Chapter IX: Part 9

Such from first to last is the condition of human existence, to which that abhorred traffic the Slave Trade annually consigns many thousands of our unoffending fellow creatures. This is a most astonishing phenomenon, when we consider the general character of the people of this country; when we call to mind the unparalleled benevolence and liberality which are found among us; when we take into account, that not a new species of distress can be pointed out, but that almost immediately some meeting takes place, some society is formed, for preventing it. Is it not utterly astonishing, that Great Britain should have been the prime agents in carrying on this trade of blood? Posterity will scarcely believe it. We, the happiest, render the Africans the most miserable of mankind!

It is a humiliating and an aweful, but, I fear, it is an undoubted truth; that it is in part, at least, because we ourselves overflow with comforts, that we are so indifferent to the happiness of this vast portion of our fellow creatures. It is, in our corrupted nature, too naturally the effect of prosperity to harden the heart. Yet I firmly believe, that could many of our opponents see with their own eyes but a slight sample of the miseries the Slave Trade occasions, they would themselves be eager for its termination. But, alas, Africa and its miseries are out of sight. Business, pleasure, engagements, the interests and feelings of the hour, leave little time for reflection, and therefore little access to the feelings. Sympathy here likewise operates against us. For we are readily led to sympathize with a great West Indian Proprietor; but not with a miserable negro Slave. Yet, let me ask (in this happy country the case cannot really happen), what should we think of any man, who, for some even considerable and clear, much more for any dubious interest, was to make a single family as miserable as the Slave Trade renders thousands of families every year? If he were to keep them month after month and year after year in continual alarm, from the apprehension of some nightly attack; if at length the apprehension were to be realized, the attack to be made, and the wretched beings, flying from the flames, were to be seized and carried off into slavery; if he were thus to tear a father or mother from their children, or to seize unawares and hurry away some helpless children from their parents; What would be his remorse, if he had even innocently been the occasion of rendering a before happy family the scene of lasting sorrow and misery? What should we think of any man, who would not be forward to dry the tears of such a family, and restore them, if possible, to comfort, or who would not willingly expose himself to danger, in order to prevent their suffering such a miserable fate. Let every one then remember, that, by giving his vote for the abolition of the Slave Trade, he will prevent the perpetration of innumerable crimes, like the worst of those here mentioned, and the suffering of the bitterest of these miseries. How few, if one single man could be found, who would support the Slave Trade, were it but possible to bring before each individual, of the whole number of those who may vote for it’s continuance, his own specific share of the whole mass of crimes and miseries. The exact amount, either way, will one day be known!

Forgive me if I seem still to linger; if I appear unwilling to conclude. When I call to mind the number and the magnitude of the interests which are at stake, I know not how to desist, while any fresh argument remains to be used, while any consideration not as yet suggested occurs to me, by which I may enforce my intercession in behalf of the most injured of the human race. But though the mind be naturally led to the Africans, as the greatest sufferers, yet, unless the Scripture be a forgery, it is not their cause only that I am pleading, but the cause of my Country. Yet let me not here be misconceived. It is not that I expect any visible and supernatural effects of the Divine vengeance; though, not to listen with seriousness to the accounts which have been brought us of late years from the western hemisphere, as to a probable intimation of the Divine displeasure, would be to resolve to shut our ears against the warning voice of Providence. To mention no other particulars, a disease new in it’s kind, and almost without example destructive in its ravages, has been for some time raging in those very colonies which are the chief supporters of the traffic in human beings; a disease concerning which we scarcely know any thing, but that it does not affect the Negro race, and that we first heard of it after the horrors of the Slave Trade had been completely developed in the House of Commons, but developed in vain.

But it is often rather in the way of a gradual decline, than of violent and sudden shocks, that national crimes are punished. I must frankly therefore confess to you, that in the case of my Country’s prosperity or decline, my hopes and fears are not the sport of every passing rumour; nor do they rise or fall materially, according to the successive reports we may receive of the defeats or victories of Bonaparte. This consideration opens the view into a wide field, and I must abstain from so much as setting my foot on it. I will only remark, that a country circumstanced in all respects like this, under an auspicious Providence, and using our various resources with energy and wisdom, has no cause whatever for despondency. But he who has looked with any care into the page of history, will acknowledge, that when nations are prepared for their fall, human instruments will not be wanting to effect it; and, left man, vain man, so apt to overrate the powers and achievements of human agents, should ascribe the subjugation of the Romans to the consummate policy and powers of a Julius Cæsar, their slavery shall be completed by the unwarlike Augustus, and shall remain entire under the hateful tyranny of Tiberius, and throughout all the varieties of their successive masters. Thus it is, that, most commonly by the operation of natural causes, and in the way of natural consequences, Providence governs the world. But if we are not blind to the course of human events, as well as utterly deaf to the plain instructions of Revelation, we must believe that a continued course of wickedness, oppression, and cruelty, obstinately maintained in spite of the fullest knowledge and the loudest warnings, must infallibly bring down upon us the heaviest judgments of the Almighty. We may ascribe our fall to weak councils, or unskilful generals; to a factious and over-burthened people; to storms which waste our fleets, to diseases which thin our armies; to mutiny among our soldiers and sailors, which may even turn against us our own force; to the diminution of our revenues and the excessive increase of our debt: men may complain on one side of a venal ministry, on the other of a factious opposition; while amid mutual recriminations, the nation is gradually verging to it’s fate. Providence will easily provide means for the accomplishment of it’s own purposes. It cannot be denied, that there are circumstances in the situation of this Country, which, reasoning from experience, we must call marks of a declining empire; but we have, as I firmly believe, the means within ourselves of arresting the progress of this decline. We have been eminently blessed; we have been long spared; Let us not presume too far on the forbearance of the Almighty.

Broomfield,
Jan. 28th, 1807.

Printed by Luke Hansard & Sons,
near Lincoln’s Inn Fields

APPENDIX.

_AFRICA._

EXTRACTS FROM THE OLDER AUTHORS.

_From Travels of the Sieur d’ Elbée, sent by the French W. I. Company to Ardrah, in 1670.—Astley’s Voyages, vol. iii._

[Sidenote: Depredatory Acts occasioned by the Slave Trade.]

Though the king has a great number of wives, yet but one has the title of queen; who is she that bears him the first son. Her authority over the rest, whom she treats rather as her servants, than as her companions, is so great, that she sometimes sells them for slaves, without consulting the king, who is forced to wink at the matter. An affair of this kind happened while the Sieur d’ Elbée traded here. The queen, having been refused by the king some goods or jewels she had an inclination for, ordered them up privately, and in exchange sent eight of his wives to the factory, who were immediately stamped with the Company’s mark, and sent on board.

These poor princesses had sunk under so severe a stroke, if the Sieur d’ Elbée had not shewn them some distinction, by treating them in a kind manner; so he carried them in good health to Martinico.—(p. 72.)

_Extract from a Voyage to Congo, and other countries, in 1682, from Astley’s Voyages, vol. iii. by Jerom Merolla, &c._

He, said he, was sure it was not the intention of the duke (the Duke of York) that christians should be bought and sold as slaves; nor that such as he (meaning the captain) should be allowed not only to trade, but to rob and infest the shores wherever they came, in the same manner as another English captain had done there the year before; who, as soon as he had taken in all his lading, fell to wasting the country, and forced away many of the natives into slavery, and killed many others whom he could not get away.—(p. 174.)

_Bosman’s description of Guinea, about 1690 to 1700, in Astley’s voyages, vol. iii._

Coto Coast.—Their trade is that of slaves, of which they are able sometimes to deliver a good number, but never enough to load a ship. These they chiefly steal from the inland country. But this commerce is uncertain; in some years there are no slaves to be had, the Europeans having no settlement here. (p. 2.)—Their most profitable trade is stealing men inland, whom they sell to the Europeans.—(p. 3.)

The same author says, that the people of little Popo depend chiefly on plunder, and the slave trade, in both which they exceed those of Coto; for, being endowed with a much larger share of courage, they rob more successfully; although to freight a ship with slaves, requires some months attendance. In 1697, the author could get only three slaves here in three days time, but they promised him two hundred in three days more; which not caring to trust to he sailed to Whidah. There he learnt that they had succeeded so well in their incursions, as to bring down above two hundred; which, for want of other ships, they were obliged to sell to the Portuguese.—(p. 4.)

Philips informs us that the Whidah blacks are constantly at war with the Ardrah and Allampo men, the Quamboors and Achims. All the plunder is men and women, to sell for slaves.—(p. 53.)

_Sieur Brüe’s (many years Director General of the French Senegal Company, and who resided in Africa eleven years) Voyage to the Isles of Bissas and Bissagos, on the Western Coast of Africa, in 1701;—from Astley’s Voyages, Vol. ii._

The Sieur Brüe having received an assortment of goods by a fleet from France, sent notice to the Damel, or king of Kayor, between the rivers Senegal and Gambia, as he had promised, and wrote him word, that if he had a sufficient number of slaves, he was ready to trade with him.—This prince, as well as the other negro monarchs, have always a sure way of supplying this deficiency, by selling their own subjects; for which they seldom want pretensions, of some kind or other, to justify their rapine. The Damel had recourse to this method: knowing the Sieur Brüe would give him no credit, as he was already in the Company’s debt, he seized three hundred of his own people, and sent word to the Sieur Brüe, that he had slaves to deliver for his goods, if he would come to Rufisco, where he waited to receive him.—(p. 29, 30.).

The Damel wishing for more goods than his slaves would purchase, the Sieur Brüe proposed having a licence to take so many of his people; he refused to consent, saying, it might occasion a disturbance amongst his subjects; and so he was forced to want the goods he desired for that time.

The chief sometimes penetrated far into the country, always returning well loaded with slaves and spoil.—(42.).

This is the negro manner of making war—it is a great chance if they come to a pitched battle. Their campaigns are usually mutual incursions, to plunder and carry off slaves, which they sell to the traders on the coast.—(p. 42.)

The isle of Bassao is very populous, and would be much more so, if it were not for the frequent incursions made by the Biafaras, Balantes, and Bissagos negroes, who often infest the coasts.

The Europeans are far from desiring to act as peace-makers among them, which would be contrary to their interest; since the greater the wars are, the more slaves. These wars of theirs are never long; generally speaking, they are incursions, or expeditions, of five or six days.—(p. 98.)

He then describes the mode of their warfare: When the emperor of Bassao judges proper to invade his enemies, he sounds his bonbalon, and immediately the officers of his troops repair with their soldiers, armed, to the place directed; there they find the king’s canoe of war, of which he has a fleet of twenty-nine or thirty. They put twenty men in each canoe:—they embark them, full of hope, and order matters so as to reach the enemy’s country by night. They land without noise; and if they find any lone cottage without defence, they surround it; and after forcing it, carry off all the inhabitants and effects to their boats, and immediately reimbark.

If the villages be strong, they are not fond of attacking them, but rather plant themselves in ambuscade on the ways to some river or spring, and endeavour to surprise and carry off the natives. On the least advantages of this kind gained, they return in as great a triumph as if they had obtained a complete victory. The king has, for his duties and the use of his fleet, the half of the booty. The rest is divided among the captors. All these slaves in general are sold to the Europeans, unless they be persons of some rank, whose friends can redeem them, paying two slaves, or, five or six oxen.—(p. 98).

Of the Bissagoes he says: They are passionate lovers of brandy. Whenever a ship brings any, they strive who shall be the first, and stick at nothing to get it. The weaker becomes a prey to the stronger. They forget the laws of nature; the father sells his children; and, if they can seize their parents, they serve them in the same manner. Every thing goes for brandy.”—(p. 104.)

_Barbot’s Travels, about 1700.—Astley, vol. ii._

Barbot, speaking of the blacks, says, rather than work they will rob and murder on the highway, or carry off those of a neighbouring village, and sell them for slaves.—(p. 255.)

They go farther yet; for some sell their own children, kindred, or neighbours. This, Barbot tells us, has often happened. To compass it, they desire the person they intend to sell, to help them in carrying something to the factory, by the way of trade; and when there the person so deluded, not understanding the language, is sold and delivered up as a slave, notwithstanding all his resistance and exclaiming against the treachery.

Le Maire tells an odd story on this occasion, which Barbot says he heard in Africa. A man, it seems, had formed a design of selling his son, who, suspecting his intention, when they came to the factory, went aside to the storehouse and sold his father. When the old man saw them about to fetter him he cried out, he was his father; but the son denying it, the bargain held good. The son met his desert, for, returning with his merchandize, he met a negro chief, who stripped him of his ill-gotten wealth, and sold him at the same market.

Abundance of little blacks, of both sexes, are also stolen away by their neighbours, when found abroad on the roads, or in the woods, or else in the lugaus, or corn-fields, where they are kept all day, to scare the small birds that come in swarms to feed on the millet.—(p. 256.)

_Labat.—Astley’s Voyages. vol ii. p. 259._

The French have been forced sometimes to make use of violent means, when they cannot get the princes to discharge these forced loans, by pillaging some village, and making slaves of the inhabitants; after which they have balanced accounts with his majesty, and paid for as many as they had taken above their due. But these measures, says the author, don’t always succeed; and even though one was sure of getting paid this way, yet that it would be better not to make a practice of it, for fear of drawing the resentment of the country upon a man, which, sooner or later he would feel to his cost—(p. 258.)

_Le Maire’s Travels, about 1690.—Astley’s Voyages, vol. ii._

Sometimes the king of Senegal makes incursions on the weakest of his neighbours, driving off their cattle, or making slaves of them, which he sells for brandy. When his stock of this grows low, he locks it up in a small chest, giving the key to one of his favorites, whom he dispatches, perhaps thirty leagues off, and thus saves his liquor by putting it out of his power to get at it. If he has no opportunity of exercising his tyranny on his neighbours, he makes no scruple of living on his own subjects, staying with his court, which consists of two hundred of those who have learnt all the worst qualities of the whites, till he has eat up the inhabitants; and, if they presume to complain, selling them for slaves.—(p. 260.)

As long as the brandy bottle lasts the prince is drunk: no answer is to be expected till all the liquor is out. When he grows sober, he gives his audience of _congée_, presenting the factor with two or three slaves, which he sends to have taken up in the nearest villages. Unhappy are they who at that time fall into the hands of his guards, for they stay to make no choice.—(p. 260, 261.)

_Travels (about 1730), of Francis Moore, Factor several years to the Royal African Company of England._

The king of Barsalle, so soon as he has wasted what he has gotten, either by taking an enemy’s town, _or one of his own_, he must look out for some new prize to give it to his men.—Astley, ii. 261.

Rohone, where the king of Barsali commonly resides, stands near the sea, about one hundred miles from Joar, which lies in the same kingdom. When he wants goods or brandy, he sends a messenger to the governor of James Fort, to desire he would send up a sloop with a cargo, which the governor never fails to do. Against the time the vessel is arrived, the king plunders some of his enemy’s towns, selling the people for such goods as he wants, which commonly is brandy or rum, gunpowder, ball, fire-arms, pistols, and cutlasses for his soldiers, and coral and silver for his wives and mistresses. If he is at war with no neighbouring king, he falls upon one of his own towns, and makes bold to sell his own miserable subjects.

His usual way of living is, to sleep all day till sun-set, at which time he gets up to drink, and goes to sleep again till midnight, when he rises and eats; and if he has any strong liquors, will sit and drink till day-light, and then eat and go to sleep again, When he is well stocked with liquor, he will sit and drink for five or six days together, and not eat one morsel of any thing in all that time. It is to this insatiable thirst after brandy, that his subjects freedoms and families are in so precarious a situation[58]; for he often goes with some of his troops, by a town in the daytime, and returns in the night, and sets fire to three parts of it, placing guards at the fourth, to seize the people as they run out from the fire: he ties their arms behind them, and marches them either to Joar or Rohone, where he sells them.—(p. 261, 262.). The king furnishes the Europeans with slaves very easily: he sends a troop of guards to some village, which they surround; then seizing as many as they have orders for, they bind them up and send them away to the ships, where, the ship mark being put upon them, they are heard of no more.

They usually carry the infants in sacks, and gag the men and women, for fear they should alarm the villages through which they are carried; for these actions are never committed in the villages near the factories, which it is the king’s interest not to ruin, but in those up the country. It often happens, that some escape, and alarm the country, which, taking arms, join the persons injured, and pursue the robbers. If they catch them, they carry them before the king, who then denies his commission, and sells them on the spot for slaves. What is further remarkable, if any of the injured people appear as evidence still in bonds before the king, they are also adjudged to be slaves, and sold as such.[59]—(p. 268.).

_Voyage of Atkins to Guinea, about 1720. Astley, vol. ii._

_Panyaring_ is a term for manstealing, along the whole coast.—(p. 320.)

_Voyage of Smith, about 1727—employed under the African Company._

December 18, they sailed from Sierra Leona, and on the 25th anchored at Gallinas; here lay the Queen Elizabeth, Captain Creighton, before mentioned, who invited Capt. Livingstone to take a Christmas dinner with him, and shewed him a letter from one Benjamin Cross (third mate of the Expedition, Capt. Mettisse) who had been _panyarred_ by the natives of Cape Monte, three months before, and detained there by way of reprisal for some of their men carried off by an English trader. This villanous custom is too often practised, chiefly by the Bristol and Liverpool ships, and is a great detriment to the Slave Trade on the Windward coast.[60]—(p. 475, 476.)

Mons. Brüe, (vol. iv.) relating a dispute he had with the Damel, respecting his giving in English ship liberty to trade in his dominions, on which M. Brüe seized and confiscated the vessel, says, “Most of the Negroes on board, he found, were free fishermen of the coast, whom the king had decoyed to Potadâlly, under the pretence of employing their canoes to transport his troops to attack Goree; but as soon as by this pretence he had assembled them, he sent them on board, and sold them as Slaves. There was not the smallest appearance that the Damel had even conceived so extravagant a project, says M. Brüe, but it was necessary to form some scheme to entrap these men, and sell them.” Although the injustice of the king in trepanning and selling them was notorious, it mattered not; they were all sent to America, and sold as Slaves.—(p. 204.)

Labat mentions that a Captain of a French man of war, at the suggestion of a French trader, (the Captain’s name was Montorsies, and the ship’s, Lion, and Fond was the name of the trader) pillaged the Isle of Cazegat, one of the Bissagos Islands. They landed 200 men without the smallest resistance. The king, of the island, named Duquermaney, was surrounded in his houses, and he chose to burn himself rather than fall into the European hands; the natives fled to the woods and mountains, so that, of about 3,000 inhabitants, they took only about a dozen. This unfortunate enterprise, says our author, made M. Fond greatly fear, lest he should lose all trade with these people: but he managed the matter so cleverly, “_il se donna tant de mouvemens, et fit jouer tant de ressorts_,” says Labat, that he made them believe he had no hand at all in the affair, and assured them it was a parcel of ruffians, a set of pirates and banditti, who had made this incursion, by which their king was lost, and their country laid waste.

_Depredations—Effect of Slave Trade._

In old Calabar River are two towns, Old Town and New Town. A rivalship in trade produced a jealousy between the towns; so that, through fear of each other, for a considerable time no canoe would leave their towns to go up the river for slaves. [Sidenote: Astley’s Voyages.] In 1767, seven ships lay off the point which separates the towns; six of the captains invited the people of both towns on board on a certain day, as if to reconcile them; at the same time agreed with the people of New Town to cut off the Old Town people who should remain on board the next morning. The Old Town people, persuaded of the sincerity of the captains’ proposal, went on board in great numbers. Next morning, at eight o’clock, one of the ships fired a gun, as the signal for commencing hostilities. Some of the traders were secured on board, some were killed in resisting, and some got overboard and were fired upon. When the firing began, the New Town people, who were in ambush behind the Point, came forward and picked up the people of Old Town, who were swimming, and had escaped the firing. After the firing was over, the captains of five of the ships delivered their prisoners (persons of consequence) to the New Town canoes; two of whom were beheaded alongside the ships; the inferior prisoners were carried to the West Indies. One of the captains, who had secured three of the king’s brothers, delivered one of them to the chief man of New Town, who was one of the two beheaded alongside; the other brothers he kept on board, promising, when the ship was slaved, to deliver them to the chief man of New Town. This ship was soon slaved, from this promise, and the number of prisoners made that day; but he refused to deliver the king’s two brothers, and carried them to the West Indies, and sold them.

_Natural Disposition of the Africans, and Capacity for Civilization.—Astley’s Voyages, vol. i._

James Welsh’s Voyage to Benin.—The people are very gentle, and loving.—(202.)

The inhabitants of Whidah are more polite and civilized than most people in the world, not excepting the European. (vol. iii. p. 14.)

Marchais.—There are no people on earth, says that author, more tender of their offspring, or that shew more parental affection.—(p. 20.)

Nyendael.—Kingdom of Benin. The inhabitants are generally good-natured and civil, and may be brought to any thing by fair and soft means. If you make them presents, they will recompense them doubly. If you want any thing of them, and ask it, they seldom deny it, even though they had occasion for it themselves: but to treat them harshly, or to think to gain any thing of them by force, is to dispute with the moon.

Artus says, that the people of Benin are a sincere, inoffensive people, and do no injustice either to one another, or strangers.—(p. 95.)

Although some of them be surly and proud, yet in general they carry themselves very friendly towards strangers; being of a mild conversation, courteous, affable, and easy to be overcome with reason, yet inclined to drink, especially Spanish wine and brandy. In conversation, they discover great quickness of parts and understanding, delivering themselves with so much sense and humour, that the most knowing persons take delight in hearing them.—(p. 247.)

The Negroes at Whidah are so industrious, that no spot of land, except what is naturally barren, escapes planting, though even within the inclosures of their villages and houses.—(p. 8.)

The soil is so fruitful, that as soon as one harvest is over, the ground is sowed with some other grain, so that they have two or three crops in a year. (p. 8.)

Captain Stibbs, about 1724.—The Foleys are a cleanly, decent, industrious people, very affable.—(p. 199.)

Moore’s Travels.—Their form of government goes on easily, because the people are of a quiet, good disposition, and so well instructed in what is just and right, that a man who does ill is the abomination of all. Their humanity extends to all, but they are doubly kind to their own race; so that if one of them be made a Slave, all the Fûli will join to redeem him. And as they have plenty of food, they never suffer any of their own nation to want, but support the old, the blind, and the lame; and, as far as their ability goes, supply the wants of the Mandingoes, great numbers of whom they have maintained in famines. They rarely are angry; yet this mildness does not proceed from want of courage, for they are as brave a people as any in Africa.

Winterbottom’s Travels, about 1796, &c. &c.—The Foolas impart to leather a red colour, equal to that of morocco in beauty; and by steeping it, they obtain a beautiful shining black. Another class of men are equally celebrated as blacksmiths; besides making every kind of necessary utensil, they inlay the handles, and chase the blades of swords, &c. with great neatness, and they make a variety of elegant fancy ornaments for the women, out of pieces of gold and silver dollars. A considerable degree of ingenuity in the arts with which they are acquainted must be allowed to all these nations, and is evident in the construction of their houses, and the formation of a variety of domestic and agricultural utensils. With the rudest instruments, they form canoes from a single tree, capable of carrying eight or ten tons; their mats shew much neatness and ingenuity, &c. &c.—(p. 91, 92.)

They have various substitutes for hemp and flax, of which they make fishing-lines and nets, equal in strength and durability to those of Europeans.—(p. 93.)

They make earthen pots fit for every domestic use. (p. 94.)

I have been often gratified by observing the strength and tenderness of the attachment subsisting between mothers and sons.—(p. 152.)

It is my earnest wish to divest myself of partiality, and neither to “extenuate or set down aught in malice.” They (the Africans) are in general of mild external manners; but they possess a great share of pride, and are easily affected by an insult; they cannot hear even a harsh expression, or a raised tone of voice, without shewing that they feel it. As a proof that they are not deficient in natural affection, one of the severest insults which can be offered to an African, is to speak disrespectfully of his mother. (p. 211.) The respect which they pay to old people is very great.—(p. 211.)

The hospitality of the Africans has been noticed by almost every traveller.—(p. 213.)

I have ever met with a welcome and hospitable reception on arriving at their villages; mats have been brought out for myself and friends to repose on; and if it happened to be meal time, we have been at liberty to join them without ceremony, or to wait till something better could be provided. If we intended to spend the night there, a house has been set apart for us; and, on taking leave in the morning, a guide has generally offered to shew us on our way.—(p. 213.)

As soon as a stranger is observed, all the inhabitants quit their occupations, and hasten to shake him by the hand, repeating several times the word “Senno,” welcome. Even the children who can barely lisp a welcome, when a little custom has diminished the dread attending a white face, are eager to discharge this duty of hospitality, and with a smile hold out their little hands, and seem delighted if he deigns to notice them.—(p. 214.)

Smith’s Guinea, about 1730.—These Negroes seem to be very industrious, for they all go clad with their own manufactures.—(p. 104.)

The natives of Axim industriously employ themselves either in trade, fishing, or agriculture. (p. 115.)

Whydah.—Before the king of Dahomey conquered this place, the natives were so industrious, that no place which was thought fertile could escape being planted.—(p. 199.)

The discerning natives account it their greatest unhappiness that they were ever visited by Europeans. They say that we Christians introduced the traffic of Slaves, and that before our coming, they lived in peace. But say they, it is observable, that wherever Christianity comes there come, with it a sword, a gun, powder and ball. (p. 266.)

_Africans natural Qualities, and Capacity for Civilization—Commercial Intercourse practicable.—Astley’s Voyages, vol. iii._

Bosman.—Whidah.—All who have seen it allow it to be one of the most delightful countries of the world.

The number and variety of tall, beautiful, shady trees; the verdant fields, every where cultivated, and only divided by those groves, or in some places by a small footpath; together with the innumerable little agreeable villages.

The farther you go from it (the ocean) the more beautiful and populous you find the country; so that it resembles the Elysian fields.

There is also a weekly market in the province of Aplogua, which is so resorted to, that there are usually five or six thousand merchants.—(p. 11.)

Ogilby.—Kingdom of Loango.—There are many handicrafts among them, as weavers, smiths, cap-makers, bead-makers, potters, carpenters, vintners, fishermen, canoe-makers, besides merchants and other traders, (p. 221.)

There are whole mountains of porphyry, jasper, and marble, of divers colours, which in Rome are called marbles of Numidia, Africa, and Ethiopia; certain pillars whereof may be seen in the palace of Pope Gregory. (p. 299.)

_Natural Qualities and Disposition of Africans._

Capt. Wilson, of the Royal Navy (in Africa about 1783–4) fully believes Africans to be equal to Europeans in capacity. They have various manufactures, chiefly for home consumption. They make cotton cloths beautifully fine, under every want of machinery: also very curious ornaments of gold, and weapons and tools of iron, which their experience makes them prefer to those sent from hence, which are made for them.

The Africans are most grateful and affectionate: they treated him most kindly, when many miles up their country, and unprotected; and numbers shed tears on his departure.

Mr. Wadstrom (in Africa, about 1787–8.) thinks the Africans very honest and hospitable; was treated by them with all civility and kindness. Is clearly convinced that the Negroes surpass such Europeans as he has known, in affection. Has been surprised at their industry in manufacturing cotton, indigo, iron, soap, wood, pottery, leather, and other articles. They work gold so well, that witness never saw better wrought trinkets and ornaments in Europe. They manufacture cloth and leather with uncommon neatness. The latter they tan and work into saddles, sandals, and a variety of useful and ornamental articles. They forge iron very dexterously on anvils of a remarkably hard and heavy wood, when they cannot get stone for the purpose.

The Negroes are particularly skilful in manufacturing iron and gold. They are equal to any European goldsmith in fillagree, and even other articles, as buckles, except the chafes, tongues, and anchors.

The Rev. John Newton:—Made five voyages to Africa, the last in 1754, as master of a slave ship. Lived ashore about a year and a half, chiefly at the island of Plantanes, at the mouth of the river Sherbro.

Always judged, that, with equal advantage, the natives capacities would be equal to ours. Has known many of real and decided capacity.

The best people he met with were on the R. Gaboon, and at C. Lopas. These had then the least intercourse with Europe. Believes they had then no Slave Trade, and has heard them speak against it. They traded in ivory and wax. One great man said, “if I was to be angry, and sell my boy, how should I get my boy back when my anger was gone?”

They are generally worse in their conduct in proportion to their acquaintance with us.

Capt. Sir George Young, Royal Navy; in Africa from 1768 to 1792.—Many Negroes he met with seemed to possess as strong natural sense as any set of people whatever; their temper appeared to be very good-natured and civil, unless where they suspected some injury; are, however, naturally vindictive, and revenge the injury done.

Henry Hew Dalrymple, Esq.; in Africa 1779.—As far as he could judge, in natural capacity, the Negroes are equal to any people whatever; and in temper and disposition they appeared to be humane, hospitable, and well disposed.

James Towne; about 1760, Carpenter of his Majesty’s ship Syren.—The natives are hospitable and kind, and capable of learning quicker than white men. They differ as our own people in character; those on the coast learn to be roguish; inland, they are innocent. The intercourse with Europeans has improved them in roguery, to plunder and steal, and pick up one another to sell.

_African Commercial Tendencies._

Mr. Wadstrom.—The Africans have an extraordinary genius for commerce and industry. The Slave Trade makes it dangerous for the Negroes to pass from one part of their country to another, and is the chief hindrance to the improvement of their cultivation, since they never venture into the fields, unless very well armed.

The Negroes are particularly skilful in manufacturing iron and gold; they are equal to any European goldsmith in fillagree, and even other articles, as buckles, except the chapes, tongues, and anchors.

Captain Sir George Young, Royal Navy.—He verily believes that the natives would cultivate the soil for natural productions, provided they had no other means of obtaining European commodities. He recollects some circumstances in proof of their industry. A number of people from the Bulam shore came over to Sierra Leone, and offered their services to work at a very low price; he accepted of a few (who worked very well) and might have had thousands of the same description. Further is of opinion, from observation, that Africa is capable of producing every thing of the East and West Indies, in equal perfection, with equal cultivation.

Is of opinion, that, by shewing the natives of Africa how to cultivate the land, a greater quantity of shipping and seamen would be called for in the commerce, for the natural productions of that country, without any greater inconvenience, in point of health to the seamen, than in the present West Indian trade.

Anthony Pantaleo How, Esq.; in Africa about 1785.—Saw no European commodities in the interior parts; is sure no European spirits were to be had there. The inhabitants there remarkably industrious, also hospitable and obliging. A village of several hundred houses on the Lake of Appolonia, whence in the rainy season they supply the sea coast with vegetables, grain, palm wine, &c. Thinks they have but little capacity in regard to manufactures, but quick in learning languages.

Has no doubt but spices in general, and all other tropical productions, might be cultivated with success there. The soil and climate adapted to produce the sandal wood. Has seen indigo at Apollonia in its raw state, and also manufactured, but not manufacturing; also cotton growing in great abundance; but knows not that any or either of these two articles were exported.

Cinnamon plants at St. Thomas, at the sea-side, about twenty feet high; from what he heard, grew inland to a higher size; those on the sea-side he considered only as shrubs. He saw a number of them, and, from the appearance of the bark brought down, concludes there must be a great quantity inland.

Henry Hew Dalrymple, Esq.; in Africa about 1779.—They manufacture cotton cloths, almost equal in the workmanship to those of Europe; they work in gold, silver, and iron remarkably neat, also in wood, and make saddles, bow-cases, scabbards, [Sidenote: Golberey.] grisgris, and other things of leather, with great neatness.

Richard Storey; in Africa, about 1766 to 1770.—He looks upon the natives of the Windward coast to be in general a hospitable, friendly people, always willing to sell what they have, and also to give the best provisions the country affords. The men in general are very active and industrious, and chiefly employed in fishing, and trade with the Europeans; the women chiefly in cultivating rice and other vegetables.

Has every reason to believe, that if there was nobody to purchase Slaves, they would turn themselves to cultivate their ground, and raise rice, &c. to purchase European goods. The quality of African rice is far superior to that of Carolina, bearing one-fourth more water.

Mr. James Kiernan; in Africa from 1775 to 1780; knows the Negroes manufacture cotton, leather, and metals, for they supply Senegal with cloathing, articles of leather, and ornaments of gold and silver; they die some of their cottons very finely, blues and scarlets; believes their consumption of cotton cloths is very considerable.

_Africans’ Natural Dispositions—Golberey’s Travels, about 1786._

The Foulhas of the banks of the Senegal are intelligent and industrious; but, by their habitual commerce with the Moors of Zahara, they have become savage and cruel, and our convoys from Galam have more than once experienced their perfidy.

The Mandings are likewise dispersed over the western countries; they are well-informed, graceful, and active, and in their mercantile character, they are as clever as they are indefatigable.

The Jalofs are the finest Negroes of this part of Africa; they are tall, and well made; their features are regular, their physiognomy is open, and inspires confidence; they are honest, hospitable, generous, and faithful; their character is mild, they are inclined to good order and civilization, and possess an evident disposition for benevolent actions.

Vol. ii. page 40. At Senegal I was treated with a cordiality, frankness, and generosity, which will never be obliterated from my memory.

Page 93. Their character is in general, honest and sincere; hospitality is a natural virtue among them.

Page 141. Ali Sonko had governed the kingdom of Barra for seven years, with all the ability, wisdom, and prudence, of an enlightened European; his physiognomy was regular and agreeable, and there was seen in him that wisdom and experience which generally distinguish the Manding nation. His estimable character was replete with benevolence and energy; all his actions were regulated by wisdom, and every trait in this prince announced him to be a man of a superior kind.

Page 146. Mandings are very active, intelligent, and cunning, in commercial affairs; notwithstanding which, their general character is very hospitable, sociable, and benevolent; their women are also very lively, spirited, good, and agreeable.

Page 306. The Negroes have both taste and ingenuity.

Page 309. The women are always kind; attentive, and complaisant.

Page 313. The Negro race is perhaps the most prolific of all the human species that exist on our globe. Their infancy and youth are singularly happy; the mothers are passionately fond of their children.

Page 314. It ought to be understood, that in the general situation of the Negroes, on their native soil, their life passes without labour, chagrin, or even care.

Page 315. The passing almost the whole of the human life in a nearly equal and permanent state of health, is owing to the moderation the Negroes in general observe in their habits, regimen, and pleasures.

Page 326. These Negroes, whom we call Savages, respect the ashes of their relations, friends, and chiefs.

Page 336. It cannot be denied that the Negroes are extremely clever.

Page 346. Among the Negroes are to be found virtuous and sensible men, who, as well as those of the best education and information in Europe, are susceptible of attachment, respect, delicate conduct, and a noble generosity.

Page 348. These examples of delicacy and friendship are not by any means rare in Africa.

Page 382. Hospitality is in Africa a general virtue, and misers are unknown in the country.

Page 412. All that I have said of the Negroes tends to prove that they are in general good men, naturally gentle and benevolent.

Page 413. The Moors are perfidious, cruel, capable of all crimes, and are addicted to every vice; but the Negroes have many naturally good qualities, and their general character does honour to human nature.

The picture I have given of the situation of the Blacks, and of the peaceable, careless, and simple life of these favourites of Nature, is by no means exaggerated.

_State of Slaves on Shipboard._

They often disagree in the night about their sleeping-places; the men linked together often fight, when one wants perhaps to obey the calls of nature, and the other is unwilling to go with him.

They often refused to eat, especially beans, when they were corrected with a cat-o’-nine-tails. He has known their refusal to eat attributed to sullenness, when owing to sickness; particularly one man, who was corrected moderately for not eating, and was found dead next morning. They were made after meals to jump, on beating a drum; this is called dancing; when they refused, they were compelled by the cat.

It is very common for the Slaves to refuse sustenance; with such, gentle means are used; but if without success; the cat is generally applied.

An instance on board induced him to believe they were as affectionate as most other people. Bouny, one of the higher class, was brought on board; he seemed to take his situation to heart, and got ill, but, from indulgencies which none of the rest had, he partly recovered. When he was convalescent, a young woman was also brought on board, who proved to be his sister. At their first meeting, they stood in silence, and looked at each other, apparently with the greatest affection; they rushed into each others arms, embraced, separated themselves again, and again embraced: the witness perceived the tears to run down the female’s cheeks.

They are made to jump in their irons; this is called dancing by Slave dealers. While a surgeon in a Slave ship, has been often desired, in every ship, to flog such as would not jump: he had generally a cat in his hand among the women.

_Africans Natural Dispositions, and Capacity for Civilization.—Parke’s Travels._

[Sidenote: Parke.]

Jillifree is much resorted to by Europeans, on account of the great quantities of bees wax which are brought hither for sale: the wax is collected in the woods by the Feloops, a wild and unsociable race of people; their country, which is of considerable extent, abounds in rice; and the natives supply the traders, both on the Gambia and Cassamansa rivers, with that article, and also with goats and poultry, on very reasonable terms.—(P. 4.)

The usual beast of burthen in all the Negro territories is the ass.—(p. 12.)

Their fierce and unrelenting disposition is, however, counterbalanced by many good qualities; they display the utmost gratitude and affection towards their benefactors; and the fidelity with which they preserve whatever is entrusted to them is remarkable. During the present war they have more than once taken up arms to defend our merchant vessels from French privateers; and English property, of considerable value, has frequently been left at Vintain, for a long time, entirely under the care of the Feloops, who have uniformly manifested on such occasions the strictest honesty and punctuality.—(p. 16.)

The government in all the Mandingo States, near the Gambia, is monarchical. The power of the sovereign is, however, by no means unlimited. In all affairs of importance; the king calls an assembly of the principal men, or elders, by whose councils he is directed.—(p. 19.)

In every considerable town there is a chief magistrate, called the Alcaid, whose office is hereditary, and whose business it is to preserve order, to levy duties on travellers, and to preside at all conferences in the exercise of local jurisdiction and the administration of justice. These courts are composed of the elders of the town (of free condition) and are termed Palavers; and their proceedings are conducted in the open air, with sufficient solemnity. Both sides of a question are freely canvassed, witnesses are publicly examined, and the decisions which follow generally meet with the approbation of the surrounding audience, (p. 19.)

Professional advocates, or expounders of the law, who are allowed to appear, and to plead for plaintiff or defendant, much in the same manner as in the law courts of Great Britain.—(p. 20.)

The Mandingoes, generally speaking, are of a mild, sociable, and obliging disposition.—(p. 21.)

The Negroes do not go to supper till late, and, in order to amuse themselves while our beef was preparing, a Mandingo was desired to relate some diverting stories; in listening to which, and smoking tobacco, we spent three hours. These stories bear some resemblance to those in the Arabian Night’s Entertainments; but, in general, are of a more ludicrous cast—(p. 31.)

It is worthy of remark, that an African will sooner forgive a blow, than a term of reproach applied to his ancestors: “Strike me, but do not curse my mother!” is a common expression among the Slaves.—(p. 47.)

We were amused by an itinerant singing-man, who told a number of diverting stories, and played some sweet airs. These are a sort of travelling bards and musicians, who sing extempore songs in praise of those who employ them.—(p. 48.)

The industry of the Foulahs, in the occupations of pasturage and agriculture, is every where remarkable.—(p. 61.)

In Bondou they are opulent in a high degree, and enjoy all the necessaries of life in the greatest profusion. They display great skill in the management of their cattle, making them extremely gentle by kindness and familiarity.—(p. 61.)

“At two o’clock we came in sight of Jumbo, the Blacksmith’s native town, from whence he had been absent more than four years. Soon after this his brother, who had by some means been apprized of his coming, came out to meet him, accompanied by a singing-man; he brought a horse for the Blacksmith, that he might enter his native town in a dignified manner; and he desired each of us to put a good charge of powder into our guns. The singing-man now led the way, followed by the two brothers; and we were presently joined by a number of people from the town, all of whom demonstrated great joy at seeing their old acquaintance the Blacksmith, by the most extravagant jumping and singing. On entering the town the singing man began an extempore song in praise of the Blacksmith, extolling his courage in having overcome so many difficulties, and concluding with a strict injunction to his friends to dress him plenty of victuals.—(p. 81.)

“When we arrived at the Blacksmith’s place of residence, we dismounted, and fired our muskets. The meeting between him and his relations was very tender; for these rude children of nature, free from restraint, display their emotions in the strongest and most expressive manner. Amid these transports, the Blacksmith’s aged mother was led forth leaning upon a staff. _Every one made way for her_; and she stretched forth her hand to bid her son welcome. Being totally blind, she stroked his hands, arms, and face, with great care, and seemed highly delighted that her latter days were blessed by his return, and that her ears once more heard the music of his voice. From this interview, I was fully convinced, that whatever difference there is between the Negro and European, in the conformation of the nose, and the colour of the skin, there is none in the genuine sympathies and characteristic feelings of our common nature.”—(p. 81.)

“With these worthy people I spent the remainder of that and the whole of the ensuing day in feasting and merriment.”—(p. 83.)

“I had a most enchanting prospect of the country. The number of towns and villages, and the extensive cultivation around them, surpassed every thing I had ever seen in Africa.”—(p. 88.)

“Feb. 4th. We departed from Loomoo, and continued our route along the banks of the Krieks, which are every where well cultivated, and swarm with inhabitants.”—(p. 89.)

“I lodged at the house of a Negro who practised the art of making gunpowder. He shewed me a bag of nitre, very white, but the crystals were much smaller than common, They procure it in considerable quantities from the ponds, which are filled in the rainy season.”—(p. 116.)

“The Moors supply them with sulphur from the Mediterranean; and the process is completed by pounding the different articles together in a wooden mortar.—(p. 117.)

“Their sabres, as well as their fire-arms and ammunition, they purchase from the Europeans, in exchange for the Negro Slaves, which they obtain in their predatory excursions.”—(p. 150.)

“Cultivation is carried on here on a very extensive scale; and, as the natives themselves express it, hunger is never known.”—(p. 187.)

“From the best inquiries I could make, I have reason to believe that Lego contains altogether about thirty thousand inhabitants.”—“The view of this extensive city, the numerous canoes upon the river, the crowded population, and the cultivated state of the surrounding country, formed altogether a prospect of civilization and magnificence, which I little expected to find in the bosom of Africa.”—(p. 195 & 196.)