Chapter II: Part 2

After thirty years of peace and prosperity, the United States have
been driven to arms. The injuries and aggressions, the insults and
indignities of Great Britain have once more left them no alternative
but manly resistance or unconditional submission. The army under my
command has invaded your country; the standard of the Union now
waves upon the territory of Canada. To the peaceable unoffending
inhabitants it brings neither danger nor difficulty. I come to find
enemies, not to make them, I come to protect, not to injure you.

Separated by an extensive wilderness from Great Britain, you have
no participation in her councils, no interest in her conduct. You
have felt her tyranny, you have seen her injustice. But I do not
ask you to avenge the one or to redress the other. The United
States are sufficiently powerful to afford every security
consistent with their rights and your expectations. I tender you
the invaluable blessing of civil, political and religious liberty,
and their necessary result, individual and general prosperity;
that liberty which gave decision to our councils, and energy to
our conduct in a struggle for independence,--which conducted
us safely and triumphantly through the stormy period of the
revolution--that liberty which has raised us to an elevated rank
among the nations of the world; and which offered us a greater
measure of peace and security, of wealth and improvement, than
ever fell to the lot of any people. In the name of my country, and
the authority of government, I promise you protection to your
persons, property and rights; remain at your homes; pursue your
peaceful and customary avocations; raise not your hands against
your brethren. Many of your fathers fought for the freedom and
independence we now enjoy. Being children therefore of the same
family with us and heirs to the same heritage, the arrival of an
army of friends must be hailed by you with a cordial welcome. You
will be emancipated from tyranny and oppression, and restored to
the dignified station of freedom. Had I any doubt of eventual
success, I might ask your assistance, but I do not, I come
prepared for every contingency. I have a force which will look
down all opposition, and that force is but the vanguard of a
much greater--If, contrary to your own interest and the just
expectation of my country, you should take part in the approaching
contest, you will be considered as enemies, and the horrors and
calamities of war will stalk before you.

If the barbarous and savage policy of Great Britain be pursued, and
the savages are let loose to murder our citizens and butcher even
women and children, _this war will be a war of extermination_.
The first stroke of a tomahawk--the first attempt with the scalping
knife, will be the signal of an indiscriminate scene of desolation.
No white man found fighting by the side of an Indian will be taken
prisoner--instant death will be his lot. If the dictates of reason,
duty, justice and humanity cannot prevent the employment of a force
which respects no rights, and knows no wrong, it will be prevented
by a severe and relentless system of retaliation. I doubt not your
courage and firmness--I will not doubt your attachment to liberty.
If you tender your services voluntarily, they will be accepted
readily. The United States offer you peace, liberty and security.
Your choice lies between these and war, slavery and destruction.
Choose then, but choose wisely; and may He who knows the justice of
our cause, and who holds in His hands the fate of nations, guide you
to a result the most compatible with your rights and interests, your
peace and happiness.

The troops considered this Proclamation as highly indicative of energetic measures; although the "_exterminating_" avowal was disapproved of by the advocates of humanity and generosity to a fallen enemy. The Canadians, who had fled from their homes on our entering Canada, or were doing duty in the service of the Crown at Fort Malden, returned to their dwellings, and sought protection from the American army; such was their confidence in the ability of Gen. Hull to afford them protection, that many of them had expressed their willingness to join our army whenever it should be ready to march against the enemy's post at Malden.

The Indians also seemed willing to remain neutral rather than to take up the tomahawk against a force which to them appeared so formidable as that of the American army. The troops were in high spirits, and loudly expressed their anxious wish to be immediately led on against the enemy--instead of which, or taking any advantage of the favorable moment offered to strike the important blow, the services of all the carpenters, blacksmiths, and artificers of every kind were put in requisition; building gun carriages, scaling-ladders, and gundolas for the transportation of our heavy ordnance.--In short, the preparations which were making seemed to bespeak some grand and brilliant achievement, unparallelled in the annals of martial prowess.

July 14--Col. M'Arthur was detached with 150 men to the river Thames, where he captured a considerable quantity of provisions, blankets, arms and ammunition, while another party secured several hundred merino sheep at Belle Donne, the property of the Earl of Selkirk.

July 15--Col. Cass with a detachment of about 300 men, left the encampment to reconnoitre the enemy's advanced posts. They were found in possession of the bridge over Aux Canard river, five miles from Malden. A detachment of regular troops passed the river to the south side at a ford about 5 miles above the bridge, thence down to the enemy, whom they attacked and drove from their position. The militia behaved in this affair with the greatest gallantry;--three times the British formed, and as often were compelled to retreat. The loss on our part was trifling. One prisoner was taken, and Col. Cass encamped during the night on the scene of action without molestation.

Frequent skirmishing took place between other detachments which were sent to reconnoitre the enemy. In one of these rencontres we lost seven killed and eleven wounded. Such skirmishing, marching and countermarching by detachments from the army, without obtaining any advantage over the enemy had become irksome to the troops and loud murmuring took place.

Sergeant Forbush, one of the prisoners confined at Malden, found means to have a letter conveyed to his Captain, (Burton) informing of the weak state of that post; it is even said the prisoners might at one time have taken it with ease, as all the force of the enemy had crossed the river to the American side, and left but a sergeant's guard at the fort.--It was further stated, at the time Col. Cass drove the British from their position at the river aux Canard, an immediate attack was expected upon the town and fort, and that preparations were made to secure the public property, and to make good their retreat in the event of an assault by our army.

July 21--A large schooner was taken possession of at Sandwich and towed up the river to Detroit, and men employed to fit her up for the service. A cartel arrived from Fort Michillimacinac with American prisoners, who had surrendered that post to the enemy without resistance.--They were ignorant of the declaration of war until they were made prisoners. Nothing further of consequence took place for eight or ten days. The vast preparations for an attack on Malden were still progressing with great industry. The militia from that place were daily coming in to join our standard, and it was expected an immediate attack upon that fort would now be made.

August 4--Major Van Horn, of Col. Findley's regiment was detached with 200 men to the river Raisin, for the purpose of escorting a quantity of provisions to the army, which were at that place under the charge of Capt. Brush. He was attacked in the woods of Brownstown by a large body of Indians while his men were partaking of a little refreshment. So sudden and unexpected was the attack that it was impossible to form the men in line of battle, although every exertion was made by the officers for that purpose. In this defeat seven officers and ten privates were killed, and many more wounded--They retreated in great disorder, leaving part of their killed on the field.

Aug. 5.--Orders are at last issued by Gen. Hull for the army to be in readiness to take the field against the enemy; the first step for this purpose, was to _abandon_ our position in Upper Canada, and return to Detroit; which was accomplished on the night of the 6th, leaving a detachment, however, to garrison a small fort we had built during our stay at Sandwich: this also was shortly after set fire to and abandoned.

Aug. 8.--In consequence of the failure of the expedition under Major Van Horn, the 4th Regt. with a detachment from the militia, all under the command of Col. Miller, left Detroit about 3 o'clock P.M. and proceeded on our march to open the communication with Capt. Brush, who had fortified himself on the banks of the river Raisin. A little past sunset we arrived at the river De Coss, which we crossed, and encamped without tents.--Early next morning continued our march and about 12 o'clock our Cavalry were fired upon by some Indian scouts, who had stationed themselves behind an old log hut, and killed one and wounded another of the dragoons. The line of battle was instantly formed, and we advanced rapidly forward, for a considerable distance, but no enemy could be discovered.--We halted to refresh on an open field, where we tarried a short time, and again proceeded on our march.--At 3 o'clock, P.M. the vanguard, commanded by Capt. Snelling, was fired upon by an extensive line of British troops. Capt. Snelling maintained his position in a most gallant manner until the main body could be formed in line of battle, and advance to his relief; when the whole, excepting the rear guard was brought into action in a masterly style by our brave Commander.--The enemy were formed in an advantageous position behind a breast-work of felled trees; we had advanced but a few rods towards their works before a large body of Indians arose upon each flank of the British and poured a tremendous fire of rifles into our ranks; and in a moment dropped down behind their logs. We still continued on the advance, and could discover nothing but the smoke from their discharge until nearly upon them with the bayonet, which they perceived, before they had time to reload, and retreated to a second breast-work; but they, as well as the British, were driven from every place wherever they attempted to make a stand. The rout became general, and the pursuit continued for about two miles, to the village of Brownstown, where the British took to their boats, and the Indians to the woods.--Col. Miller had directed a charge to be made by the Cavalry, while the enemy were in full rout; which was not done, although Capt. Snelling offered himself to lead them on in person. This cowardice of the Cavalry alone saved the enemy from destruction. In the action an Indian had climbed into the top of a large tree, from which he discharged many arrows into our ranks, but was discovered by the soldiers, and brought down very suddenly. Another Indian who had been wounded, and lay in the woods unable to move from his place, had loaded his rifle and shot down a militia soldier, who was in search of some of his fallen comrades; a party near by heard the report of the rifle, came up and dispatched the Indian while in the act of reloading, for another victim who might pass in his way.--Our killed and wounded were collected before dark and brought to the camp; consisting of 18 killed and 58 wounded. The loss of the British and Indians were 100 killed, and nearly twice that number wounded. Many of them were picked up and brought into camp the same evening, and their wounds carefully attended to. The British were commanded in this action by Major Muir, and the Indians by Tecumseh, Marpot and Walk-in-the-water. Their force consisted of three hundred Regulars and five hundred Indians, nearly one third greater than the American force under Col. Miller.

The only Officers of the 4th Regt. wounded, were Lieut. Larabee, a brave officer who lost an arm--and Lieut. George P. Peters, who commanded the late Capt. Wentworth's company.

Aug. 10.--Boats from Detroit arrived to take up the wounded. On their return they were fired upon by the British brig Hunter, and even after the wounded were transferred from the boats to waggons, this vessel took several positions to harass them on their return to Detroit.

Col. Miller had determined to push on to the river Raisin; for which purpose the troops were paraded in readiness to march; but the Col. was suddenly attacked by a fit of the fever and ague, with which he had been partially afflicted from the time of his severe illness at Fort Harrison in Indiana. We therefore continued on the ground this day, expecting provisions from Detroit, but none arrived. We observed the British to be busy in crossing over troops from Malden a few miles below us, and concluded they intended an attack upon our encampment the following night. About sunset an express arrived in Camp from the General at Detroit, with a peremptory order for the troops to return that evening to the river De Coss. We were immediately formed and proceeded on our return. It having rained the whole of the day, and the night being extremely dark, it was with great difficulty we reached the river; being without tents we were wet to the skin; many lost their shoes in the mud and came on barefoot. About 2 o'clock the next morning we arrived at the river, and after partaking of some refreshment, which had been sent to this place, we spread our blankets, which were wet as well as the ground we lay upon; and notwithstanding our uncomfortable situation we slept soundly until day light.

Aug. 11.--Continued on our march, re-crossed the river De Coss, and arrived at Detroit about 12 o'clock.

Aug. 12.--The British had taken possession of the ground we had abandoned at Sandwich, and commenced throwing up their works; at which they continued without interruption until the 15th, working in open day. Our troops were also employed in erecting batteries on the bank of the river, opposite to those of the British.

Aug. 14.--A detachment of three hundred and fifty troops from M'Arthur's and Cass' regiments were ordered to the river Raisin to escort up the provisions which had so long remained there under the protection of Captain Brush. This was the _third_ detachment which had been sent on that service.

Aug. 15.--The enemy had completed their batteries, and about 10 o'clock, P.M. Gen. Brock, the British commander, sent over a flag of truce from Sandwich, with a summons for the surrender of the town and fort; stating that he could no longer restrain the fury of the savages, and should at 3 o'clock, commence a cannonade upon the place unless the summons was complied with. A prompt and spirited refusal was returned. At 4 o'clock their batteries were opened upon the town, from two 18 pounders and a howitzer. Their fire was briskly returned from our two batteries of three 24 pounders, and continued without interruption until dark. In the evening they commenced throwing shells, and did not cease until 9 o'clock. No person was hurt, or but little damage done, except to a few buildings in the town.

Aug. 16.--At day light the firing recommenced upon the fort, where was stationed the 4th regiment. Not a gun was fired from this place in return. Five men were killed and wounded in the fort, where the Gen. and some citizens from the town had repaired. At sunrise the Indians appeared in the woods back of the town, while the British were seen landing from the Queen Charlotte at Spring Wells, three miles below us. About 8 o'clock they began to move towards us in close column. It was now that we every moment expected the orders of the Gen. to march out and commence the battle which was to decide the fate of this army.--The long wished for moment had now arrived; the eyes of the soldiers of the 4th regiment were turned towards their brave Commander, Col. Miller, and seemed to express the ardent wishes of the men for _him_ to give the word and lead the way.

The militia were posted outside of the fort, behind a line of pickets. Two 24 pounders loaded with grape shot were placed in a situation to sweep the advancing column of the enemy.

The British troops advanced with a regular step, and in fine order. All was silent in the fort--"Not a discontent broke upon the ear--Not a look of cowardice met the eye." We listened in eager expectation, that each moment our ears would be saluted from the discharge of the 24 pounders. What was our surprise when we beheld the militia retreating towards the fort, and at the same time an American Officer on horseback riding towards the British column bearing a _white flag_, while another was placed on the parapet of the fort. A soldier attempted to knock it down with his musquet--an officer stepped up and commanded him to desist--"There sir," says the soldier, pointing to the American colors, then waving on the flag-staff--"_There is the flag I choose to fight under!_"--Such was the spirit which animated the whole body of the troops. A British officer rode up to the fort, and in thirty minutes afterwards a capitulation was signed. The Adjutant soon after came in and informed the troops that we must consider ourselves prisoners of war to His Britannic Majesty's forces under Gen. Brock.

Such curses and imprecations as were now uttered by the soldiers upon the head of our General, were perhaps never before made use in any army.--"_Treachery_"--"_We are sold_"--was the cry throughout.

We were ordered to pack up our effects as soon as possible. Some officers entered the loft of the store house, where they found a few articles of clothing, which was distributed among us. The militia had been crowded into the fort which now was nearly filled with troops, in great disorder.

At 12 o'clock the British marched in and took possession of the fort. We were then ordered to shoulder arms and march out in sections.--Passing near the British, we observed the greater part of their troops to be Militia, having "_Canadian Militia_," stamped on the buttons of their coats, which were _red_, and gave them the appearance of regulars.--Of the red coats there were 29 platoons, with 12 men to each, (348) and about the same number without uniforms.--We were marched into a field adjoining the fort, and stacked our arms--a British guard was immediately placed over them.

The colors of the 4th regiment were next brought out by the Adjutant and delivered into the hands of a British officer. On observing this the soldiers could not suppress their tears. These colors were a present to the regiment by some ladies in Boston, and had been borne victoriously on the banks of the Wabash, and the shores of Erie, and at last are obliged to be shamefully surrendered to Canadian Militia, in consequence of the _cowardly_, (if not treacherous) conduct of our General.

The absence of Cols. M'Arthur and Cass was greatly lamented--had they been present, doubtless an engagement would have taken place; but some how or other the plans of the Gen. seemed to be more wisely arranged for a surrender than a manly defence.

There were surrendered with the fort, 29 pieces of cannon, 2500 stands of arms and a considerable quantity of military stores and provisions.

At 2 o'clock we were sent on board a schooner, (the same we had taken possession of while at Sandwich) where wounded and sick men, women and children were stowed away without discrimination. We received no provisions from the British for two days; but fortunately some of the men had brought a small quantity on board with them, which was shared among us while it lasted.

Aug. 18.--We were transferred to another schooner and sent to Malden, where we met with our former comrades who were taken prisoners on the 2nd July, confined on board an old vessel in the river. They said they had been well treated by the British, but were frequently insulted by the Indians who passed along the shore. Sergt. Jennison has favored the author with the following minutes of the conduct of the Indians while he remained a prisoner at Malden:

"On the 18th July we were informed that an engagement took place at
the river aux Canard between our troops and the British, and that
the former were driven back. A British soldier was killed in the
action, and buried near the river; the Indians afterwards dug up the
body, (supposing him to be an American) and took off the scalp.
Towards evening they came into the town with the scalp fixed to a
pole, which they shook at us, saying "one yankee gone home.""

July 19.--A number of Indians came in from a skirmish with our troops, having one of their number badly wounded; when they came opposite to us, they suddenly halted and pointed their rifles towards us as we were walking the deck, in order to frighten us, as we supposed; but not taking any particular notice of them, they discharged several pieces at us; some of their shot came very close, but they did no injury.

July 21.--The Indians received new blankets and guns from the King's store. An American prisoner was brought to the fort by the name of Burns--he was shot through the thigh, and had been awfully beat by the squaws: an officer found means to purchase him, and thereby saved his life.

Aug. 4.--The Indians at Brownstown agreed in council to take up the tomahawk against the Americans, and a number of boats passed across the river to assist them over with their effects.--Gen. Brock soon after arrived with troops from York. Nothing more of consequence took place here until the arrival of our troops from Detroit.

On our arrival at Malden we were put on board of different vessels in the river: The private property taken in the schooner the 2d of July was restored to its right owners.

Aug. 19.--The regular troops were put on board the Queen Charlotte and another small vessel in the river. Provisions were dealt out to us, consisting of pork and flour; but we had no convenience allowed us to cook it, and were obliged to eat our pork raw. The flour, we contrived to mix into small cakes, and when the greasy cook to the vessel saw fit to grant us permission, we threw them into his kettle, where they were boiled.

The Militia prisoners departed in two vessels for Cleveland where they were to receive their paroles.

Aug. 20.--We set sail from Malden for fort Erie in the Queen Charlotte and a schooner.--Our situation on board the schooner was truly deplorable: being 150 of us in number, there was hardly room sufficient for us to stand together in the hold. Only a few were allowed to remain on deck at a time, and at night all were turned below, where we were obliged to huddle together and each one rest the best way he could. The hold became so foul before morning that the men would gather at the hatchway, greatly distressed for fresh air.

After a passage of three days we arrived at Fort Erie, half famished with hunger; although we had a plenty of provisions on board such as it was;--raw pork and dough may answer two or three meals for a _soldier_, but a continuance of such food would starve even him.

Aug. 23d.--We were landed, and informed that an armistice had been concluded between the two governments.--We tarried here but a short time--drew provisions for the day, and at ten o'clock we were formed, and under a guard proceeded on our march for Fort George. As we passed Black Rock, the American fort on the opposite shore, we beheld many of our country soldiers viewing us from the ramparts. At sunset we arrived at Chippewa and were confined in a large building where we remained for that night. Two or three of our men escaped from the British and crossed the river to the American side on a gate which they had taken from the fence near the building where we were confined.

Aug. 24.--A quantity of cooked provision was dealt out to us; and at 8 o'clock we again commenced our march; passed through Queenstown, and arrived at Fort George, about two o'clock, P.M.--We were paraded and a strict examination made for British deserters; but none were found among us.

One of our men by the name of Barker, an American by birth, had been previously claimed, and was taken from us as a British deserter--he had been in the British service at Quebec several years before, and from which he deserted, and enlisted at Fort Independence in Boston, in 1809.

Aug. 27.--We embarked on board two gun brigs, the Royal George and Prince Regent, and in two days arrived at Kingston, where we were well treated and had plenty of provisions allowed us. One of our men was prevailed upon to enter the British service, on board the Royal George.

Aug. 28.--Two hundred British troops arrived from Montreal in Batteaux; and at the same time we received orders to be in readiness to embark the next morning and proceed on our passage.

A Corporal and Musician of Captain Brown's Company made their escape by swimming to a small island a short distance from where we were confined.

Sept. 1.--We drew provisions for 4 days, and embarked on board the batteaux, and ordered to Montreal. A strong guard of soldiers, in boats carrying a small swivel in the bow, loaded with grape shot, escorted us on our passage;--we were compelled to row ourselves in the boats, which much fatigued us in our weakly situation; but complaints were of no other consequence here than an addition of abuse: he who complained least fared best.--Each night the boats were brought ashore, and a guard lined the beach to prevent us from leaving them.

We were not allowed to go three rods from the boats, and if in that compass we could procure fuel sufficient to cook our provision, it was well, otherwise our next day's fare must be on raw pork, as usual. At dark we were all driven to the boats, where we remained till morning, in a very uncomfortable situation, there being from twelve to fifteen men in each it was impossible to lay in any convenient position for resting or sleep.

Sept. 7.--We arrived at a small village, seventeen miles from Montreal--crowds of people had collected at this place, to have a peep as they said, at Gen. Hull's "_exterminating yankees_,"--Our guard was strengthened by a fine looking company of volunteers, and about three o'clock we were paraded in sections, and commenced our march for the city, where we arrived about 8 o'clock in the evening. The streets through which we passed, and the houses were filled with spectators, holding lights from their windows. A band of music joined the escort, and struck up our much admired ditty, "_yankee doodle_," in which they were joined by all of us who could whistle the tune; and like merry yankee soldiers we jogged on, and when they ceased to play, yankee doodle was loudly called for by the regiment. At last somewhat mortified at our conduct, they began "Rule Britannia," which was cheered by the multitude; but we still continued our favorite song, some singing and others whistling till we reached the barracks.

Sept. 7.--Many people crowded about the barrack yard, but none were permitted to converse with us. In the afternoon we were paraded by companies, and a list descriptive of each individual of the regiment was taken by the British officers.

Sept. 8.--We embarked on board of boats to descend the river to Quebec--we arrived very late at the mouth of the river Sorel, and were immediately landed; passing two lines of soldiers with charged bayonets, to a large stone house, and were shut close during the night. Notwithstanding our repeated calls for water not a drop would they allow us; neither would they permit us to pass out in any case whatever. At sunrise we were turned out and ordered to the boats, and were permitted to cook our breakfasts on the shore, provided we could find fuel near us, for they would allow us none but what we could pick up about the boats. It is somewhat singular that our officers, (many of whom were with us) could be so regardless of our situation. Had they manifested the same spirit for the welfare of their men in _captivity_, that they did in _active service_, we should never have been so shamefully abused. Sergeant Tracy of the late Capt. Baen's company, was the only man among us who had spirit enough to speak _openly_ to the British officers of our treatment in this case--they said that our being _closely confined_ was without the orders of the commanding officer; and the officer who commanded the guard had been severely reprimanded for his conduct--poor consolation enough for _our_ sufferings.

Sept. 9.--We embarked and continued on our passage--four of our men were missing.--At sunset we arrived at Cornwall--were landed, and marched into the jail yard, which appeared by the filth about us, to have been a rendezvous for all the hogs of the village. The gate was closed upon us, and we spread our blankets upon the ground and lay quietly until morning. We tarried here the following day, and no man was permitted to leave the yard on any consideration whatever.

Sept. 11.--We proceeded on our passage, and about 4 o'clock, P.M. arrived at a town called Three Rivers; here our guard was relieved by a company of the Glengary regiment. In this company we recognized several of the former soldiers of the 4th regiment, who had deserted us on our march through Pennsylvania.

Sept. 13.--We arrived at Quebec; and were immediately put on board two transport ships laying in the river; and here commenced the greatest of our sufferings as prisoners of war. The weather was cool and we were destitute of sufficient clothing; the provision which was dealt out to us was fit for none but hogs. Each man received three sea biscuit for his daily allowance, about the size of a saucer; these were full of small worms, and we drew no better bread while we continued on board. Beef and pork was given us once a week, in quantities too small to satisfy our appetites. We also drew peas, rice, and oatmeal, which after being boiled they called _Burgoo_, or some such name;--it was bitter and not at all palatable even to stomachs as hungry as ours. We complained, petitioned, and remonstrated against such treatment; but no notice was taken of us whatever. The healths of the men in a short time began to waste away, and another vessel was prepared to receive the sick. The weather becoming too cool for our comfort, we were supplied with blankets, and in a short time afterwards we found ourselves covered with vermin, which no doubt we received from these blankets, as they were old, and had probably been used on board of other prison ships, previous to our arrival. We formed a kind of police on board to keep ourselves as clean and make our situation as comfortable as possible, and each of the decks above and below was scraped and washed down once a day;--we had no soap allowed us to wash our clothing, neither had we money to buy a single article for our comfort; and even if we had, the extravagant price demanded for all articles, would have taken nearly the whole pay of a soldier for one year to supply him with necessaries for a month.

Many of the men died here, and were buried back of the city. Our situation became alarming, and a petition from the prisoners was drawn up to be forwarded to the Commanding Officer at Quebec; but we received the agreeable news that we were to be sent home on parole, and of course it was withheld. Nothing could exceed the joy manifested by the prisoners on the reception of this pleasing intelligence. Capt. Baker, a few days previous arrived with money to pay off the men; but only a few of the non-commissioned officers were paid, as it was considered improper to give all the men their wages, in consequence of the high price demanded for necessaries. Potatoes were sold on board for half a dollar a peck, while they were selling in the city for half a dollar per bushel; prices in the same proportion were set upon all the articles we stood in need of.

Oct. 26.--Some of the non-commissioned officers were permitted to go on shore and purchase necessaries for us on the passage; and had the privilege of selling articles to the men, which was a great relief to us, although _they_ also demanded an exorbitant price for their goods;--taking advantage of the privilege given them to help their suffering comrades, many of them had the niggardly meanness to turn it into a speculating business;--however, there were a few nobler minded ones, who did all in their power to alleviate our sufferings;--such were sergeants Wright, Jennison, and Forbush, to whom many of the men are indebted for their friendly assistance during our confinement.

Oct. 27.--The officers of the regiment who had been quartered in the vicinity of Quebec arrived on board to take their passage with us to Boston.

Oct. 29.--Early in the morning we set sail from Quebec in company with another transport with prisoners, for Boston.

Nothing of consequence took place except the death of one or two of our men, until we arrived in the Gulph of St. Lawrence, where we experienced a severe gale of wind, which drove us on our course at an amazing rate. During this gale our situation was truly distressing; some were sea-sick, others were frightened, and all expected to be lost. Late at night, _breakers_ was cried out by the hands on deck, and those among us who could be of any service, sprang from their births, and assisted the seamen to put about the ship.

Nov. 14.--We had cleared the Grand Banks, and were far out at sea, with very boisterous weather; many of the men had died and were cast overboard. The weather was so foul and cloudy that no observation could be taken, and the Captain of the vessel had been unwell during the whole passage, and it was deemed necessary to make the nearest port. We steered a N.W. direction, and on the 20th Nov. we discovered land directly ahead, and made all sail for it.

About 12 o'clock we came up to the light house, and fired a signal gun for a pilot--a man came off, and informed us where we were, (our Captain being totally ignorant)--it proved to be Shelburne on the east side of the bay of Fundy. The inhabitants came off in boats with produce and fish, which they sold at a fair price. We tarried here the day following our arrival, and a month's wages were paid to each man to purchase themselves necessaries. In the passage to this place, we had consigned the bodies of fifteen of our comrades to a watery tomb, and two others died here, and were interred on the beach.

Nov. 24.--A pilot was taken on board, and we again set sail with a fine breeze, and arrived at Boston the 28th Nov. 1812.

The other transport which sailed from Quebec in company with us, arrived two days previous;--they had lost ten men, who died on the passage; and in our passage we had thrown over thirty in the whole number. The reader can form his own opinion from this one circumstance of the severe treatment we had experienced in our captivity.

On our arrival at Boston, we had the good fortune to meet with our late Colonel, then Gen. Boyd, who commanded at that place. As soon as this benevolent officer was informed of the arrival and distressing situation of his late regiment, he had the best quarters provided for our reception at Charlestown, and provisions sent to us in abundance. There were only two hundred of us now remaining of the regiment. We tarried here until the 1st. of January, 1813, when each man received his pay, clothing and furlough from Gen. Boyd, to return to their homes.

Thus ends the Journal of the march of the 4th regiment of U.S. Infantry. Perhaps no other regiment in any two campaigns since the revolutionary war, have experienced greater hardships, performed more toilsome marches, or fought better in the field of battle. For this we have received our clothing, pay and rations, and the _thanks_ of our government.

List of killed and wounded of the 4th Regiment U.S. Infantry, in
the battle of Tippecanoe.

Late Capt. _Whitney's_ Riflemen.

Under the command of Lieut. Abraham Hawkins.

Killed--Ira Trowbridge. Wounded--Ensign Buchested; Sergeant Reuben
Newton; Sergeant Aaron W. Forbush; Adam Walker; Ebenezer T.
Andrews; Wm. Brigham; Samuel Briggs; Eph. Hall; Edward R. Tuck;
Israel Newhall; Samuel Thing.--Total 12.

Capt. _Paul Wentworth's_ Company.

Commanded in the action by Lieut. George P. Peters.

Killed--Wm. H. King, private. Wounded--Lieut. George P. Peters;
Corporal S. Johnson; Curtis Phipps; Charles Wait; Wm. Layman;
Caleb Critchet; Jacob Kealer; Noah Furnald; Jos. Burditt, dead;
Stanton Smiley; Nathaniel Haynes; Isaac M. Nute, dead.--Total 13.

Capt. _W. C. Baen's_ Company.

Wounded--Capt. W. C. Baen, dead; Dexter Earl, dead; Sylvester
Dean; John Donnahue; Timo. Foster; John D. Jones; Daniel Rodman;
John Mahannon; Fra's Nelson; Isaac Rathbone--.Total 10.

Capt._ Snelling's_ Company.

Killed--Joseph Tibbetts. Wounded--Ithiel Hathway,--Goodenough.
--Total 3.

The late Capt. _Welch's_ Company.

Killed--Corporal James Mitchell; Corporal David L. Thompson; Levi
Cary private--Wounded--Lieut. Geo. Gooding; Sergeant Montgomery
Orr, dead; Corporal John Rice; Jona Crowell, dead; Daniel Gilman,
dead; Stephen Pettis; Wm. Pomroy; Lucius Sallis; Jas. Stevenson,
dead; Samuel Tibbetts, dangerous.--Total 10.

Capt. _Barton's_ Company.

Wounded--Daniel Kearness, dead; Lewis Taylor, dead; Lemuel E.
Welch, dead; John Clark; Robert Douglas; Wm. Foster; Souther; Wm.
Turner.--Total 8.

Capt. _George W. Prescott's_ Company.

Wounded--John Sandborn, dead.

Capt. _R. B. Brown's_ Company.

Wounded--John Yeomans, dead; Bliss Lovell, dangerous. Augustus
Bradford.--Total 3.

Capt. _Cook's_ Company.

Wounded--Sergeant Henry Munn; Nathan Snow, dead; Amos Rice, dead;
Daniel Lee, dead; Dennison Crumby, dead; Robert Thompson; Charles
Coger, dangerous; Wm. M. Saunders; Daniel Rogers.--Total 9.

Lt. _Albright's_ detached 1st. and 7th regiment.

Killed--Isaac Butler. Wounded--Sergeant Walcott Babbit; Sergeant
Nathan Fairbank; Samuel Potter, badly; Lewis Margum; Elisha
Nappe.--Total 6.

Killed--1 Capt., 2 Corporals, 19 privates. Wounded--3
Subalterns--6 Sergeants--2 Corporals--1 Musician--44 Privates.
Whole number, killed and wounded of the army--188.

GEN. HARRISON'S CAMPAIGN

At the retaking of Detroit, and the defeat of the army under Gen. Proctor, extracted from the "_View of the N.W. Campaign_," by Samuel R. Brown.

The chagrin and disappointment, added to the serious loss of the fine army, under Gen. Hull, cast a temporary gloom over the whole union, but this sentiment soon subsided, and all felt the necessity of immediate action. Pennsylvania and Virginia, Kentucky and Ohio, all felt eager to wipe away the deep stain on our national character. Volunteers every where presented themselves, and but a short period elapsed before an army was ready, as if by magic, to retrieve the fortune of arms. A leader was wanting--all eyes looked with a common impulse upon the hero of TIPPECANOE; the united voice of the people of the west called on the Governor of Kentucky to dispense with all formalities, and General _William Henry Harrison_, was brevetted a major general, with directions to take command of the north-western army.

On the 3d of September, the Indians made a furious assault on Fort Harrison. They kept up a brisk fire the whole night, and one time had actually succeeded in making a breach in the defences of the place. The roofs of the buildings were several times on fire; one of the blockhouses was burnt. Captain Taylor, however, succeeded in defending the post and finally beat them off. The scene was enough to try the soul of a hero. There were but eighteen effective men in the fort, and two of them, in a moment of despair, leapt the pickets to escape. The night was dark--the yelling of several hundred savages, and the cries of the women, were sufficient to excite terror in the stoutest heart.

On the 4th of September, Gen. Harrison arrived at Urbana and assumed the command of the north-western army. The rapids of the Miami of the Lakes were fixed upon as the point of concentration, the several corps of which were to move in the following directions:--two thousand Pennsylvania volunteers under General Crooks, were to move from Pittsburgh along the shores of lake Erie: Gen. Tupper's brigade of Ohio volunteers were to take Hull's route from Urbana to the Rapids: fifteen hundred Virginians, under Brigadier Gen. Leftwich, were to take the same route, whenever they should arrive. Gen. Payne's brigade of Kentucky volunteers, with the 17th U. States' regiment, Col. Wells, were to advance to Fort Wayne, and descend the Miami; such was the disposition of the forces which were to constitute the _new_ army.

A considerable Indian force appeared before Fort Wayne on the 5th. They invested the place closely for several days; they burnt the U. States' factory and many other valuable houses. A brother of Gov. Meigs, and two soldiers were killed near the fort.

Gen. Harrison marched with the brigade of Gen. Payne and the regulars to relieve fort Wayne--the enemy fled at his approach.

There was now a favorable moment for making the Indians feel the effects of the war. An expedition was accordingly projected against several towns within two days march of that place. The whole force was divided and placed under the command of Gen. Payne and Colonel Wells. The former was directed to destroy the Miami towns at the forks of the Wabash; and the latter to go against the Potawatamie villages at Elk Hart.

The commander in chief accompanied Gen. Payne on the expedition: four of the Miami villages were burnt, three of which were remarkably flourishing. All their corn was cut up and piled, in order that it might rot before the enemy could return to prevent it. Colonel Wells was equally successful; he destroyed several villages and returned to camp without loss.

At this time General Winchester arrived at Fort Wayne and General Harrison resigned the command of the detachment under General Payne and Col. Wells, to him, in obedience to the arrangements of the war department. Considerable discontent and murmuring was observable among the troops when they were informed of the change, but on being addressed by Gen. Harrison, they appeared better satisfied.

On the 4th October brigadier general Tupper received orders to proceed to the rapids with the whole of the mounted force, in condition for service; but in consequence of the _counter orders_ of General Winchester, the movement was not executed. General Tupper made an exposition of the causes which produced the failure of the expedition. This exposition very clearly proved that both Winchester and Tupper were incapable of command.

On the 25th November, the celebrated partizan chief, Logan,[2] died of his wounds.--This loss was regretted by the whole army. He was a brave and enterprising warrior, sincerely attached to the Americans, and possessed a powerful influence over the Indians.

[2] He in company with Capt. Johney and Brighthorn, had been
sent by Gen. Winchester to make discoveries at the rapids.
They had not proceeded but a few miles when they were taken
prisoners by five Indians under Winnemac, and a son of Col.
Elliott. Logan told them they had come to join them: this
induced them to permit Logan and his associates to carry
their arms and to march before them. Logan determined to
rescue himself or die in the attempt; he communicated his
intentions to his comrades and when a suitable opportunity
offered, they turned upon their enemy and each one brought
his man to the ground; the remaining three fired upon
Logan's party and wounded Logan and Brighthorn. Logan altho'
mortally wounded exchanged a second shot with the enemy,
when he and Brighthorn jumped upon the horses of two of
those they had just slain and left Capt. Johney to cover the
retreat which he did in a gallant manner, after having
scalped Winnemac. Winnemac was the chief that commanded at
Tippecanoe. Young Elliot was among the slain--his body was
afterwards taken up by his father, and conveyed to Malden.

On the 8th November a detachment of 600 men, commanded by Colonel Campbell, left Franklinton on an expedition against the Miami Indians, living on the head waters of the Wabash. On the 17th of December, they arrived at one of the Mississinway villages, surprized & killed five warriors, and took thirty-seven prisoners. They burnt three other villages three miles further down the river, and then returned to the first town destroyed, and encamped. About an hour before the dawn of day, they were attacked in the camp. The fire commenced on the right line, commanded by Major Ball, who sustained and returned it till day light, when the Indians were charged and dispersed with the loss of thirty killed. Our loss was eight killed and twenty-five wounded--several mortally. A great number of horses were killed, several officers were wounded: lieutenant Waltz, of the Pennsylvania troop was shot through the arm, but not satisfied, he again attempted to mount his horse, and in making the effort was shot through the head.--The prisoners were treated with humanity, even the warriors who ceased to resist, were spared, which is not the usual custom in expeditions against the Indians. The sufferings of the men from cold, hunger and fatigue, on their retreat from Mississinway, were beyond measure. They were in the centre of an Indian country. The terrible Tecumseh was known to be within a few hours march. The sick and wounded were to be carried on litters; their march was slow, tedious and circumspect. At night only half of the men could sleep, while the other were on guard. They suffered greatly from the inclemency of the weather; numbers were frost bitten. Pleurisy and bad colds afflicted almost the whole corps. Why the Indians suffered them to escape total destruction, is unaccountable. Perhaps the death of their celebrated PROPHET, who is supposed to have been killed in this affair, was the cause of their not harrassing our men in their retreat.

The officers of Major Ball's squadron, who sustained the brunt of the action and who were complimented by General Harrison, in a general order, for their valor and good conduct, were Major Ball, Captains Hopkins and Garrard of Kentucky; Captains Markle and M'Clelland, of Pennsylvania.

On the 14th of December the left wing of the army moved from Fort Winchester to the Rapids. At this time the Ohio troops were at Fort M'Arthur--the Pennsylvanians at Mansfield and the Virginians at Delaware.--General Harrison fixed his head quarters at Upper Sandusky. The provisions and military stores, and the trains of artillery having reached the different depots, the hopes of the nation, that victory would soon crown the efforts of the north-western army, were cherished in confidence.

On the 14th of January, Col. Lewis advanced towards the river Raisin. On the 18th he found the enemy in force, and disposed to dispute the possession of the place. He attacked them in the town; on the first onset the savages raised their accustomed yell. But the noise was drowned in the returning shouts of the assailants. They advanced boldly to the charge, and drove them in all directions. On the first fire sixteen of the Indians fell--about forty were killed. Col. Lewis' party lost twelve killed, and fifty-two wounded.

On the 18th Gen. Winchester followed with a reinforcement, and concentrated his troops, amounting to eight hundred men, at the village of Frenchtown--six hundred of which were posted behind a picket fence--two hundred which composed the right wing were encamped in an open field entirely uncovered.

On the 22d they were attacked by a combined British force under Tecumseh and Proctor. The attack commenced on the right wing at beating of reveille. Our troops were immediately ready for the reception of the enemy. The right wing sustained the shock for about twenty minutes, when overpowered by numbers, they retreated over the river and were met by a large body of Indians who had been stationed in their rear. This party finding their retreat cut off, resolved to sell their lives as dear as possible, and fought desperately--few of these escaped. The left wing with Spartan valor, maintained their ground within their pickets.

The enemy's regulars made three different charges upon them; they advanced in platoons to charge the pickets, keeping up a brisk fire. Our men within the pickets, with the most determined bravery and presence of mind reserved their fire until the enemy advanced within point blank shot. They then opened a cross fire upon them--their pieces well levelled--and in this manner mowed down his ranks till he retreated in confusion.

Gen. Winchester and Col. Lewis had been taken prisoners in an early part of the battle, in attempting to rally the right wing. At 11 o'clock a flag arrived from General Winchester to Maj. Madison, who commanded in the pickets, informing our men he had surrendered them prisoners of war, and requested their compliance; whereupon a capitulation took place, and they were immediately marched off for Malden. The Americans lost nearly four hundred men in killed, wounded and missing. Among the officers, Col. Allen and Captains Hickman, Simpson, (a member of Congress) Mead, Edwards, Price and M'Cracken.

During the whole of the action a heavy canonade was kept up by six pieces of artillery. The courage of the men was never more severely tested. The party that retreated at the commencement of the battle, were pursued, surrounded, and literally cut to pieces. Some succeeded in getting three miles from the scene of action, but were overtaken and massacred. The snow was crimsoned the whole distance with the blood of the fugitives.

After the capitulation, the American commanding officer remonstrated with General Proctor, on the necessity of protecting the wounded prisoners from the fury of the savages. That officer pledged himself to attend to it, but he _forgot to keep his word_: they were left without the promised protection, and on the morning of the 23d, horrible to relate, the _allies_ of a _christian king_, stripped, scalped, tomahawked and burnt all of them who were unable to walk.[3]

[3] The fate of Capt. Hart was peculiarly distressing.--He
had received a flesh wound and particularly distinguished
himself by his undaunted bravery. After the capitulation,
Capt. Elliot, who had been a class mate with him at
Princetown college, waited on Capt. Hart, and unsolicited,
promised him his protection declaring that the next morning
he would have him taken to his own house at Malden, where he
should remain until his recovery.--But Elliot broke his
promise and left him to his fate! On the next day a band of
savages came into the house where he was confined, and tore
him from his bed. But he bargained with one of them and gave
him a considerable sum of money to have himself taken to
Malden. They set off, and after travelling as far as the
river Aux Sables, they were met by a fresh band of Indians,
who shot the Captain upon his horse, and tomahawked and
scalped him! Numbers were put to death after they had been
several days in custody. At Sandy Creek an Indian approached
a volunteer of the name of Blythe and proposed to exchange
his mocasins for Blythe's shoes--with this he readily
complied; after this they exchanged hats; the Indian then
raised his tomahawk and struck Blythe on the shoulder which
cut into the cavity of his body: Blythe then caught hold of
the tomahawk and attempted to resist but on one of his
fellow prisoners telling him that his fate was fixed, he
closed his eyes and received the savage blow that terminated
his existence. Hamilton deposed that when the prisoners were
marching from Raisin to Detroit, they came up to where one
of the prisoners was burning, the life just expiring, and an
Indian kicking the ashes off his back.

The dead were denied the rites of sepulture;[4] the living were treated with the greatest indignity. The prisoners were generally stripped of their clothing, rifled of their cash, and the swords of the officers given to the savages. Men whose education, talents and character ought to have entitled them to respect, had their feelings grossly outraged.

[4] I was told by several of the inhabitants of Frenchtown
while at Detroit, that they had frequently seen the hogs and
dogs devouring the bodies of the Americans and that it was
not uncommon to see them running about with skulls, legs,
arms, and other parts of the human system in their mouths.