Chapter III

RISE OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT -- THE CAPITAL IN DANGER -- MISS CARROLL'S LITERARY LABORS FOR THE CAUSE OF THE UNION -- TESTIMONIALS FROM EMINENT MEN.

"On the election of Mr. Lincoln, in 1860, the safety of the Union was felt to be in peril and its perpetuity to depend on the action of the border slave States, and, from her geographical position, especially on Maryland.

In the cotton States the Breckenridge party had conducted the canvass on the avowed position that the election of a sectional President--as they were pleased to characterize Mr. Lincoln--would be a virtual dissolution of the "compact of the Union;" whereupon it would become the duty of all the Southern States to assemble in "sovereign convention" for the purpose of considering the question of their separate independence.

In Maryland the Breckenridge electors assumed the same position, and as the Legislature was under the control of that party, it was understood that could it assemble they would at once provide for a convention for the purpose of formally withdrawing from the Union. The sessions, however, were biennial, and could only be convened by authority of the Governor. It therefore seemed for the time that the salvation of the Union was in the hands of Governor Hicks. Although he had opposed the election of Mr. Lincoln and all his sympathies were on the side of slavery, his strong point was devotion to the Union. With this conviction, founded upon long established friendship, Miss Carroll believed she might render some service to her country, and took her stand with him at once for the preservation of the Union, come weal or woe to the institution of slavery.

Governor Hicks had been elected some three years before as the candidate of the American party, and to the publications Miss Carroll had contributed to that canvass he largely attributed his election. It was therefore natural that when entering on the fierce struggle for the preservation of the Union, with the political and social powers of the State arrayed against him, that he should desire whatever aid it might be in her power to render him.

A few days after the Presidential election Miss Carroll wrote Governor Hicks upon the probable designs of the Southern leaders should the cotton States secede, and suggested the importance of not allowing a call for the Legislature to be made a question. That she might be in a position to make her services more effective, she repaired to Washington on the meeting of Congress in December, and soon understood that the Southern leaders regarded the dissolution of the Union as accomplished.

The leading disunionists from Maryland and Virginia were on the ground in consultation with the secession leaders in Congress, and the emissaries from the cotton States soon made their appearance, when it was resolved to make Maryland the base of their operations and bring her into the line of the seceding States before the power of the Democratic party had passed away, on the 4th of March, 1861.

Hence every agency that wickedness could invent was industriously manufacturing public opinion in Baltimore and all parts of the State to coerce Governor Hicks to convene the Legislature.

With Maryland out of the Union they expected to inaugurate their Southern Confederacy in the Capitol of the United States on the expiration of President Buchanan's term, on the 4th of March, and by divesting the North of the seat of Government and retaining possession of the public buildings and archives, they calculated with great confidence upon recognition of national independence by European powers. About the middle of December Miss Carroll communicated to Governor Hicks their designs on Maryland and suggested the propriety of a public announcement of his unalterable determination to hold Maryland to the Union.

After his address on the 3d of January, 1861, resolutions and letters from men and women endorsing his cause were received from Maryland and from all quarters of the United States.

Governor Hicks at that time was willing to abide by any terms of settlement that would save a conflict between the sections. He favored the compromise proposed by the border States committee, that slavery should not be forbidden, either by Federal or territorial legislation, south of 36° 30', and he was strongly inclined to base his action on the acceptance or rejection of the Crittenden resolutions by Congress.

On the 19th of January, 1861, he urged Miss Carroll to exert whatever influence she was able to induce Congress to adopt some measure of pacification; but she was soon satisfied that no compromise that Congress would adopt would be accepted by the cotton States, and, perceiving the danger should the Governor commit himself to any impossible condition, informed him on the 24th of January that the Crittenden proposition would by no possibility receive the sanction of Congress.

All efforts to move the steadfastness of the Governor having failed, the President of the Senate and Speaker of the House of Delegates issued their call to the people to act independently of him and elect delegates to a convention. This was a most daring and dangerous proceeding, and had the plan succeeded and a convention assembled they would immediately have deposed the Governor and passed an ordinance of secession. The Governor was powerless in such an emergency to defend the State against the revolutionary body, as the State militia were on their side and Mr. Buchanan had declared that the National Government could not coerce a sovereign State.

The gravity of the situation was appreciated by the Governor and the friends of the Union. Miss Carroll addressed articles through the press and wrote many letters to prepare the public mind in Maryland for the struggle. Fortunately the people (thus warned) failed to endorse this call; consequently the leading statesmen of the disunion party abandoned their cherished expectation of inaugurating their Government in the National Capitol.

Many of the conspirators, however, still sought to seize Washington and forcibly prevent the inauguration of the President elect on the 4th of March. The military organizations of the South were deemed sufficient for the enterprise, and a leader trained in the wars of Texas was solicited to lead them. The more sagacious of their party, however, discountenanced the mad scheme. They assured Miss Carroll that no attempt would be made to seize the Capitol and prevent the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln, so long as Maryland remained in the Union.

The ruthless assault upon the Massachusetts troops in Baltimore, as they were passing through on their way to Washington, on the 19th of April, with the antecedent and attendant circumstances, roused to the highest degree the passions of all who sympathized with the secession movement, and the mob became for the time being the controlling force of that city. So largely in the ascendant was it and so confident were the disunionists in consequence that they, without warrant of law, assumed the responsibility of issuing a call for the Legislature of Maryland to convene in Baltimore. Governor Hicks, fearing that the Legislature would respond to the call, and that if it did it would yield to the predominant spirit, give voice to the purpose of the mob, and adopt an act of secession, resolved to forestall such action by convening that body to meet at Frederick City, away from the violent and menacing demonstrations of Baltimore.

The Legislature thus assembled contained a number of leading members who were ready at once for unconditional secession. There were also others who, with them, would constitute a majority and would vote for the measure could they be sustained by public sentiment, but who were not prepared to give that support without that assurance. The field of conflict was, therefore, transferred from the halls of legislation to the State at large, and to the homes of their constituents, and there the battle raged during the summer of 1861. In that conflict of ideas Miss Carroll bore an earnest and prominent part, and the most distinguished men have given repeated evidence that her labors were largely instrumental in thwarting the secessionists and saving Maryland to the Union. The objective point of the labors of the disunion leaders was a formal act of secession, by which Maryland would become an integral portion of the Confederacy, not only affording moral and material aid to the Southern cause, but relieving the rebel armies in crossing the Potomac from the charge, which at that stage of the conflict the leaders were anxious to avoid, of ignoring their vaunted doctrine of State rights by invading the territory of sovereign States. With the usual arguments that were urged to fire the Southern heart and to reconcile the people to the extreme remedy of revolution, special prominence was given to what was stigmatized as the arbitrary and unconstitutional acts of President Lincoln. To place the people in possession of the true theory of their institutions and to define and defend the war powers of the Government were the special purposes of Miss Carroll's labors during these eventful months."

It would not be possible in the compass of this paper to set forth circumstantially all the important questions that arose in the progress of the war, in the discussion of which Miss Carroll took part; but it is proper to say that on every material issue, from the inception of the rebellion to the final reconstruction of the seceded States, she contributed through the newspapers, in pamphlet form, and by private correspondence to the discussion of important subjects. Governor Hicks bore the brunt of this terrible conflict, greatly aided by Miss Carroll's public and private support, and stimulated by such inspiring letters as the following:

WASHINGTON HOUSE, WASHINGTON CITY, _Jan. 16, 1861_.

My Dear Governor:

I have for some days intended to write and express my cordial
admiration and gratitude for the noble stand you have now taken
in behalf of the Union by the public address issued on the 3d
instant. An extended relation with the leading presses of the
country has enabled me in a public and more efficient manner to
testify to this and create a public opinion favorable to your
course of patriotic action throughout the land. Many of the
articles you have seen emanated from this source.

I feel it will be a gratification to you, in the high and sacred
responsibilities which surround your position, to know from one
who is incapable of flattering or deceiving you the opinion
privately held in this metropolis concerning your whole course
since the secession movement in the South was practically
initiated.

With all the friends of the Union with whom I converse, without
regard to section or party, your course elicits the most
unbounded applause. I might add to this the evidences furnished
from private correspondence, but you doubtless feel already the
sympathy and moral support to be derived in this way. I am often
asked if I think you _can_ continue to stand firm under the
frightful pressure brought to bear upon you. I answer, _yes_;
that my personal knowledge enables me to express the confident
belief that nothing will ever induce you to surrender while the
oath to support the Constitution of your country and the vow to
fulfill the obligations of your God rest upon your soul.

As a daughter of Maryland, I am proud to have her destiny in the
hands of one so worthy of her ancient great name; one who will
never betray the sacred trust imposed upon him. "When God is for
us, no man can be against us," is the Christian's courage when
the day of trial comes.

I shall continue to fight your battle to the end.

Your sincere friend,

A. E. CARROLL.

Well might Governor Hicks say to her again and again, as in a letter to her in 1863: "Your moral and material support I shall never forget in that trying ordeal, such as no other man in this country ever went through."

A little further on, Governor Hicks writes as follows:

ANNAPOLIS, Md., _December 17, 1861_.

My Dear Miss Carroll:

In the hurry and excitement incident to closing my official
relations to the State of Maryland I cannot find fitting words
to express my high sense of gratitude to you for the kind and
feeling manner in which you express your approval of my whole
term of service in doing all in my power to uphold the honor and
dignity of the State; but especially do I thank you for the
personal aid you rendered me in the last part of my arduous
duties.

When all was dark and dreadful for Maryland's future, when the
waves of secession were beating furiously upon your frail
executive, borne down with private as well as public grief, you
stood nobly by and watched the storm and skillfully helped to
work the ship, until, thank God, helmsmen and crew were safe in
port.

* * * * *

With great regard, I have the honor to be ever your obedient
friend and servant.

T. H. HICKS.

Thus it was that, supported by Miss Carroll, this high-minded and sorely tried man held fast to the end. He went into the struggle a rich man, in a position of worldly honor and prosperity. He came out of it reduced in prosperity, having, like other faithful Southern Unionists, lost his worldly possessions in that great upheaval. Thenceforth he lived, and he died, comparatively a poor man, but one of the noble and faithful who had acted an immortal part in the salvation of his country. All honor to brave and true-hearted Governor Hicks of Maryland!

Thus by her powerful advocacy and influence Miss Carroll largely contributed to securing the State of Maryland to the Union and saving the National Capital, and her writings also had a great effect upon the border States. Besides her numerous letters and newspaper articles, she began writing and publishing, at her own expense, a remarkable series of war pamphlets, which speedily became an important element in the guidance of the country.

Senator John C. Breckenridge, in the July Congress of 1861, made a notable secession speech. Miss Carroll replied to this in a pamphlet containing such clear and powerful arguments that the War Department circulated a large edition, and requested her to write on other important points then being discussed with great diversity of opinion.

The following letters give some indication of the timely nature and value of the Breckenridge pamphlet:

My Dear Miss Carroll:

Your refutation of the sophistries of Senator Breckenridge's
speech is full and conclusive. I trust this reply may have an
extended circulation at the present time, as I am sure its
perusal by the people will do much to aid the cause of the
Constitution and the Union.

CALEB B. SMITH.[3]

[Footnote 3: Caleb B. Smith was Secretary of
Interior in Mr. Lincoln's Cabinet and an old friend
of Miss Carroll.]

* * * * *

GLOBE OFFICE, _Aug. 8, 1861_.

Dear Miss Carroll:

Allow me to thank you for the privilege of reading your admirable
review of Mr. Breckenridge's speech. I have enjoyed it greatly.
Especially have I been struck with its very ingenious and just
exposition of the constitutional law bearing on the President,
assailed by Mr. B., and with the very apt citation of Mr.
Jefferson's opinion as to the necessity and propriety of
disregarding mere legal punctilio when the source of all is in
danger of destruction. The gradual development of the plot in the
South to overthrow the Union is also exceedingly well depicted
and with remarkable clearness. If spoken in the Senate your
article would have been regarded by the country as a complete and
masterly refutation of Mr. B.'s heresies. Though the peculiar
position of the _Globe_ might preclude the publication of the
review, I am glad that it has not been denied to the editor of
the _Globe_ to enjoy what the _Globe_ itself has not been
privileged to contain.

I remain, with great respect, your obedient servant,

SAM'L T. WILLIAMS.[4]

[Footnote 4: Samuel T. Williams was at that time
chief editor of the _Globe_ (the Congressional
Record of the day) and son-in-law of Mr. Rives, the
owner of the _Globe_.]

* * * * *

_September 21, 1861._

Dear Miss Carroll:

I have this moment, 11 o'clock Saturday night, finished reading
your most admirable reply to the speech of Mr. Breckenridge; and
now, my dear lady, I have only time to thank you for taking the
trouble to embody for the use of others so much sound
constitutional doctrine and so many valuable historic facts in a
form so compact and manageable. The President received a copy
left for him and requested me to thank you cordially for your
able support.

The delay was not voluntary on my part. For some time past my
time and mind have been painfully engrossed by very urgent public
duties, and my best affections stirred by the present condition
of Missouri, my own neglected and almost ruined State; and this
is the reason why I have been so long deprived of the pleasure
and instruction of perusing your excellent pamphlet.

I remain, with great respect and regard, your friend and
obedient servant,

EDWARD BATES.[5]

[Footnote 5: Edward Bates was the Attorney General
of Mr. Lincoln's Cabinet and an intimate friend of
Miss Carroll.]

* * * * *

APPLEBY, _Sept. 22, 1861_.

My Dear Miss Carroll:

I will thank you very much if you will send me a couple of
hundred copies of your reply to Breckenridge, with bill of
expenses for the same. I do not think it is right that you should
furnish your publications gratis any longer. I told our friends
in Baltimore last week that the Union State Committee must go to
work and send your documents over the entire State if they expect
to carry this election. Mr. Mayer and Mr. Fickey, of the
committee, said they would make application to you immediately
and pay for all you can supply.

No money can ever pay for what you have done for the State and
the country in this terrible crisis, but I trust and believe the
time will come when all will know the debt they owe you.

With great respect, your friend and obedient servant,

THOS. H. HICKS.

* * * * *

BALTIMORE, _Oct. 2, 1861_.

Miss Carroll:

If you could let me have more of your last pamphlet in answer to
Breckenridge, I could use them with great effect. I have
distributed from my house on Camden street all the committee
could furnish me. I set my son at the door with paper and pencil,
and five hundred men called for it in one day. These are the bone
and sinew of the city, wanting to know which army to enter.
Please send as many as you can spare. They go like hot cakes.

Yours very respectfully,

JAMES TILGHMAN.

* * * * *

A. S. Diven, in the House of Representatives, January 22, 1862:

"She signs herself Anna Ella Carroll. I commend her answer on the
doctrine of the war power to those who have been following that
phantom and misleading the people, and I recommend it to another
individual, a friend of mine, who gave a most learned
disquisition on the writ of _habeas corpus_ and against the power
of the President to imprison men. He will find that answered. I
am not surprised at this. The French Revolution discovered great
political minds in some of the French women, and I am happy to
see a like development in our women."

Judge Diven subsequently addressed the following letter to Miss Carroll:

WASHINGTON, _February 9, 1862_.

I thank you for the note of the 6th. Your pamphlet I have read
with satisfaction, as I had your former publication. I have no
desire to appear complimentary, but cannot forbear the expression
of my admiration of your writings. There is a cogency in your
argument that I have seldom met with. Such maturity of judicial
learning with so comprehensive and concise a style of
communication surprises me. Ladies have certainly seldom evinced
ability as jurists--it may be because the profession was not
their sphere--but you have satisfied me that at least one might
have been a distinguished lawyer. Go on, madam, in aiding the
cause to which you have devoted your talent; your country needs
the labor of all her defenders. If the time will ever come when
men will break away from passion and return to reason your labors
will be appreciated; unless that time soon arrives, alas for this
Republic; I have almost despaired of the wisdom of men. God's
ways are mysterious, and my trust in Him is left me as a ground
of hope.

I have the honor to be, madam, your obedient servant,

A. S. DIVEN.[6]

[Footnote 6: A. S. Diven was Member of Congress
from New York, a railroad man, and, I think, is
still living.]

* * * * *

BALTIMORE, _May 9, 1874_.

Miss Carroll:

After the Presidential election in 1860 a Union Association was
formed in Baltimore and I was elected chairman, which position I
held until the Union party was formed in Maryland in 1861, when
Brantz Mayer was made chairman and I was appointed treasurer, and
held the position until 1863. We commenced at once to circulate
your publications and sent them broadcast over the entire State.

When we appealed to you, you furnished them most liberally, and
to our surprise and the relief of our treasury you informed us
you made no charge.

All were disposed to give your articles a careful perusal, and
many instances came to my knowledge of the great positive good
they effected in keeping men within the Union party when the
first blow of secession had been struck.

FRED. FICKEY, JR.

* * * * *

_May 15, 1862._

I have never read an abler or more conclusive paper than your
war-power document in all my reading. * * *

RICHARD S. COXE.[7]

[Footnote 7: Richard S. Coxe was a very eminent
lawyer from the District of Columbia.]

* * * * *

WASHINGTON, _May 22, 1862_.

I most cheerfully indorse the papers respecting your publications
under the authority of the War Department. Mr. Richard S. Coxe, I
can say, is one of the ablest lawyers in this District or in the
country. In his opinion of your writings I entirely concur as
with other men who have expressed one. I regret that I am without
the influence to serve you at the War Department, but Mr.
Lincoln, with whom I have conversed, has, I know, the highest
appreciation of your services in this connection. Judge Collamer,
whom I regard as among the first of living statesmen and
patriots, is enthusiastic in praise of your publications, and,
indeed, I have heard but one opinion expressed by all the able
men who have referred to them.

Sincerely yours,

R. J. WALKER.[8]

[Footnote 8: R. J. Walker was long a Representative
in Congress, Secretary of the Treasury under James
K. Polk, and was acknowledged as the best financier
of his day.]

In September of 1861 Miss Carroll prepared a paper on "the Constitutional powers of the President to make arrests and to suspend the writ of _habeas corpus_." In December, 1861, she published a pamphlet entitled "The War Powers of the Government." This was followed by a paper entitled "The Relation of Revolted Citizens to the National Government." This was written at the especial request of President Lincoln, approved by him, and adopted as the basis of his subsequent action.

WASHINGTON, _January 25, 1861_.

My Dear Miss Carroll:

I read the address of Governor Hicks, which gave me great
pleasure. I have been overwhelmed with work and anxiety for North
Carolina. I franked all the papers you sent me. It is a great
matter for the Union that you hold Maryland firm now.

Go on in your great work. I wish you would say a word for S----
in some of your articles; he is doing us good, but needs
encouragement.

I wish to talk with you on these matters as soon as I can find a
moment.

Respectfully and sincerely your friend,

JOHN A. GILMER.[9]

[Footnote 9: John A. Gilmer was Member of Congress
from North Carolina, but a Union man throughout the
war.]

* * * * *

WASHINGTON CITY, _March 11, 1861_.

My Dear Miss Carroll:

I will be pleased to see you to-morrow, any time convenient to
yourself, after nine o'clock. I am not seeing any one just yet
on the matter to which you refer, but, of course, will see _you_.
You have my grateful thanks for the great and patriotic services
you have rendered and are still rendering to the country in this
crisis.

I have the honor to be your friend and servant,

S. P. CHASE.[10]

[Footnote 10: Salmon P. Chase was U. S. Senator,
Governor of Ohio, Secretary of the Treasury, and
Chief Judge of the Supreme Court.]

* * * * *

WASHINGTON CITY, _April 15, 1862_.

My Dear Lady:

I thank you for sending me the last number of your able essays in
the New York _Times_. The President paid you a very handsome
compliment in the Cabinet meeting yesterday, in reference to your
usefulness to the country. He handed your views on colonization
and the proper point to initiate the colony, which he said he had
requested of you, to Secretary Smith, and said you had given him
a better insight into the whole question than any one beside, and
you had, on his inquiry, suggested the Interior Department as
proper to look after the matter, and advised the Secretary to get
into communication with you. This was no more than your desert,
but, coming from the President in Cabinet meeting, it was as
gratifying to me to hear as it is now to communicate this to you.

With great regard, your obedient servant,

EDWARD BATES.

* * * * *

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, _May 13, 1862_.

Miss Carroll:

I send a package by your servant which came here yesterday, I
suppose, as I had the honor to frank some of your documents from
here. If you will excuse my poor writing I will tell you what
Mr. Lincoln said about you last night.

I was there with some seven or eight members of Congress and
others, when a note and box came from you with products from
Central America. He seemed much delighted and read your letter
out to us and showed the contents of the box. He said, "This Anna
Ella Carroll is the head of the Carroll race. When the history of
this war is written she will stand a good bit taller than ever
old Charles Carroll did." I thought you might like to hear this.

WM. MITCHELL.

* * * * *

WASHINGTON, D. C., _September 9, 1863_.

My Dear Miss Carroll:

I have read with great pleasure the manuscript left with me. Like
all that emanates from your pen, it is profound and able, and I
concur with you that its publication would now be timely. As you
requested, I forward the package to New York.

Very sincerely and respectfully your friend,

S. P. CHASE.

* * * * *

The Hon. B. F. Wade (then President of the United States Senate) writes from Washington:

_March 1, 1869._

Miss Carroll:

I cannot take leave of public life without expressing my deep
sense of your services to the country during the whole period of
our national troubles. Although the citizen of a State almost
unanimously disloyal and deeply sympathizing with secession,
especially the wealthy and aristocratic class of the people, to
which you belonged, yet, in the midst of such surroundings, you
emancipated your own slaves at a great sacrifice of personal
interest, and with your powerful pen defended the cause of the
Union and loyalty as ably and effectively as it ever has been
defended.

From my position on the Committee on the Conduct of the War I
know that some of the most successful expeditions of the war were
suggested by you, among which I might instance the expedition up
the Tennessee river.

The powerful support you gave Governor Hicks during the darkest
hour of your State history prompted him to take and maintain the
stand he did, and thereby saved your State from secession and
consequent ruin.

All these things, as well as your unremitted labors in the cause
of reconstruction, I doubt not are well known and remembered by
the members of Congress at that period. I also well know in what
high estimation your services were held by President Lincoln, and
I cannot leave this subject without sincerely hoping that the
Government may yet confer on you some token of acknowledgment for
all these services and sacrifices.

Very sincerely, your friend,

B. F. WADE.

* * * * *

BALTIMORE, _September 28, 1869_.

I have known Miss Carroll many years; she is a daughter of
Governor Carroll, and by birth and education entitled to the
highest consideration.

She writes exceedingly well, and during the late war published
several pamphlets, etc., which I have no doubt proved most
serviceable to the cause of the Union. Her own loyalty was ardent
and constant through the struggle.

REVERDY JOHNSON.[11]

[Footnote 11: Reverdy Johnson--a distinguished
lawyer from Maryland, U. S. Senator, Attorney
General in Taylor's Cabinet, and Minister to
England during Johnson's Administration.]

* * * * *

DAYTON, _Nov. 23, 1869_.

My Dear Miss Carroll:

Your letter finds me in the midst of care, labor, and preparation
for removal to Washington.

Pardon me, therefore, if I write briefly. You must see me when
the session of Congress commences, that I may say much for which
there is not space or time on paper. Nobody appreciates more
highly than I do your patriotism and your valuable services with
mind and pen through so many years.

Yours faithfully and truly,

ROBERT C. SCHENCK.[12]

[Footnote 12: Robert C. Schenck--General through
the war, Member of Congress, and Minister to
England.]

* * * * *

LONDON, E. C., _July 30, 1872_.

Dear Miss Carroll:

I have read with pleasure the pamphlet you were so kind as to
send me, and am glad to see that your claim is so strongly
endorsed--so strongly that it can hardly be ignored by Congress.

Very truly yours,

H. MCCULLOCH.[13]

[Footnote 13: Hugh S. McCulloch was Secretary of
the Treasury under Lincoln, Johnson, and Arthur.]

* * * * *

WASHINGTON CITY, _January 20, 1873_.

My Dear Miss Carroll:

I owe you an humble apology for not calling to pay my respects to
you, as I intended to do; but I have been so occupied with
numerous engagements that the purpose indicated escaped my
recollection until I was on the point of leaving for my home in
Connecticut, and can only now proffer to you my cordial and
heartfelt wishes for your health, prosperity, and happiness.

I have too much respect for your name and character to address
you in the accents of flattery, and I presume you will not
suspect me of any such purpose when I say that of the many
characters, both male and female, of whom I have formed a
favorable opinion since I was introduced into public life, there
is no one for whom I cherish a higher esteem than Miss Carroll,
of Maryland.

May the richest of Heaven's blessings rest upon your ladyship,
and may the inappreciable services which you rendered your
country in the dark hour of its peril be recognized by your
countrymen, and to a just extent rewarded.

I have the honor to be and to remain, my dear Miss Carroll, most
faithfully and truly your friend,

TRUMAN SMITH.[14]

[Footnote 14: Truman Smith was a Member of Congress
from Connecticut for a long time.]

* * * * *

GREENSBURG, Pa., _May 3, 1873_.

Miss Carroll:

I do remember well that Mr. Lincoln expressed himself in wonder
and admiration at your papers on the proper course to be pursued
in legislating for the crisis.

In this connection I know that he considered your opinions sound
and, coming from a lady, most remarkable for their knowledge of
international law.

EDGAR COWAN.[15]

[Footnote 15: Edgar Cowan was U. S. Senator from
Pennsylvania during the whole war.]

* * * * *

QUINCY, ILLINOIS, _Sept. 17, 1873_.

Miss A. E. Carroll:

During the progress of the War of the Rebellion, from 1861 to
1865, I had frequent conversations with President Lincoln and
Secretary Stanton in regard to the active and efficient part you
had taken in behalf of the country, in all of which they
expressed their admiration of and gratitude for the patriotic and
valuable services you had rendered the cause of the Union and the
hope that you would be adequately compensated by Congress. At
this late day I cannot recall the details of those conversations,
but am sure that the salutary influence of your publications upon
public opinion and your suggestions in connection with the
important military movements were among the meritorious services
which they recognized as entitled to remuneration.

In addition to the large debt of gratitude which the country owes
you, I am sure you are entitled to generous pecuniary
consideration, which I trust will not be withheld.

With sentiments of high regard, I am,

Your obedient servant,

O. H. BROWNING.[16]

[Footnote 16: O. H. Browning, of Illinois, was
Senator during the war, in confidential relations
with President Lincoln and Secretary Stanton.]

* * * * *

WASHINGTON, D. C., _May 13, 1874_.

Miss A. E. Carroll:

I am gratified to have the opportunity of expressing my knowledge
and appreciation of the valuable services rendered by you to the
cause of the Union at the beginning of and during the late war.
Being a Marylander and located officially in Baltimore in 1861,
1862, 1863, and 1864, I can speak confidently of the important
aid contributed by you to the Government in its struggle with the
rebellion. I recollect very distinctly your literary labors, the
powerful productions of your pen, which struck terror into the
heart of the rebellion in Maryland and encouraged the hopes and
stimulated the energies of the loyal sons of our gallant State.
Especially do I recall the eminent aid you gave to Governor
Hicks, and the high esteem he placed upon your services. Indeed,
I have reason to know he possessed no more efficient coadjutor,
or one whose co-operation and important service he more justly
appreciated. I can say with all sincerity I know of no one to
whom the State of Maryland--I may say the country at large--is
more indebted for singleness of purpose, earnestness, and
effectiveness of effort in behalf of the Government than to
yourself.

A failure to recognize these service will indicate a reckless
indifference to the cause of true and unfaltering patriotism, to
which I cannot think a just Government will prove ungrateful.

I am, dear Miss Carroll, always most sincerely and truly yours,

CHRIS. C. COXE.[17]

[Footnote 17: Christopher C. Coxe held many offices
of trust throughout the war, was quite eminent as a
poet and man of letters, and was pension agent at
Baltimore.]

* * * * *

PETERSBORO', N. Y., _May, 1874_.

Miss Anna Ella Carroll:

Surely nothing more can be needed than your pamphlet, entitled
"Miss Carroll's Claim before Congress," to insure the prompt and
generous payment of it. Our country will be deeply dishonored if
you, its wise and faithful and grandly useful servant, shall be
left unpaid.

GERRITT SMITH.[18]

[Footnote 18: Gerritt Smith was a noted
philanthropist, Member of Congress, one of the
first so-called Abolitionists, and a man of immense
wealth.]

* * * * *

WASHINGTON, D. C. _June 5, 1874_.

Dear Miss Carroll:

I did not receive your polite note and the pamphlet in relation
to your claim till this morning. The statement of your case is
very strong, both as to the clear proof of "value received" from
you by the Government, and on which was founded its promise to
pay, and as to the favorable opinions of your literary and
military services expressed by leading men. I know of no instance
in which a woman not born to sovereign sway has done so much to
avert the impending ruin of her country, and that not by cheap
valor, like Joan of Arc, but by rare mental ability. As a
Marylander, I am proud that the "Old Maryland line" was so
worthily represented by you in the struggle for the Union.

You would have had your substantial reward long ago but for the
very absurd opinion that by some fixed, mysterious law of nature
the labor done by women is worth less than precisely similar work
done by men. You should persist in your just claim, if only to
establish the principle that the value of work should be
estimated according to its merits and not with reference to the
worker; but, whatever may be the fate of your demand on the
Government, you cannot fail to receive the thanks of the people.

Very respectfully,

SAM'L T. WILLIAMS.

* * * * *

PRINCESS ANNE, Md., _August 22, 1874_.

My Dear Miss Carroll:

I have read with interest and gratification the publication
respecting your claim now pending before Congress.

I well remember that you were an earnest supporter of the Union
in the hour of its trial, and that you did much by word and pen
to encourage and sustain those who battled against the rebellion,
and for such services you are entitled to high consideration and
reward. The proofs adduced are very full and direct. I don't see
how its payment can be resisted without impeaching the evidence
of Mr. Scott, the late Assistant Secretary of War, and of Judge
Wade, Chairman of the Committee on the Conduct of War--an
alternative which their official and personal characters forbid,
even in cases where their personal interests were involved.

With, my best wishes, I have the honor to be very truly yours,
&c.,

J. W. CRISFIELD.[19]

[Footnote 19: J. W. Crisfield was a Representative
from Maryland during the war.]

* * * * *

CUMBERLAND, Md., _August 25, 1874_.

My Dear Miss Carroll:

You may feel assured that I read with exceeding interest
everything from your pen and every reference in the press to
yourself and interests. I have no doubt your contribution to the
history of Maryland at the eventful crisis referred to will be a
most valuable and interesting one.

H. W. HOFFMAN.[20]

[Footnote 20: Hoffman was a Representative from
Maryland, lawyer, and Member of the House of
Representatives.]

* * * * *

LIMA, PERU, _September 12, 1874_.

My Dear Miss Carroll:

It affords me great pleasure to have an opportunity to testify to
the valuable assistance rendered by yourself to the cause of the
Union at the commencement and during the progress of the late
war. Your private conversations and your publications in the
newspapers and pamphlets all tended to inspire that ardent
patriotism which a grave crisis in public affairs imperatively
demanded. Every Marylander who felt called upon to support the
endangered Government of the United States must have been
encouraged and cheered in the discharge of a painful duty by that
earnest enthusiasm which was at that time displayed by yourself
in support of the measures forced upon the Government by the
rebellion. I am gratified to hear that you propose to publish a
book that will do justice to the memory of the late Governor
Hicks; and offering my best wishes for the success of your
undertaking and for your personal health and happiness,

I am sincerely your friend,

FRANCIS THOMAS.[21]

[Footnote 21: Francis Thomas was a Member of
Congress from Maryland, Governor of Maryland, and
Minister to Peru under Grant.]

* * * * *

NEWARK, _Sept. 28, 1874_.

Dear Miss Carroll:

I have carefully read your pamphlet, and I do not hesitate to say
your claim is a strong one. You could not have a better witness
than Colonel Scott, a man of the highest character. His testimony
is clear and unequivocal, and if your claim is rejected I can
attribute it to but one cause--you are a woman--a relic of
barbarism against your sex; but still I believe you will succeed.
I am satisfied that a large majority of the members of both
Houses are fair-minded, honorable men, disposed to do what is
right.

I should be glad to meet you and talk with you about your
proposed life of Governor Hicks. There are several matters I
should be pleased to discuss with you.

Very truly your friend,

WM. H. PARNELL,
_President Delaware College_.

* * * * *

CHESTERTOWN, Md., _Oct. 9, 1874_.

My friend Miss Carroll has two claims against the Government
growing out of services rendered to the country during the civil
war--the one of a literary and the other of a military character.
Miss Carroll is a daughter of the late Hon. Thomas King Carroll,
one of the best men Maryland has ever produced.

GEORGE VICKERS.

* * * * *

PRINCETON, _October 13, 1874_.

Miss Carroll:

I thank you for your letter of the 19th ultimo and for the two
pamphlets that accompanied it, which I read with great interest.
I think they clearly establish your claim on the gratitude of the
country and on a suitable remuneration by Congress by proving
that you rendered the Government very important service during
the crisis of the late war. As that service involved great labor
and sacrifice on your part and saved the country a great amount
of useless expenditure in men and money, justice as well as
gratitude demands that it should be liberally rewarded.

Hoping that those in authority will recognize the debt which the
country owes you,

I am very respectfully yours,

CHARLES HODGE,
_President of Theological Seminary_.

* * * * *

WASHINGTON, D. C., _December 16, 1874_.

Dear Miss Carroll:

I have not the vanity to suppose that my commendation can add to
the high estimate placed by all upon your services to the Union
in the late war; but as you have done me the honor to ask a
candid expression of my opinion I venture to say that any
statesman or author of America might be justly proud of having
written such papers as the able pamphlets produced by you in
support of the Government at that critical period.

As to your military services in planning the Tennessee campaign,
you hold and have published too many proofs of the validity of
your claim to require further confirmation.

I shall rejoice in your success in procuring a formal recognition
of your labors if only it will aid in establishing the just rule
that equal services, whether performed by man or woman, must
always command equal recognition and reward.

As a Marylander, I am proud that in the war of the rebellion "the
Old Maryland line" was so worthily represented by you.

SAMUEL T. WILLIAMS.

* * * * *

The letters of eminent men in admiration of Miss Carroll's papers, published and unpublished, would fill a volume. These are only a portion of those published by order of Congress.

Senator Jacob Howard, of the Military Commission appointed to inquire into Miss Carroll's services, in his report of the 42d Congress, states--

"She did more for the country than all the military generals. She showed where to fight and how to strike the rebellion on the head, possessing withal judicial learning so comprehensive and concise in its style of argument that the Government gladly sat at her feet to learn the wisdom of its powers."

This allusion to military services leads us to a still more remarkable record of Miss Carroll's work.