Chapter IV: Part 4

On the morrow we set out ten men armed, who took their journey as aforesaid, but the day proved very wet. When we supposed we were within three or four miles of Nemasket, we went out of the way and stayed there till night, because we would not be discovered. There we consulted what to do, and thinking best to beset the house at midnight, each was appointed his task by the captain, all men encouraging one another to the utmost of their power. By night our guide lost his way, which much discouraged our men, being we were wet, and weary of our arms, but one of our men, having been before at Nemasket, brought us into the way again.

Before we came to the town, we sat down and ate such as our knapsacks afforded. That being done, we threw them aside, and all such things as might hinder us, and so went on and beset the house, according to our last resolution. Those that entered demanded if Corbitant were not there, but fear had bereft the savages of speech. We charged them not to stir, for if Corbitant were not there, we would not meddle with them; if he were, we came principally for him, to be avenged on him for the supposed death of Squanto, and other matters; but, howsoever, we would not at all hurt their women or children. Notwithstanding, some of them pressed out at a private door and escaped, but with some wounds. At length perceiving our principal ends, they told us Corbitant was returned with all his train, and that Squanto was yet living, and in the town, offering some tobacco, other such as they had to eat. In this hurly-burly we discharged two pieces at random, which much terrified all the inhabitants, except Squanto and Tokamahamon, who, though they knew not our end in coming, yet assured them of our honesty, that we would not hurt them. Those boys that were in the house, seeing our care of women, often cried, “_Neen squaes_,” that is to say, “I am a woman”; the women also hanging upon Hobomok, calling him _Towam_, that is, “friend.” But to be short, we kept them we had, and made them make a fire that we might see to search the house. In the meantime Hobomok got on the top of the house and called Squanto and Tokamahamon, which came unto us accompanied with others, some armed and others naked. Those that had bows and arrows, we took them away, promising them again when it was day. The house we took for our better safeguard, but released those we had taken, manifesting whom we came for and wherefore.

On the next morning we marched into the midst of the town, and went to the house of Squanto to breakfast. Thither came all whose hearts were upright towards us, but all Corbitant’s faction were fled away. There in the midst of them we manifested again our intendment, assuring them, that although Corbitant had now escaped us, yet there was no place should secure him and his from us if he continued his threatening us and provoking others against us, who had kindly entertained him, and never intended evil towards him till he now so justly deserved it. Moreover, if Massasoit did not return in safety from Narraganset, or if hereafter he should make any insurrection against him, or offer violence to Squanto, Hobomok, or any of Massasoit’s subjects, we would revenge it upon him, to the overthrow of him and his. As for those were wounded, we were sorry for it, though themselves procured it in not staying in the house at our command; yet if they would return home with us, our surgeon should heal them.

At this offer, one man and a woman that were wounded went home with us, Squanto and many other known friends accompanying us, and offering all help that might be by carriage of any thing we had to ease us. So that, by God’s good providence, we safely returned home the morrow night after we set forth.

A
RELATION OF OUR
Voyage to the Massachusets,
and what happened there.

It seemed good to the company in general, that though the Massachusets had often threatened us (as we were informed), yet we should go amongst them, partly to see the country, partly to make peace with them, and partly to procure their truck. For these ends the governors chose ten men fit for the purpose, and sent Squanto and two other savages to bring us to speech with the people, and interpret for us.

We set out about midnight,[104] the tide then serving for us. We supposing it to be nearer than it is, thought to be there the next morning betimes, but it proved well near twenty leagues from New Plymouth.

We came into the bottom of the bay,[105] but being late we anchored and lay in the shallop, not having seen any of the people. The next morning we put in for the shore. There we found many lobsters that had been gathered together by the savages, which we made ready under a cliff. The captain set two sentinels behind the cliff to the landward to secure the shallop, and taking a guide with him and four of our company, went to seek the inhabitants; where they met a woman coming for her lobsters, they told her of them, and contented her for them. She told them where the people were. Squanto went to them; the rest returned, having direction which way to bring the shallop to them.

The sachem or governor of this place, is called Obbatinewat, and though he lives in the bottom of the Massachusetts Bay, yet he is under Massasoit. He used us very kindly; he told us he durst not then remain in any settled place, for fear of the Tarentines.[106] Also the Squaw Sachem,[107] or Massachusets’ queen, was an enemy to him.

We told him of divers sachems that had acknowledged themselves to be King James his men, and if he also would submit himself, we would be his safeguard from his enemies, which he did, and went along with us to bring us to the Squaw Sachem. Again we crossed the bay, which is very large and hath at least fifty islands in it, but the certain number is not known to the inhabitants. Night it was before we came to that side of the bay where this people were. On shore the savages went but found nobody. That night also we rid at anchor aboard the shallop.

On the morrow we went ashore, all but two men, and marched in arms up in the country. Having gone three miles we came to a place where corn had been newly gathered, a house pulled down, and the people gone. A mile from hence, Nanepashemet, their king, in his life-time had lived. His house was not like others, but a scaffold was largely built, with poles and planks some six feet from ground, and the house upon that, being situated on the top of a hill.

Not far from hence, in a bottom, we came to a fort built by their deceased king, the manner thus: there were poles some thirty or forty feet long, stuck in the ground as thick as they could be set one by another, and with these they enclosed a ring some forty of fifty feet over. A trench breast high was digged on each side; one way there was to go into it with a bridge; in the midst of this palisade stood the frame of a house wherein, being dead, he lay buried.

About a mile from hence, we came to such another, but seated on the top of a hill; here Nanepashemet was killed, none dwelling in it since the time of his death. At this place we stayed, and sent two savages to look the inhabitants, and to inform them of our ends in coming, that they might not be fearful of us. Within a mile of this place they found the women of the place together, with their corn on heaps, whither we supposed them to be fled for fear of us, and the more, because in divers places they had newly pulled down their houses, and for haste in one place had left some of their corn covered with a mat, and nobody with it.

With much fear they entertained us at first, but seeing our gentle carriage towards them, they took heart and entertained us in the best manner they could, boiling cod and such other things as they had for us. At length, with much sending for, came one of their men, shaking and trembling for fear. But when he saw we intended them no hurt, but came to truck, he promised us his skins also. Of him we inquired for their queen, but it seemed she was far from thence—at least we could not see her.

Here Squanto would have had us rifle the savage women, and taken their skins and all such things as might be serviceable for us; for (said he) they are a bad people, and have oft threatened you. But our answer was: Were they never so bad, we would not wrong them, or give them any just occasion against us; for their words, we little weighed them, but if they once attempted any thing against us, then we would deal far worse than he desired.

Having well spent the day, we returned to the shallop, almost all the women accompanying us to truck, who sold their coats from their backs, and tied boughs about them, but with great shamefacedness (for indeed they are more modest than some of our English women are). We promised them to come again to them, and they us, to keep their skins.

Within this bay the savages say there are two rivers, the one whereof we saw, having a fair entrance, but we had no time to discover it. Better harbors for shipping cannot be than here are. At the entrance of the bay are many rocks, and in all likelihood very good fishing-ground. Many, yea, most of the islands have been inhabited, some being cleared from end to end, but the people are all dead, or removed.

Our victual growing scarce, the wind coming fair, and having a light moon, we set out at evening and, through the goodness of God, came safely home before noon the day following.

A
LETTER SENT FROM
New England to a friend in these parts,
setting forth a brief and true declaration of the worth of that
plantation; as also certain useful directions for such as intend a
voyage into those parts.

Loving and Old Friend,[108]

Although I received no letter from you by this ship,[109] yet forasmuch as I know you expect the performance of my promise, which was, to write unto you truly and faithfully of all things, I have therefore at this time sent unto you accordingly, referring you for further satisfaction to our more large relations.[110]

You shall understand that in this little time that a few of us have been here, we have built seven dwelling-houses, and four for the use of the plantation, and have made preparation for divers others. We set the last spring some twenty acres of Indian corn, and sowed some six acres of barley and pease, and according to the manner of the Indians, we manured our ground with herrings, or rather shads, which we have in great abundance, and take with great ease at our doors. Our corn did prove well, and, God be praised, we had a good increase of Indian corn, and our barley indifferent good, but our pease not worth the gathering, for we feared they were too late sown. They came up very well, and blossomed, but the sun parched them in the blossom.

Our harvest being gotten in, our governor sent four men on fowling, that so we might after a special manner rejoice together after we had gathered the fruit of our labors.[111] They four in one day killed as much fowl as, with a little help beside, served the company almost a week. At which time, amongst other recreations, we exercised our arms, many of the Indians coming amongst us, and among the rest their greatest king Massasoit, with some ninety men, whom for three days we entertained and feasted, and they went out and killed five deer, which they brought to the plantation and bestowed on our governor, and upon the captain and others. And although it be not always so plentiful as it was at this time with us, yet by the goodness of God, we are so far from want that we often wish you partakers of our plenty.

We have found the Indians very faithful in their covenant of peace with us, very loving and ready to pleasure us. We often go to them, and they come to us; some of us have been fifty miles by land in the country with them, the occasions and relations whereof you shall understand by our general and more full declaration of such things as are worth the noting. Yea, it hath pleased God so to possess the Indians with a fear of us, and love unto us, that not only the greatest king amongst them, called Massasoit, but also all the princes and peoples round about us, have either made suit unto us, or been glad of any occasion to make peace with us, so that seven of them at once have sent their messengers to us to that end.[112] Yea, an Fle[113] at sea, which we never saw, hath also, together with the former, yielded willingly to be under the protection, and subjects to our sovereign lord King James. So that there is now great peace amongst the Indians themselves, which was not formerly, neither would have been but for us; and we for our parts walk as peaceably and safely in the wood as in the highways in England. We entertain them familiarly in our houses, and they as friendly bestowing their venison on us. They are a people without any religion or knowledge of any God, yet very trusty, quick of apprehension, ripe-witted, just. The men and women go naked, only a skin about their middles.

For the temper of the air, here it agreeth well with that in England, and if there be any difference at all, this is somewhat hotter in summer. Some think it to be colder in winter, but I cannot out of experience so say; the air is very clear and not foggy, as hath been reported. I never in my life remember a more seasonable year than we have here enjoyed, and if we have once but kine, horses, and sheep, I make no question but men might live as contented here as in any part of the world. For fish and fowl, we have great abundance; fresh cod in the summer is but coarse meat with us; our bay is full of lobsters all the summer and affordeth variety of other fish; in September we can take a hogshead of eels in a night, with small labor, and can dig them out of their beds all the winter. We have mussels and othus[114] at our doors. Oysters we have none near, but we can have them brought by the Indians when we will; all the spring-time the earth sendeth forth naturally very good sallet herbs.[115] Here are grapes, white and red, and very sweet and strong also. Strawberries, gooseberries, raspas,[116] etc. Plums of three sorts, with black and red, being almost as good as a damson; abundance of roses, white, red, and damask; single, but very sweet indeed. The country wanteth only industrious men to employ, for it would grieve your hearts if, as I, you had seen so many miles together by goodly rivers uninhabited, and withal, to consider those parts of the world wherein you live to be even greatly burdened with abundance of people. These things I thought good to let you understand, being the truth of things as near as I could experimentally take knowledge of, and that you might on our behalf give God thanks who hath dealt so favorably with us.

Our supply of men[117] from you came the 9th of November 1621, putting in at Cape Cod, some eight or ten leagues from us. The Indians that dwell thereabout were they who were owners of the corn which we found in caves, for which we have given them full content, and are in great league with them. They sent us word there was a ship near unto them, but thought it to be a Frenchman, and indeed for ourselves, we expected not a friend so soon. But when we perceived that she made for our bay, the governor commanded a great piece to be shot off, to call home such as were abroad at work; where-upon every man, yea, boy, that could handle a gun, were ready, with full resolution that if she were an enemy, we would stand in our just defense, not fearing them, but God provided better for us than we supposed. These came all in health, not any being sick by the way (otherwise than by sea-sickness) and so continue at this time, by the blessing of God; the good-wife Ford was delivered of a son the first night she landed, and both of them are very well.

When it pleaseth God, we are settled and fitted for the fishing business, and other trading; I doubt not but by the blessing of God the gain will give content to all. In the mean time, that we have gotten we have sent by this ship,[118] and though it be not much, yet it will witness for us that we have not been idle, considering the smallness of our number all this summer. We hope the merchants will accept of it, and be encouraged to furnish us with things needful for further employment, which will also encourage us to put forth ourselves to the uttermost.

Now because I expect your coming unto us[119] with other of our friends, whose company we much desire, I thought good to advertise[120] you of a few things needful. Be careful to have a very good bread-room to put your biscuits in. Let your cask for beer and water be iron-bound for the first tire if not more; let not your meat be dry-salted—none can better do it than the sailors. Let your meal be so hard trod in your cask that you shall need an adz or hatchet to work it out with. Trust not too much on us for corn at this time, for by reason of this last company that came, depending wholly upon us, we shall have little enough till harvest; be careful to come by some of your meal to spend by the way—it will much refresh you. Build your cabins as open as you can, and bring good store of clothes and bedding with you. Bring every man a musket or fowling-piece; let your piece be long in the barrel, and fear not the weight of it, for most of our shooting is from stands. Bring juice of lemons, and take it fasting; it is of good use. For hot waters, aniseed water is the best, but use it sparingly. If you bring any thing for comfort in the country, butter or sallet oil, or both is very good. Our Indian corn, even the coarsest, maketh as pleasant meat as rice, therefore spare that unless to spend by the way; bring paper and linseed oil for your windows, with cotton yarn for your lamps. Let your shot be most for big fowls, and bring store of powder and shot. I forbear further to write for the present, hoping to see you by the next return, so I take my leave, commending you to the Lord for a safe conduct unto us. Resting in him,

Your loving friend,
E. W.[121]

Plymouth, in New England, this 11th of December, 1621.

Reasons and Considerations
touching the lawfulness of removing out of England into the parts of
America.

[Sidenote: The
Preamble]

Forasmuch as many exceptions are daily made against the going into and inhabiting of foreign desert places, to the hindrances of plantations abroad, and the increase of distractions at home, it is not amiss that some which have been ear-witnesses of the exceptions made, and are either agents or abettors of such removals and plantations, do seek to give content to the world, in all things that possibly they can.

And although the most of the opposites are such as either dream of raising their fortunes here,[122] to that than which there is nothing more unlike, or such as affecting their home-born country so vehemently, as that they had rather with all their friends beg, yea, starve in it, than undergo a little difficulty in seeking abroad; yet are there some who, out of doubt in tenderness of conscience, and fear to offend God by running before they be called, are straitened and do straiten others from going to foreign plantations.

For whose cause especially, I have been drawn, out of my good affection to them, to publish some reasons that might give them content and satisfaction, and also stay and stop the wilful and witty caviller; and herein I trust I shall not be blamed of any godly wise, though through my slender judgment I should miss the mark, and not strike the nail on the head, considering it is the first attempt that hath been made (that I know of) to defend those enterprises. Reason would, therefore, that if any man of deeper reach and better judgment see further or otherwise, that he rather instruct me than deride me.

[Sidenote: Cautions]

And being studious for brevity, we must first consider that whereas God of old did call and summon our fathers by predictions, dreams, visions, and certain illuminations to go from their countries, places, and habitations, [Sidenote: Gen. 12:1, 2, & 35:1.] to reside and dwell here or there, and to wander up and down from city to city, and land to land, according to his will and pleasure, now there is no such calling to be expected for any matter whatsoever, [Sidenote: Matt. 2:19.] neither must any so much as imagine that there will now be any such thing. [Sidenote: Ps. 105:13.] God did once so train up his people, but now he doth not, [Sidenote: Heb. 1:1, 2.] but speaks in another manner, and so we must apply ourselves to God’s present dealing, and not to his wonted dealing; and as the miracle of giving manna [Sidenote: Josh. 5:12.] ceased when the fruits of the land became plenty, so God, having such a plentiful storehouse of directions in his holy word, there must not now any extraordinary revelations be expected. But now the ordinary examples and precepts of the Scriptures, reasonably and rightly understood and applied, must be the voice and word that must call us, press us, and direct us in every action.

Neither is there any land or possession now, like unto the possession which the Jews had in Canaan, [Sidenote: Gen. 17:8.] being legally holy and appropriated unto a holy people, the seed of Abraham, in which they dwelt securely and had their days prolonged, it being by an immediate voice said, that he (the Lord) gave it them as a land of rest after their weary travels, and a type of eternal rest in heaven but now there is no land of that sanctimony, no land so appropriated, none typical, much less any that can be said to be given of God to any nation as was Canaan, which they and their seed must dwell in, till God sendeth upon them sword or captivity. But now we are all in all places strangers and pilgrims, travellers and sojourners, most properly, having no dwelling but in this earthen tabernacle; our dwelling is but a wandering, and our abiding but as a fleeting, and in a word our home is nowhere, but in the heavens, [Sidenote: II Cor. 5:1, 2, 3.] in that house not made with hands, whose maker and builder is God, and to which all ascend that love the coming of our Lord Jesus.

[Sidenote: So were the
Jews, but yet their
temporal blessings and
inheritances were more
large than ours.]

Though then there may be reasons to persuade a man to live in this or that land, yet there cannot be the same reasons which the Jews had, but now as natural, civil and religious bands tie men, so they must be bound, and as good reasons for things terrene and heavenly appear, so they must be led.

[Sidenote: Object.]

And so here falleth in our question, how a man that is here born and bred, and hath lived some years, may remove himself into another country.

[Sidenote: Answ. 1.
What persons may hence
remove.]

I answer, a man must not respect only to live, and do good to himself, but he should see where he can live to do most good to others; for, as one saith, “He whose living is but for himself, it is time he were dead.” Some men there are who of necessity must here live, as being tied to duties, either to church, commonwealth, household, kindred, etc. But others, and that many, who do no good in none of those, nor can do none, as being not able, or not in favor, or as wanting opportunity, and live as outcasts, nobodies, eye-sores, eating but for themselves, teaching but themselves, and doing good to none, either in soul or body, and so pass over days, years, and months, yea, so live and so die. Now such should lift up their eyes and see whether there be not some other place and country to which they may go to do good and have use towards others of that knowledge, wisdom, humanity, reason, strength, skill, faculty, etc., which God hath given them for the service of others and his own glory.

[Sidenote: 2. Why they
should remove.]

[Sidenote: Reas. 1]

But not to pass the bounds of modesty so far as to name any, though I confess I know many, who sit here still [Sidenote: Luke 19:20.] with their talent in a napkin, having notable endowments both of body and mind, and might do great good if they were in some places, which here do none, nor can do none, and yet through fleshly fear, niceness,[123] straitness of heart, etc., sit still and look on and will not hazard a dram of health, nor a day of pleasure, nor an hour of rest to further the knowledge and salvation of the sons of Adam in that New World, where a drop of the knowledge of Christ is most precious, which is here not set by. Now what shall we say to such a profession of Christ, to which is joined no more denial of a man’s self?

[Sidenote: Object.]

But some will say, what right have I to go live in the heathens’ country?

[Sidenote: Answ.]

Letting pass the ancient discoveries, contracts and agreements which our Englishmen have long since made in those parts, together with the acknowledgment of the histories and chronicles of other nations, who profess the land of America from the Cape de Florida unto the Bay of Canada (which is south and north three hundred leagues and upwards, and east and west further than yet hath been discovered) is proper to the King of England—yet letting that pass, lest I be thought to meddle further than it concerns me, or further than I have discerning, I will mention such things as are within my reach, knowledge, sight and practise, since I have travailed in these affairs.

[Sidenote: Reas. 2.]

And first, seeing we daily pray for the conversion of the heathens, we must consider whether there be not some ordinary means and course for us to take to convert them, or whether prayer for them be only referred to God’s extraordinary work from heaven. Now it seemeth unto me that we ought also to endeavor and use the means to convert them, and the means cannot be used unless we go to them or they come to us; to us they cannot come, our land is full; to them we may go, their land is empty.

[Sidenote: Reas. 3.]

This then is a sufficient reason to prove our going thither to live lawful: their land is spacious and void, and there are few and do but run over the grass, as do also the foxes and wild beasts. They are not industrious, neither have art, science, skill or faculty to use either the land or the commodities of it, but all spoils, rots, and is marred for want of manuring, gathering, ordering, etc. As the ancient patriarchs therefore removed from straiter places into more roomy, where the land lay idle and waste, and none used it, though there dwelt inhabitants by them, (as Gen. 13:6,11,12, and 34:21, and 41:20), so is it lawful now to take a land which none useth, and make use of it.

[Sidenote: Reas. 4.
This is to be
considered as
respecting New
England, and the
territories about the
plantation.]

And as it is a common land or unused, and undressed country, so we have it by common consent, composition and agreement, which agreement is double. First, the imperial governor Massasoit, whose circuits in likelihood are larger than England and Scotland, hath acknowledged the King’s Majesty of England to be his master and commander, and that once in my hearing, yea, and in writing, under his hand to Captain Standish, both he and many other kings which are under him, as Paomet, Nauset, Cummaquid, Narraganset, Nemasket, etc., with divers others that dwell about the bays of Patuxet and Massachusetts. Neither hath this been accomplished by threats and blows, or shaking of sword and sound of trumpet, for as our faculty that way is small, and our strength less, so our warring with them is after another manner, namely by friendly usage, love, peace, honest and just carriages, good counsel, etc., that so we and they may not only live in peace in that land, [Sidenote: Pss. 110:3, & 48:3.] and they yield subjection to an earthly prince, but that as voluntaries they may be persuaded at length to embrace the Prince of Peace, Christ Jesus, and rest in peace with him forever.

Secondly, this composition is also more particular and applicatory, as touching ourselves there inhabiting: the emperor, by a joint consent, hath promised and appointed us to live at peace where we will in all his dominions, taking what place we will, and as much land as we will, and bringing as many people as we will, and that for these two causes. First, because we are the servants of James, King of England, whose the land (as he confesseth) is; second, because he hath found us just, honest, kind and peaceable, and so loves our company; yea, and that in these things there is no dissimulation on his part, nor fear of breach (except our security engender in them some unthought of treachery, or our uncivility provoke them to anger) is most plain in other relations,[124] which show that the things they did were more out of love than out of fear.

It being then, first, a vast and empty chaos; secondly, acknowledged the right of our sovereign king; thirdly, by a peaceable composition in part possessed of divers of his loving subjects, I see not who can doubt or call in question the lawfulness of inhabiting or dwelling there, but that it may be as lawful for such as are not tied upon some special occasion here, to live there as well as here. Yea, and as the enterprise is weighty and difficult, so the honor is more worthy, to plant a rude wilderness, to enlarge the honor and fame of our dread sovereign, but chiefly to display the efficacy and power of the Gospel, both in zealous preaching, professing, and wise walking under it, before the faces of these poor blind infidels.

As for such as object the tediousness of the voyage thither, the danger of pirates’ robbery, of the savages’ treachery, etc., these are but lions in the way, [Sidenote: Prov. 22:13.] and it were well for such men if they were in heaven, for who can show them a place in this world where iniquity shall not [Sidenote: Ps. 49:5.] compass them at the heels, and where they shall have a day without grief, or a lease of life for a moment; [Sidenote: Matt. 6:34.] and who can tell, but God, what dangers may lie at our doors, even in our native country, or what plots may be abroad, or when God will cause our sun to go down at noon-days, and in the midst of our peace and security, lay upon us [Sidenote: Amos 8:9.] some lasting scourge for our so long neglect and contempt of his most glorious Gospel?

[Sidenote: Ob.]

But we have here great peace, plenty of the Gospel, and many sweet delights, and variety of comforts.

[Sidenote: Answ.]

True indeed, and far be it from us to deny and diminish the least of these mercies, but have we rendered unto God thankful obedience for this long peace, whilst other peoples have been at wars? [Sidenote: II Chron. 32:25.] Have we not rather murmured, repined, and fallen at wars amongst ourselves, whilst our peace hath lasted with foreign power? Was there ever more suits in law, more envy, contempt and reproach than nowadays? Abraham and Lot departed asunder [Sidenote: Gen. 13:9, 10.] when there fell a breach betwixt them, which was occasioned by the straitness of the land; and surely, I am persuaded that howsoever the frailties of men are principal in all contentions, yet the straitness of the place is such as each man is fain to pluck his means, as it were, out of his neighbor’s throat; there is such pressing and oppressing in town and country, about farms, trades, traffic, etc., so as a man can hardly any where set up a trade but he shall pull down two of his neighbors.

The towns abound with young tradesmen, and the hospitals are full of the ancient; the country is replenished with new farmers, and the almshouses are filled with old laborers; many there are who get their living with bearing burdens, but more are fain to burden the land with their whole bodies. Multitudes get their means of life by prating, and so do numbers more by begging. Neither come these straits upon men always through intemperance, ill husbandry, indiscretion, etc., as some think, but even the most wise, sober, and discreet men go often to the wall, when they have done their best, wherein, as God’s providence swayeth all, so it is easy to see that the straitness of the place, having in it so many strait hearts, cannot but produce such effects more and more, so as every indifferent minded man should be ready to say with father Abraham, “Take thou the right hand, and I will take the left.” Let us not thus oppress, straiten, and afflict one another, but seeing there is a spacious land, the way to which is through the sea, we will end this difference in a day.

That I speak nothing about the bitter contention that hath been about religion, by writing, disputing, and inveighing earnestly one against another, the heat of which zeal, if it were turned against the rude barbarism of the heathens, it might do more good in a day than it hath done here in many years. Neither of the little love to the Gospel, and profit which is made by the preachers in most places, which might easily drive the zealous to the heathens who, no doubt, if they had but a drop of that knowledge which here flieth about the streets, would be filled with exceeding great joy and gladness, as that they would even pluck the kingdom of heaven by violence, and take it as it were, by force.

[Sidenote: The last
let.]

The greatest let[125] that is yet behind is the sweet fellowship of friends, and the satiety of bodily delights.

But can there be two nearer friends almost than Abraham and Lot, or than Paul and Barnabas? And yet, upon as little occasions as we have here, they departed asunder, two of them being patriarchs of the church of old; the other the apostles of the church which is new, and their covenants were such as it seemeth might bind as much as any covenant between men at this day, and yet to avoid greater inconveniences they departed asunder.

Neither must men take so much thought for the flesh, as not to be pleased except they can pamper their bodies with variety of dainties. Nature is content with little, and health is much endangered by mixtures upon the stomach. The delights of the palate do often inflame the vital parts as the tongue setteth afire the whole body. [Sidenote: James 3:6.] Secondly, varieties here are not common to all, but many good men are glad to snap at a crust. The rent-taker lives on sweet morsels, but the rent-payer eats a dry crust often with watery eyes, and it is nothing to say what some one of a hundred hath, but what the bulk, body and commonalty hath, which I warrant you is short enough.

And they also which now live so sweetly, hardly will their children attain to that privilege, but some circumventor or other will outstrip them, and make them sit in the dust, to which men are brought in one age, but cannot get out of it again in seven generations.

To conclude, without all partiality, the present consumption which groweth upon us here, whilst the land groaneth under so many close-fisted and unmerciful men, being compared with the easiness, plainness and plentifulness in living in those remote places, may quickly persuade any man to a liking of this course, and to practise a removal, which being done by honest, godly and industrious men, they shall there be right heartily welcome, but for other of dissolute and profane life, their rooms are better than their companies. For if here, where the Gospel hath been so long and plentifully taught, they are yet frequent in such vices as the heathen would shame to speak of, what will they be when there is less restraint in word and deed? My only suit to all men is, that whether they live there or here, they would learn to use this world as they used it not, keeping faith and a good conscience, both with God and men, that when the day of account shall come, they may come forth as good and fruitful servants, and freely be received, and enter into the joy of their Master.

R. C.[126]

FINIS

FOOTNOTES

[1]An immense body of literature, both popular and scholarly, has been
written on the story of the Pilgrims, and much of it is excellent.
One of the most comprehensive accounts is also one of the most
enjoyable; George F. Willison’s _Saints and Strangers_ (New York,
1945) combines exhaustive scholarship with style and wit.

[2]In the Biblical sense of “God’s chosen people,” or simply, “members
of a Christian church.”

[3]So-called because they were unknown to members of the Leyden
congregation, having been enlisted by the sponsors of the
expedition.

[4]The Pilgrims originally embarked in two ships at Southampton, 5
August 1620, but because the _Speedwell_ leaked dangerously they put
in at Dartmouth for repairs. When they returned to the open sea,
they discovered that she still shipped water. Turning to the nearest
port, they reluctantly decided to abandon the _Speedwell_ as
unseaworthy, and many of the party transferred to the already
crowded _Mayflower_, while a few decided to defer their emigration.
The successful voyage from Plymouth began 6 September, with their
third departure from the homeland.

[5]Thomas Prince, _A Chronological History of New England_ ... (Boston,
1736), vol. I, pt. 2, p. 71, fn. 38.

[6]Although portions of the book have been reprinted frequently, the
only other presentation of the full text was a facsimile in an
edition limited to 285 copies, prepared by Henry M. Dexter, and
entitled _Mourt’s Relation_ (Boston, 1865). It is a heavily
annotated volume, and Dexter’s monumental effort has aided a
generation of scholars, but his meticulous attention to “faithful
reproduction of the original, letter for letter” makes it formidable
to any but a dedicated student. The best known and most widely
available edition includes annotation and uniform spelling, but is
marred by some minor omissions and transpositions: Alexander Young,
_Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers_ (Boston, 1841), pp. 110-249.

[7]Presumably, the initials of John Peirce. Peirce was a London
businessman one of the “merchant adventurers” who had contributed to
the _Mayflower’s_ first voyage. It is possible that he underwrote
the printing of the book; it is certain that the patent to lands
occupied by the Pilgrims—as virtual squatters for almost a year—was
finally issued in his name, in trust for the settlers. They were
delighted to receive this confirmation of their legal rights, and
may have dedicated the book to him in gratitude. Only later did they
learn of the many devious ways in which he tried to cheat them.

[8]Acknowledging their indebtedness to Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his
partners in the Council for New England, (formerly, the Second
Virginia Company, and the Plymouth Company), who exercised legal
authority over the area, which had previously been called “Northern
Virginia.”

[9]Presumably a misprint for the initials of Robert Cushman. See
Introduction.

[10]The writer studiously avoids mentioning the grim fact that more than
half of the group who sailed on the _Mayflower_ had already died.

[11]Although they were pioneer settlers in New England, the Pilgrims had
not come to unknown territory. This portion of the coast had been
sailed by Giovanni de Verrazzano as early as 1524; probably the
first Englishman to visit the area was Bartholomew Gosnold in 1602.
In 1605, George Waymouth commanded a voyage of exploration and
trade, and kipnapped five Indians in Maine, of whom one, Squanto,
later befriended the Pilgrims. By 1608, Samuel de Champlain had even
charted the _Port du Cap de St. Louis_, which was to become Plymouth
Harbor. Capt. John Smith’s map of New England, prepared on a voyage
in 1614, already shows the site named “Plimouth.” Apparently two
mates (or pilots?) of the _Mayflower_ had sailed the coast
previously.

[12]Reasons for assuming that the writer is George Morton have been
discussed in the Introduction.

[13]Presumably, the initials of John Robinson, pastor of the Leyden
congregation. See Introduction.

[14]Bradford’s _Of Plymouth Plantation_ identifies this as the Hudson
River, where the New Netherlands Company had invited the Pilgrims to
settle. Ten leagues appears too short a distance from Cape Cod to
the Hudson: _ten_ may here be a misprint, or reference may be to the
appropriate latitude rather than to the mouth of the river.

[15]Presumably, Provincetown Harbor.

[16]to vomit and have diarrhea

[17]Members of the Leyden congregation were fearful of mutiny and other
abuses by some of the many “Strangers” who had joined the group in
England. The party had no patent for New England, so that they would
have been a people outside the law as soon as they disembarked, and
individual license could have posed a real threat.

[18]The following is the earliest known text of the famous “Mayflower
Compact”, the original document has never been found. John Quincy
Adams overstated the case when he said that “This is perhaps the
only instance in human history of that positive social compact which
speculative philosophers have imagined as the only legitimate source
of government.” As evidenced in the signatures, the distinction
between masters and servants remained, and women had no legal voice
but were still chattel. Nevertheless, it is an unusual document in
which the concept of self-government emerges so sharply during a
time when the divine right of kings was assumed. It is clearly
modelled on the “covenants” or “combinations” which characterized
most Separatist congregations, and is presaged in Rev. Robinson’s
farewell letter.

[19]The names of the signers were first printed in Nathaniel Morton’s
_New England’s Memorial_ (Cambridge, 1669). In alphabetical order,
they are:

John Alden, Isaac Allerton, John Allerton, John Billington, William
Bradford, William Brewster, Richard Britteridge, Peter Brown, John
Carver, James Chilton, Richard Clark, Francis Cook, John Crackstone,
Edward Doten, Francis Eaton, Thomas English, Moses Fletcher, Edward
Fuller, Samuel Fuller, Richard Gardiner, John Goodman, Stephen
Hopkins, John Howland, Edward Leister, Edmond Margeson, Christopher
Martin, William Mullins, Digory Priest, John Ridgedale, Thomas
Rogers, George Soule, Miles Standish, Edward Tilley, John Tilley,
Thomas Tinker, John Turner, Richard Warren, William White, Thomas
Williams, Edward Winslow, Gilbert Winslow.

[20]spade’s

[21]A large longboat which can be rowed, or fitted with a small mast and
sails.

[22]An indication of the overcrowded conditions aboard the _Mayflower_
is the fact that some passengers slept in the shallop, which had
been partially disassembled for easier storage.

[23]The frequent mention of sassafras is understandable in view of the
immense commercial value of that plant in the early seventeenth
century; the root and bark were sold as medicines throughout the Old
World.

[24]overturned

[25]Cf. note 2, p. 16.

[26]It is little wonder that the Indians later took the Pilgrims to task
for having appropriated dried corn from such caches where it had
been stored.

[27]Most of their guns were matchlocks.

[28]sapling

[29]artfully; skillfully

[30]A quaint touch of humor.

[31]hafting

[32]More likely, pneumonia.

[33]I.e., corn.

[34]Knowledge of Indian attacks on white settlers in the Spanish
colonies and in what is now Virginia had led the Pilgrims to expect
ill of them.

[35]I.e., the slow-burning wicks of their matchlock muskets.

[36][of a yard]

[37]a large strong needle used for sewing packages in stout cloth

[38]stakes

[39]simmer; boil

[40]Agawam; now, Ipswich, Massachusetts.

[41]harpoon

[42]swooned

[43]brooks

[44]I.e., 45 inches.

[45]saplings

[46]A kind of flintlock musket.

[47]This defies translation. It is probably less an accurate
transcription of specific Algonquian words than an Englishman’s
vague approximation of the incomprehensible sounds which seemed
threatening to him in such a context.

[48]The landing at Plymouth is reported here as having been almost
fortuitous, although some scholars believe that a few of the leaders
may long before have planned to settle at that site. Clearly there
is nothing here that can be construed as referring to “Plymouth
Rock.”

[49]hindered

[50]Presumably a misprint for _skate_.

[51]spade’s

[52]loose friable earth

[53]fertile; rich

[54]aspen

[55]The Pilgrims were in a situation far different from that of later
pioneers who settled elsewhere as independent farmers. According to
the terms of their stringent contract with the “merchant
adventurers,” their primary concern was to produce salable goods
(e.g., fish, lumber, furs) for their sponsors. This commitment was
to endure seven years, during which the sponsors were to continue
their support of the settlers. The English businessmen seem to have
taken full advantage of the dependent situation of the Pilgrims who
had no other sources of supply nor outlets for their goods.

[56]Clark’s Island, in Plymouth Harbor.

[57]guard-house; i.e., a shelter affording some security against
possible attack

[58]mistress of a household, (a title of respect)

[59]I.e., 8¼ by 49½ feet.

[60]The _Mayflower_ was a vessel of 180 tons.

[61]I.e., approximately 600 feet.

[62]hip-bone

[63]Presumably a misprint for _Carver_. There is no other mention of a
Leaver in the party.

[64]open

[65]fence-stave

[66]This may refer to mud used for plastering the inner side of
clapboard walls, typical of the frame houses which were among the
first permanent buildings at Plymouth. During these early months,
however, it may conceivably refer to a more fundamental structural
feature in temporary huts of wattle-and-daub construction, where mud
is the principal material, daubed over a framework of small
saplings.

[67]A cannon with 3¼ inch bore, firing a 4 pound shot.

[68]Presumably a misprint for _saker_, a cannon with 4 inch bore, firing
a 6 pound shot.

[69]small cannons with 1¼ inch bore, firing ½ pound shot

[70]beef’s

[71]hard; steadily

[72]On first encounter, the Pilgrims were hardly hospitable to Samoset,
whose friendly help in many respects was invaluable to them in later
years.

[73]Presumably, Monhegan Island, off southeastern Maine.

[74]I.e., 9 inches.

[75]A generic term for liquor.

[76]The fact that bubonic plague had recently decimated a major portion
of the indigenous population along the entire coast of New England
was interpreted by the Pilgrims as divine intervention, and served
as a convenient rationalization for English claims to the land.

[77]I.e., to the Wampanoag village where Massasoit was sachem.

[78]Actually members of a crew led by Capt. Thomas Dermer, on an
expedition sponsored by Gorges.

[79]Thomas Hunt, captain of a ship in Capt. John Smith’s company.

[80](in Spain)

[81]leggings

[82]Ireland was little better known than New England in the early
seventeenth century, and comparisons between Indians and Irishmen
are frequent in the descriptive accounts of English explorers of the
period.

[83]clowns

[84]smoked

[85]The adventures of Samoset, Squanto, and other Indians who had been
kidnapped and taken to Europe before whites settled in New England
are recounted with accuracy and appropriate color by Carolyn T.
Foreman, _Indians Abroad_, 1493-1938 (Norman, 1943).

[86]Presumably a misprint for _Williams_. There is no other mention of a
Williamson in the early Plymouth sources.

[87]This first American mutual security pact remained inviolate
throughout Massasoit’s life. He and his eldest son Wamsutta (named
“Alexander” by the English) signed such a treaty in Plymouth in
1639, and it was ratified and confirmed by the colonial government.
The peace was broken in 1675, for which most historians blame
Wamsutta’s brother and successor, Metacom (“King Philip”).

[88]deep

[89]mulberry

[90]The journey to Pokanoket took place in the summer of 1621. During
the preceding three months, which are unreported in this journal,
Bradford notes that almost half of the settlers died in the “General
Sickness.” None abandoned the enterprise, however, and the
_Mayflower_ returned empty to England.

[91]The derivation of this name is not clear. Six different spellings
occur even within this book: _Plimoth, and New Plimoth_ (both on the
title page!), _Plimouth_, _Plimmouth_, _New Plimmouth_, and _New
Plimmouth_. It is true that Plymouth was the town from which the
settlers had finally set sail from their native country, “... having
been kindly entertained and courteously used by divers friends there
dwelling.” Furthermore, the land company which granted their patent
had once been called the Plymouth Company. But we need evoke neither
sentimentalism nor commercial diplomacy on the part of the Pilgrims
to account for the name. In fact, this site was called “Plimouth” on
the map which they carried on the _Mayflower_, from Capt. John
Smith’s _Description of New England_ (London, 1616); supposedly it
was arbitrarily so designated by Prince Charles when Smith showed
him a draft of the map.

[92]Now, Middleborough, Massachusetts.

[93]Now, the Mount Hope area of Bristol, Rhode Island.

[94]cultivate; till

[95]admirably

[96]The wife of James I had died more than a year before the Pilgrims
sailed from England.

[97]fatigued; bruised

[98]Now, Barnstable, Massachusetts.

[99]Now, Eastham, Massachusetts.

[100]Now, Chatham, Massachusetts.

[101]In early seventeenth-century usage, this could imply anything from
disarming to kidnapping, from robbing to killing.

[102]small keg

[103]This passage defies interpretation. “Or Lemes” has no sense in
seventeenth-century English or local Indian languages. Most previous
editors have assumed this to be a misprint for _our allies_; I am
not altogether happy with that interpretation but have nothing
better to offer.

[104]Bradford’s _Of Plymouth Plantation_ sets the date of this
embarkation as 18 September 1621.

[105]I. e., Boston Harbor.

[106]Presumably, the Abnaki, an Algonquian tribe of eastern Maine.

[107]Presumably, the widow of Nanepashemet.

[108]The following appears to be a covering letter which may have
accompanied the manuscript journal when it was sent from Plymouth.
Perhaps the “loving and old friend” of the author is George Morton,
who presumably edited the relations for publication. See
Introduction.

[109]The _Fortune_, first to follow the _Mayflower_.

[110]I. e., the preceding five narratives.

[111]The following is the earliest description of the first
Thanksgiving. The dates are not specified, nor is there specific
mention of turkeys as comprising part of the feast, although they
doubtless did.

[112]The author here probably refers to the following document which was
printed in 1669, in Morton’s _New England’s Memorial_:

“September 13, Anno Dom. 1621.

“Know all men by these presents, that we whose names are
underwritten do acknowledge ourselves to be the loyal subjects of
King James, King of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, Defender of
the Faith, &c. In witness whereof, and as a testimonial of the same,
we have subscribed our names or marks, as followeth:

Ohquamehud, Cawnacome, Obbatinnua, Nattawahunt, Caunbatant,
Chikkatabak, Quadequina, Huttamoiden, Apannow.

[113]No such word occurs in either seventeenth-century English or local
Indian languages. It is presumably a misprint for “Ile,” i.e.,
_isle_, referring to Martha’s Vineyard.

[114]This also defies identification. Perhaps it is a misprint for
_others_.

[115]I.e., salad greens.

[116]raspberries

[117]Thirty-five new settlers arrived on the _Fortune_, of whom some had
set out with the original party but had to return to Plymouth,
England, with the disabled ship _Speedwell_. The newly arrived heads
of family were (in alphabetical order):

John Adams, William Basset, William Beale, Edward Bompasse, Jonathan
Brewster, Clement Briggs, John Cannon, William Conner, Thomas
Cushman, Stephen Dean, Philip de la Noye, Thomas Flavell, Widow
Ford, Robert Hicks, William Hilton, Bennet Morgan, Thomas Morton,
Austin Nicholas, William Palmer, William Pitt, Thomas Prence, Moses
Simonson, Hugh Stacie, James Stewart, William Tench, John Winslow,
William Wright.