorable words, which have passed into one of our epigrams: "End them or mend them." The political creed of the progressives was "Down with the Lords" and "Faith in Gladstone." One sentence may be quoted from Mr Crawford's circular of that time:

Mr Gladstone and the Government deserve the highest praise for their
action in this matter, and with the support of the people they will
yet carry the Bill against the organised and determined opposition of
a class of men who have amassed immense wealth by, in past times,
taking that which belonged to the people.

The practical effect of the Act in Durham was seen on January 24th, 1885, when the Federation Board called a special Council to consider the following programme:--

PROGRAMME, 1885

(1) Shall there be Labour Representatives?

(2) If so, how many?

(3) If it be decided to have Labour Representatives, who shall he or
they be?

(4) The ways and means of supporting such person or persons from the
Associations.

(5) What should the salary of such man or men be?

(6) Should we nominate men other than Labour Representatives? That
is, men who hold similar views to ourselves, but who will pay their
own costs, both in contesting and otherwise.

(7) If this be done, who should they be?

(8) The selection of divisions.

The resolutions come to were--(1) there should be Labour representatives; (2) there should be _bona fide_ Labour candidates selected from the workmen, but run in connection with the Liberals; (3) the candidates should be J. Wilson, W. Crawford, and L. Trotter; (4) the ways and means should be left in the hands of the Federation Board, and that the salaries should be £500 per year. On the same day the Board met, and decided to select the Bishop Auckland, Mid-Durham, and Houghton-le-Spring divisions--Mr Trotter for Bishop Auckland; Mid-Durham, W. Crawford; Houghton-le-Spring, J. Wilson. They further decided to inform the North and South Durham Liberal Associations what had been done, and asked them if they would co-operate with the Board.

A meeting between the representatives of the Liberal Associations, the Federation Board, and the Franchise Association was held in the County Hotel, Durham, when the following resolutions were agreed to:--

RESOLUTIONS, 1885

That it is highly desirable for all sections of the new electorate to
arrange for the object of securing the return of Liberal Members at
the next election, and that this meeting is prepared to give support
to the persons nominated by the Miners' Federation Board, providing
their candidature is endorsed by the Liberals in each division.

That this meeting requests the constituencies to form Liberal
organisations, and that small committees from the South and North
Durham Liberal Associations, the Federation Board, and the Miners'
Franchise Association be appointed to aid such organisations.

_January 24th, 1885._

So far as the Mid-Durham and the Houghton divisions were concerned, all went on smoothly. The candidates were accepted with complete unanimity, but in the Auckland division the feeling in some quarters was in strong opposition. The Board were asked to withdraw Mr Trotter, which they refused to do. There were other two gentlemen in nomination, and he was asked to put himself in competition with them, and if rejected retire. He refused, and they, the Board, approved of his refusal, and arranged a meeting of the lodges in the division for the purpose of explaining the situation. At this point there arose a complication of a different order. At their meeting on October 22nd, 1885, the Board decided "that each candidate must be responsible for the returning officer's fees in their respective divisions." Shortly after this was made known Mr Trotter withdrew, the reason assigned being the refusal of the Board to pay the returning officer's fees, although all the candidates were treated alike. As a consequence the division was vacant, and open to any candidate. This only need be added, that at the General Election in November Mr Crawford and Mr Wilson were both returned by great majorities--the latter being defeated in 1886, but succeeding Mr Crawford in 1890 as the Member for Mid-Durham.

This may be a fitting place to try to remove a false impression, which has lingered in some minds unto this day, as to what they are pleased to call "the shameful treatment" of Mr Lloyd Jones, while in the Chester-le-Street division, by the Federation Board. There never was a grosser misstatement. The Board did nothing but what was fair and honourable throughout the whole proceedings, although they were made the object of a somewhat bitter attack by _The Newcastle Chronicle_, which attack was entirely founded upon a too slight knowledge of the facts. As mentioned above, an arrangement was made whereby the workmen were to have their divisions undisputed, and with the rest there was no claim for interferences set up. Mr J. (now Lord) Joicey was selected by the Liberals for the Chester-le-Street division, the Federation Board having no part or lot in the transaction. Mr Jones, who was an intimate friend of Mr J. Cowen, was brought out, it is well known, as Mr Cowen's nominee, and as such, contested the division. The Board, as such, did nothing in it in any way. If they had, their action would have been dishonourable in the light of the agreement. This, however, they did do: as soon as Mr Trotter withdrew from Bishop Auckland, they sent a deputation to interview Mr Jones and to make him an offer of that division. The writer was one of the deputation, and with the others did all possible to persuade him, but he refused. It was felt he was not free, or he would have accepted. This can be said without fear of contradiction: the Board as a whole regretted the refusal, for Mr Jones was a great orator, respected very much by the miners in Durham, as witness their continual choice of him for their arbitration cases, and he could have had a safe seat.

1887-89

In Dark Days--The Eight Hours--The Sliding Scale--Advance of Ten per
Cent.--Second Advance of Ten per Cent.--Death of the Scale--The
County Council

The year 1886 passed over uneventfully, and in a routine manner, except in the matter of trade, which continued very much depressed, and wages very low. At the beginning of 1887 the average selling price at the pit mouth was 4s. 5.56d. The Relief Fund (even with the principle of division of income) was in debt to the General Fund £3548, 4s. 11d. as per the balance sheet for quarter ending December 1886. The condition of trade was so bad generally that a Royal Commission was appointed to inquire into it, the present county court judge of Durham being one of the members. He differed from the majority report, and signed a minority report. This objection was in relation to the fragmentary character of the evidence. In the coal and iron industries the witnesses were entirely from the employers. Without stating the whole of his able report, dealing as it did with every phase of our industrial life, a portion may be mentioned. Four causes of depression and low wages upon which he laid emphasis, were the land question and the royalties, way leaves and dead rents. Those who hold the land, claim these from the employers and employed who risk their capital and their lives to get the mineral which he, as landlord, does nothing to assist. In the midst of the dark times the Executive Committee was compelled to face two evils: a small banking account, and a heavy expenditure. The banking account for the quarter ending December 1886 was £16,000, exclusive of the deposit and shares in the Industrial Bank, which amounted to £1841, but which were nominal and, so far as use was concerned, simply on paper. In addition, there was a sum nearing £900 invested in buildings. In a short circular the Committee placed the whole financial position before the members. For the year 1886 the income was £44,506, with an expenditure of £54,126. "You will thus see that we cannot exist long at the rate of £9620 on the wrong side of the ledger. Soon all our funds will be gone, and nothing left for the members who have paid so long." They were compelled by rule to keep £10,000 in the funds, and were therefore driven to consider two propositions: either to increase the subscription by 3d. a fortnight or reduce the benefits. For that purpose they proposed to call a special Council to consider the questions. The reductions suggested would reduce the expenditure by £1600 per quarter. At the Council meeting an all-round reduction of 2s. per week for sickness, breakage, strikes, and sacrificed allowance was made, and £1 off the death legacies, to take place from the rising of the Council, which was held on 9th April. Happily, however, the trade began to turn and the position of the Association to amend, for on August 27th a slip was sent out informing the members "that the funds have so far recouped as to enable the Society to pay all benefits according to rule from Monday the 29th."

THE EIGHT HOURS--A RESTRICTION

On October 11th, 1887, and three following days a miners' conference was held in Edinburgh. The main purpose of the conference was the limitation of the output. There were a large number and variety of propositions discussed: five days per week, a week or fortnight's holiday, and the eight hours per day. Part of the resolution on the last question was in words that have become familiar to Durham in these later years: "That no miner be allowed to work more than eight hours in the twenty-four." The first resolution on the question did not appeal to the State, but on the fourth day it was brought forward containing an appeal to the legislature, and carried. The position of Durham was the same then as now (1906), and the opposition of to-day is based upon the thought of that day. Before the conference was held the Executive Committee gave their opinion upon the various questions on the programme of business.

On the eight hours they said:

EIGHT HOURS' RESOLUTION

_Eight Hours._--This is to be sought for by Act of Parliament. To
seek to fix the hours of men by Act of Parliament is, in the year
1887, a monstrous and illogical proceeding. If you fix the working
hours by Act of Parliament, why not fix the rate of wages also? In
the old feudal times wages were so fixed by Act of Parliament. Under
such laws, men were serfs and slaves, and became as much the property
of their employers as the horses that filled his stables. To demand
eight hours, and even less, is in the hands of all men if they will
only utilise their own organised power.

But if such an Act were passed, it would result in our own county in
one of two ways, (1) the turning off of 10,000 or 15,000 hands; or
(2) the adoption of two shifts of hewers, and two shifts of offhanded
men and lads, and thus increase the hewers' hours by one hour, and,
in many cases, one and a half hours per day. Again, if you seek by
Act of Parliament an Eight Hours' Bill, it logically follows that you
regard eight hours as the number of hours men should work. In such a
case, you endanger your own position, and would strongly tend to
bring upon you an eight hours' system. But why is this sought? It is
sought because men are indifferent, apathetic, and consequently
disorganised. If this law passed to-morrow, it would be an inducement
to indifference and disorganisation, and as such materially injure
you.

In September 1887 the Trades Union Congress decided to take a ballot of all the unions on the general eight hours. The questions submitted were: Should an eight hours' day be sought; if so, by what means, by Trades Union effort or by law? Again the Executive Committee advised the members to vote against it, which they did. "If this became law to-morrow," they said, "you could not make it operative. To do so you must turn off some thousands of coal hewers, or have two shifts of offhanded men and boys, and draw coals sixteen hours per day instead of as now drawing them ten and eleven hours. If this be sought it follows by clear implication that the men voting for it regard eight hours as a normal and fair time to work per day." The Congress of 1888 decided in favour of eight hours by law.

The question came again before a miners' conference held in Birmingham on 8th October 1889. There were three items discussed: "The International Miners' Congress, an advance in wages, and the eight hours." The delegates from Durham, Mr J. Johnson and Mr J. Wilson, drew up a report of the proceedings, which was sent out to the members. They were sent to the conference with definite instructions from the Council: "That we don't take any part in the agitation for an eight hours' day for underground workmen." The representatives in the report say:

Beyond that we could not (nor desired to) go. When the conference
came to discuss the question we laid our position before the meeting,
and told them we could not take any part in the agitation. We make no
remarks about the sarcastic reflections which were made by some of
the delegates on our position. They were no doubt natural
reflections, although their repetition was galling, and evoked from
us replies which were not of the calmest order. We stood firm to our
instructions, and abstained from either voting or speaking, except in
self-defence.

The conference resolved that on the 1st of January all men and boys represented there should commence working eight hours from bank to bank. Northumberland and the Forest of Dean voted against, with Durham neutral. Then followed a resolution pledging all the districts to give in notices to terminate with the year. This placed the conference in a dilemma. They were ready to pass resolutions, but few were prepared to say their members would give their notices in for it. Then it was decided to take a ballot and hold another conference in November. At our Council meeting on November 9th it was decided not to be represented.

THE SLIDING SCALE

The programme for the Council to be held on February 2nd, 1889, contained a resolution asking for a ballot to be taken for or against the sliding scale. In their notes on the questions to be discussed the Committee strongly urged the maintenance of the scale. It steadied trade, made work and wages more regular than any other means. Where sliding scales existed the districts were in better condition. They (the Committee) were as much interested as the members. The gain or loss was alike. Having fully considered the question they were convinced that it was the most just and equitable way of fixing and settling wages. The resolution to ballot was carried. About the same time the mechanics decided to give notice to have the scale amended. The Federation Board not only found themselves called upon to consider the scale, but they had to deal with a demand for an advance in wages. A meeting was held on June 17th. The employers placed before the Board three propositions: arbitration, two and a half per cent. to commence on July 1st, and two and a half on September 1st. These advances would raise the wages to ten per cent. above the standard, or they were willing to arrange for a new scale. The Board were reminded that the scale would run until July 31st, and therefore their application was in violation of that agreement. These offers were recommended to the members, with a request that they, the Board, should be vested with full power to negotiate a settlement, which should be submitted to the county. The offer and request were refused, and another meeting took place on July 9th. The employers then modified their offer, and were willing to give five per cent. advance for the months of August, September, and October, and a further five per cent. for November, December, and January, or they would refer it to open arbitration. Again the question was submitted to the members. The Board said: "There were three courses to pursue: accept the owners' offer, go to arbitration, or ballot the county." Of the three they strongly preferred the offer, as to take the ballot was a repudiation of arbitration as a means of settlement. Arbitration was a lingering and uncertain course. It would last three months, and they would thus lose for that time a clear five per cent., or something like from four to five thousand pounds per week in wages. "Remembering all the difficulties which now surround us, and looking at all the facts, we would very strongly advise you, as men alike interested with yourselves, to accept the offer the owners now make." The reply of the county was to demand twenty per cent. advance. The Federation Board was driven to take the ballot. The result of the ballot was for pressing the demand, and the Miners' Executive made preparation for giving in the notices on August 1st. The employers made another offer: instead of giving two fives they offered a full and immediate ten per cent.

DURHAM COAL OWNERS' ASSOCIATION

The Owners' Wages Committee is unable to recommend its Association to
give an advance of 15 per cent.

The actual invoice price of coals and coke has not yet materially
advanced. Recent contracts at high prices can only have a gradual and
deferred influence. The owners have already given a special advance
of 10 per cent., which has been in operation less than four months.
Any advance which they now give must, like that previous advance, be
in anticipation of the higher prices which will alone allow of higher
wages being paid.

They are willing to stretch a point in this respect in the
expectation that wages will be thereby settled for a period which
will allow of equivalent prices being actually realised, but they are
not prepared to do more than recommend a general advance of 10 per
cent. on the basis rates, to take effect in the first pay commencing
after the date of acceptance of this offer.

REGINALD GUTHRIE,
_Secretary_.

Newcastle-on-Tyne,
_November 23rd, 1889._

The Federation Board urged the acceptance of that offer. "Everyone (unless it be the unobservant and inexperienced) must be fully alive to all the dangers to our social, and it may be our permanent condition, which always follows a strike, such as we should have in this county. It does not mean a few hands, but the entire county, comprising 500,000 folks laid commercially prostrate; and who can conceive the social and moral disaster arising from such a state of things." They felt confident that it would be for the good of the whole county, for they would reap an immediate and certain gain of from £8000 to £10,000 per week.

The ballot was taken. The miners' vote was in favour of a strike, but the whole vote of the Federation was in favour of accepting the ten per cent. Within three months of the acceptance the Miners' Council on September 14th decided that the Committee should demand a further advance of fifteen per cent., to commence on November 1st; if refused, the county to be balloted at once. That request was forwarded to the employers from the Federation Board. They were informed that, after very carefully considering the improved condition of trade and the increased prices at which coal and coke were sold in the open market, the Board considered that they had a just claim for an advance of fifteen per cent. The reply of the employers was contained in the following resolution:--

The Owners' Association, taking an account of the fact that the
ascertained price of coal for the quarter just ended is only 5s.
2.93d. (or 4.44d. above the price of the previous quarter), is not
prepared to give an advance approaching that which is asked, but is
willing to appoint a Committee to confer with the Federation Board,
having full authority to negotiate for a settlement of wages, to
begin at such a date, and extend over such period, as may afford a
reasonable opportunity of actually realising those higher prices
which would alone allow higher wages to be paid.

The question arose whether the miners should seek the advances themselves or through the medium of the Federation Board, as that was the only regular and effective means. It was at the same time pointed out to the workmen that their claim for the fifteen per cent. was in violation of the understanding that three months must elapse from the date of a previous change before a new application could be considered. The voting on the body to negotiate resulted in favour of the Board, but there was a further question to decide. What was to be the line of procedure? Had the Board to make the best settlement, or should they press for the full fifteen per cent., and, if refused, the members be balloted? The miners' special Council voted by a large majority for the full demand or strike, the voting being 297 for strike and 45 for placing the power in the hands of the Board. It was found that the other three sections had remitted the question absolutely to the Federation by large majorities, and the Miners' Executive naturally felt the advance was being delayed for weeks, whereas the Board might have settled it, and the workmen have got an early increase in wages. It was, therefore, felt imperative that the miners should be asked to reconsider their position, seeing that in the other sections there was unanimity. The Committee resolved to again submit it to a Council meeting, but there was no change, the instruction of the previous one being repeated, the majority being slightly decreased. That Council was held on November 14th. The Federation Board met the same night, and on the 15th Mr Crawford handed Mr R. Guthrie (who had been appointed secretary as successor to Mr Bunning, deceased) a request for a meeting. That was fixed for the 23rd of November. When the Board met the owners they were asked what power they had, and the reply was simply to ask for the fifteen per cent. Mr L. Wood, the owners' chairman, then said: "We only agreed to meet the Federation Board on condition that they had power to settle the entire matter. Have you that power?" The Board had to give the humiliating answer: "No." An adjournment for three hours took place, when an offer of ten per cent. was handed to the Board. They then resolved to take a ballot of the whole of the sections, the decision being to accept the offer.

There are two remarks necessary anent the industrial matters of 1889--first, the termination of the sliding scale, which happened on the 31st of July; several attempts were made to revive it again. The latest in the year was a new scale submitted by the Enginemen's Association. It was drawn up by Mr T. Hindmarsh, the treasurer of that Association (who was a very useful man), but it was never proceeded with. The scales had been in existence twelve years. The misfortune was that the trial of the system took place in a series of years which covered the most unbroken period of depression within the experience of the Association. The ascertainment showed that prices never reached (except at the last stage) higher than 5s. per ton, being most of the time below 4s. 8d. We are so much inclined to judge from appearances and not righteous judgment that the blame for bad trade was thrown entirely upon the scale, as if its existence or non-existence could influence the coal markets and their prices. To the superficial observer the collateral conditions of the scale would appeal with force; but men who look at the fitness of things, and who do not measure that fitness by a small period or single phase of our industrial life, are fully aware that all kind of trade seasons are required to supply a proper test--these recognise that the scale, with proper adjustments, is bound to be an equitable means of adjusting wages. There was this coincidence which strengthened the position of the objector: the scale ended just when a boom in trade set in, and many men believed that it had been the incubus which had in an evil manner weighted the trade and kept wages down. "See," they said, "how the conditions have altered since its removal, and shall we not be foolish if we give it another lease of life?"

The second remark applied to the delay in securing the advance through not trusting those at the head to negotiate a settlement, and this in spite of urgent appeals. This remark applies not merely to the distrust of that day, but to all such occasions. The foolishness is not merely for a day, but for all time. It is a great check upon men's ardour to find themselves doubted, and it is a grand incitant and inspiration to feel they have the confidence of their people behind them. If a leader is not such as can be relied upon to do his best he is not fit to be in the position. Generals win battles most assuredly when the men trust them. There is always danger when with suspicion those in the ranks are watching the head.

THE COUNTY COUNCILS' ACT

For a considerable time prior to 1888 there had been a great desire amongst the people for a more active part in local affairs. This was running currently with the national and parliamentary idea. The opposition which reared itself against the national was found striving to prevent an extension of home affairs. It was in relation to this that the Marquis of Salisbury, "that master of jeer and gibe," said what the people wanted was a circus, as they were more eager for that class of amusement than seriously taking part in the management of parish or county business. However, as in the parliamentary suffrage, so in the transferring of the local affairs from the parish magnates and the petty sessions to the people; the spirit of reform, the friends of freedom, and the trustees of the people were too strong. Those who were in power--the masters in the art of "grasping the skirts of happy chance"--those skilful plagiarisers of other people's ideas, calling them their original property, those who have always waited to be forced to do right, introduced and carried the "Local Government Act."

As the men of Durham were eager and expectant in 1885 with reference to the extension of the suffrage--not merely eager to receive, but to use--so in relation to the county affairs, they were earnestly desiring to receive the long withheld right and to put it into operation. In this matter they were and are unique. The system of political teaching carried on by their Franchise Association had not been in vain. While in other parts of the country men had been at fever heat until they were incorporated into the electorate, and then lapsed into indifference or misuse, in Durham the same keen zest was manifest after the passing of the Act as before. Between the Royal assent being given and the time of operation a serious preparation took place. A very large number of meetings were held, and in a business manner the election was prepared for, with the result that about one-fourth of the new-formed Council were working men, and fully seventy per cent. of the parish and district councillors were from their ranks. In this respect the county occupied a proud and peculiar position, for in no other county was any such use made of the Act. Instead of that, the lethargy seen in other counties was such as to justify the Salisburian jeer as to the circus. It may be said without fear of contradiction that no selfish or ill use was made of the power thus gained. No county anywhere more needed reform in matters pertaining to the home life of the people, for in matters of convenience and sanitation the condition of many parts was deplorable. There was a general idea that these working men when they were placed in this responsible and new position, with the public purse to draw upon, would act the part of prodigals, and run into all kinds of waste. Those who said that, based their reasoning on a very false position. They said (and no doubt believed) that the miners did not contribute to the rates, and therefore would rush into useless expenditure. Some of the miners asked where the rates came from if not from them. The fear has been falsified. There was great need in the home surroundings for rushing, but with all that, gradual reforms were the order of the day, and no one suffered.

1890

Another Advance sought--Death of Mr Crawford--The Ten Hours' Drawing
and Hewers' Hours--The second Advance--International Miners'
Conference

This year opened with another claim for an advance. In the Federation Minutes for January 8th is the following:--

That the secretary write to the secretary of the Coal Owners'
Association asking a meeting requesting an advance of 15 per cent. on
all classes.

That motion was the outcome of a resolution passed at the Miners' Council on the 4th. Not merely was the amount of advance named, but the 1st of February was to be the date of its commencement, with the alternative that the ballot be taken if it were refused. The Board met the owners on the 21st of January, when they were given the following resolution:--