Chapter XXXVI: Cleveland's Enormous Majority (1)

1881-2

While Conkling was being deposed, John Kelly, to whom responsibility attached for Hancock's defeat, also suffered the penalty of selfish leadership.[1772] Although his standard of official honesty had always been as low as his standard of official responsibility, it never aroused violent party opposition until his personal resentments brought Democratic defeat. This classified him at once as a common enemy. In vain did he protest as Tweed had done against being made a "scape-goat." His sentence was political death, and as a first step toward its execution, Mayor Cooper refused to reappoint him comptroller, an office which he had held for four years. Republican aldermen joined in confirming his successor. Similar treatment, accorded his office-holding associates, stripped him of patronage except in the office of register.

[Footnote 1772: "He wantonly sacrificed the Hancock ticket to his unscrupulous quest of local power. The Democracy here and elsewhere perfectly understand his perfidy, and they only await an opportunity for a reckoning. They intend to punish him and make an example of him as a warning to bolting renegades and traitors."--New York _Herald_, November 5, 1880.]

Then his Democratic opponents proposed depriving him of control in conventions, and having failed to reorganise him out of Tammany (April, 1881), they founded the County Democracy. William C. Whitney, corporation counsel, Hubert O. Thompson, the young commissioner of public works, and other leaders of similar character, heading a Committee of One Hundred, became its inspiration. Under the Tammany system twenty-four men constituted the Committee on Organisation, while a few persons at any Assembly primary might represent all the votes of the district. The new organisation proposed to make its Committee on Organisation consist of six hundred and seventy-eight members and to place the control of all nominations in the hands of the people. It was a catchy scheme and quickly became popular. To carry it into effect a public enrolment was made of the Democratic voters in each election district, who had an opportunity, by registering their names, to join the Election District Committee. When thus affiliated each one could vote for a member of the Committee on Organisation and for delegates to nominating conventions. On October 7 (1881) Abram S. Hewitt, chairman of the Committee of One Hundred, issued an address, declaring that the organisation had 26,500 enrolled members, and had elected delegates to attend the State convention which met at Albany on October 11.

Kelly did not attend the convention. On his way from the depot to the hotel he found the air too chilly and the speech of people far from complimentary. It was plain, also, that the crushing defeat of Hancock had obliterated factional division in the up-State counties and that Daniel E. Manning was in control. Nevertheless, Tammany's delegates, without the slightest resemblance to penitents, claimed regularity. The convention answered that the County Democracy appeared upon the preliminary roll. To make its rebuff more emphatic Rufus W. Peckham, in presenting the report on contested seats, briefly stated that the committee, by a unanimous vote, found "the gentlemen now occupying seats entitled to them by virtue of their regularity."[1773] Kelly's conceit did not blind his penetration to the fact that for the present, at least, he had reached his end.

[Footnote 1773: Appleton's _Cyclopædia_, 1881, p. 655.

The State ticket was as follows: Secretary of State, William Purcell, Monroe; Comptroller, George H. Lapham, Yates; Attorney-General, Roswell A. Parmenter, Rensselaer; Treasurer, Robert A. Maxwell, Genesee; Engineer, Thomas Evershed, Orleans; Judge, Court of Appeals, Augustus Schoonmaker, Ulster.]

The Republican convention (October 5) proved not less harmonious. Arthur had become President (September 19),[1774] Conkling did not appear, and Warner Miller's surprising vote for temporary chairman (298 to 190), sustaining the verdict of the Legislature in the prolonged senatorial struggle, completely silenced the Stalwarts. Conkling's name, presented as a contesting delegate from Oneida, provoked no support, while Depew, whom the Senator a year earlier had sneeringly referred to as a "creature of no influence," became permanent chairman without opposition. In the selection of State candidates few organization men found favour.[1775] Finally, in their overconfidence the Independents carelessly postponed a resolution reorganising the party in New York City to an hour when their rural support had left the convention, and the most important business before it failed by five majority. "Thus by sheer negligence," said George William Curtis, "the convention has left a formidable nucleus for the reconstruction of the machine which had been overthrown."[1776] The platform deplored the death of Garfield, expressed confidence in President Arthur, praised Cornell's wisdom, prudence, and economy, and insisted upon equal taxation of corporations and individuals.

[Footnote 1774: "It was a common saying of that time among those who knew him best, '"Chet" Arthur, President of the United States! Good God!'"--White, _Autobiography_, Vol. 1, p. 193.]

[Footnote 1775: The ticket was as follows: Secretary of State, Joseph B. Carr, Rensselaer; Comptroller, Ira Davenport, Steuben; Attorney-General, Leslie W. Russell, St. Lawrence; Treasurer, James W. Husted, Westchester; Engineer and Surveyor, Silas Seymour, Saratoga; Judge of the Court of Appeals, Francis M. Finch, Tompkins.]

[Footnote 1776: _Harper's Weekly_, October 15.]

Although the deep silence that characterised the October contest in Ohio pervaded the campaign in New York, Republicans believed that President Arthur, by the moderation and dignity of his course, had favourably impressed the public.[1777] His nomination of Postmaster General James and the tender of the Treasury to Edwin D. Morgan commanded universal approval. When Morgan declined, the nomination of Charles J. Folger, suggested by Morgan, added to his prestige. In fact, the most ardent champions of Garfield had taken little exception to the acts of the new Administration, and although Arthur's supporters had suffered defeat in convention, it was inferred that the President and his friends sincerely desired the triumph of their party. Moreover, the action of Tammany and the County Democracy in nominating separate local tickets had stimulated Republican confidence. It meant that Kelly, in his inevitable desire to defeat his enemy, would trade, combine, and descend to other underhand jobbery, which usually benefited the opposite party.

[Footnote 1777: "I dined at the President's on Wednesday. The dinner was extremely elegant, hardly a trace of the old White House taint being perceptible anywhere, the flowers, the silver, the attendants, all showing the latest style and an abandon in expense and taste."--Mrs. James G. Blaine, _Letters_ (March 13, 1882), Vol. 2, pp. 4, 5.]

However, the harmony blandly predicted did not appear. James W. Husted was overwhelmingly defeated, while his party, for the first time in twelve years, lost both branches of the Legislature.[1778] This amazing disclosure exhibited the bitter animosity of faction. In Albany, Erie, Oneida, and Oswego counties, Stalwart and Independent resolutely opposed each other, even to the point in some instances of supporting the Democratic ticket.

[Footnote 1778: Plurality of Carr, secretary of state, 13,022. Other Republicans had about the same, except Husted, whom Maxwell, treasurer, defeated by 20,943. The Legislature stood: Senate, Democrats, 17; Republicans, 15. Assembly, Democrats, 67; Republicans, 61.]

On the other hand, the County Democracy was exultant. In spite of the combined opposition of Tammany and Irving Hall, the Whitney organisation carried the county by several thousand majority, securing four of the seven senators, twelve of the twenty-four assemblymen, and twelve of the twenty-two aldermen. This left Tammany absolutely without patronage. It was not unnatural that many of Kelly's co-workers should doubt the possibility of longer working harmoniously under his leadership, and the great secession of prominent men from Tammany after the formation of the County Democracy created little surprise. But that the movement should include the rank and file was an astonishing revelation.

Nevertheless, Kelly, gathering up his three senators and eight assemblymen, carried the war to Albany. Strangely enough Republican discord had given him the balance of power in each legislative body, and until the Democrats acceded to his terms (February 2) the Assembly remained without a speaker.[1779] Two weeks later, upon the announcement of the Assembly committees, Tammany, declaring its agreement violated, joined the Republicans in modifying the rules of the Senate so as to permit the Lieutenant-Governor to appoint its committees and complete its organisation.

[Footnote 1779: Kelly demanded the chairmanship of cities in both Houses, a satisfactory composition of the committees on railroads and on commerce and navigation, a share in the subordinate offices, and the exclusion of John C. Jacobs of Kings from the presidency of the Senate.]

No one knowing Kelly expected him to act otherwise. Nor can it be seriously doubted that he fully expected the Democracy, at the very next opportunity, to make substantial concessions. At all events Kelly presented with great confidence Tammany's claims to representation in the State convention which assembled at Syracuse on September 22 (1882).[1780] He knew it was a critical moment for the Democracy. The poverty of the Republican majority in the preceding election, and the Administration's highhanded efforts to defeat Cornell for renomination, seemed to put the State within the grasp of a united party. Yet the Tilden leaders, although divided among themselves, shrank from giving him power. This feeling was intensified by the renewed activity of the old canal ring. The presence, too, of Stephen T. Arnot of Chemung, who served as a member of the Kelly State Committee in 1879, added to their hostility. Indeed, so pronounced was the resentment that on the first day of the convention Tammany was refused tickets of admission.

[Footnote 1780: The Greenback-Labour party held its convention at Albany on July 19, nominating Epenetus Howe of Tompkins, for governor. It reaffirmed the principles of the party.

A labour convention was held at Buffalo on September 12, but no nominations were made. It favored abolition of the contract-labour system in prisons; of cigar factories in tenements; of child labour under fourteen; enforcement of the compulsory education act; reduction of labour to ten hours a day, etc.

An anti-monopoly convention assembled at Saratoga on September 13. No nominations were made. It demanded commissioners to supervise and control corporation charges; advocated free canals; government ownership of the telegraph; postal savings banks; discontinuance of railroad grants; prohibition of combinations to control prices, etc.]

But behind Kelly stood the two leading candidates for governor.[1781] In his canvass of the State Roswell P. Flower, hopeful of Kelly's support, had created a strong sentiment favourable to Tammany's admission, while Henry W. Slocum, mindful of Tammany's dislike, had also done what he could to smooth its way. Under such pressure the leaders, after recognising the County Democracy as the regular organisation with thirty-eight votes, gave Tammany twenty-four and Irving Hall ten.

[Footnote 1781: There were eight candidates for governor: Erastus Corning of Albany, Homer A. Nelson of Dutchess, Grover Cleveland of Erie, Roswell P. Flower of Jefferson, Henry W. Slocum of Kings, and Allan Campbell, Waldo M. Hutchins, and Perry Belmont of New York.]

Although this preliminary struggle did not clarify the gubernatorial situation, it had the effect of materially weakening Flower. Of his popularity no doubt existed. As an industrious young man in Watertown he had been a general favourite, and in New York, whither he went in early manhood to take charge of his sister's property, left by her millionaire husband, he became the head of a prosperous banking house and the friend of all classes. The liberality of his charities equalled the splendour of his social entertainments, while a few months in Congress as the successor of Levi P. Morton and the successful opponent of William W. Astor, had introduced him to the voters of the metropolis. He was now forty-four years old, with ample wealth, a wide acquaintance, and surrounded by scores of experienced political diplomats.

But Manning distrusted Flower. Back of him were Arnot, DeWolf, and other anti-Tilden leaders. He also deeply resented Flower's support of Kelly. It gave the Boss a new lease of power and practically paralysed all efforts to discipline him. Besides, it betrayed an indisposition to seek advice of the organisation and an indifference to political methods. He seemed to be the rich man in politics, relying for control upon money rather than political wisdom. Nor did it improve Flower's chances among the country delegates that one of the convention speakers thought him guided by Jay Gould, in whose questionable deals he had generously participated.

Slocum had likewise sinned. Manning thought well of the distinguished soldier whom he promised one hundred votes, which he delivered. But his support of Kelly had been distasteful to the County Democracy. Besides, he was charged with voting, when in Congress, for the "salary grab," and one delegate, speaking on the floor of the convention, declared that as a trustee of the Brooklyn Bridge, "Slocum would be held responsible for the colossal frauds connected with its erection."[1782] It added to the chaos of the situation that Flower's supporters resented Slocum's activity, while Slocum's friends excepted to the County Democracy's use of Allan Campbell as a stalking horse.

[Footnote 1782: New York _Tribune_, September 23.]

Grover Cleveland's candidacy seemed not very important. He was not wholly unknown throughout the State. Lawyers recognised him as a prominent member of the profession, and politicians knew him as sheriff of Erie County in the early seventies and as the recently elected mayor of Buffalo. But people outside the Lake city knew nothing of his character for stubborn independence, uncompromising honesty, and fearless devotion to duty. His friends tried to tell the delegates that he insisted upon public officials treating the people's money as its trustees, and that he had promptly vetoed every departure from this rule. They claimed also that he could neither be coaxed nor constrained into the approval of men or measures that were not honest and proper, citing several illustrations that had greatly gratified and aroused his home people. This was the gist of Daniel N. Lockwood's short, happy, and forceful speech in presenting his name to the convention.

But such recommendations of candidates were not unusual, and although Erie and the surrounding counties mustered fifty or sixty votes, no movement toward Cleveland existed other than that growing out of the peculiar political situation. If Slocum and Flower failed, Nelson or Corning might benefit. Edward Murphy of Rensselaer, then mayor of Troy for the fourth term and closely associated with Manning in leadership, represented Corning with spirit, while the Dutchess friends of Homer A. Nelson exhibited their devotion by an energetic canvass. Yet Cleveland possessed one strategic point stronger than either of them. His absolute freedom from the political antagonisms of New York and King counties commended him to the County Democracy. This organisation of extraordinary leadership had tired of deals and quarrels. The hammering of Tilden, the sacrifice of Robinson, the defeat of Hancock, and the hold-up in the last Legislature made a new departure necessary, and it may be said with truth and without injustice that the night before the convention opened the nomination of Cleveland, if it could be accomplished, seemed to the County Democracy the wisest and safest result.

When the roll-call began Kelly, playing for position, divided Tammany's vote among the possible winners, giving Flower seven, Slocum six, Cleveland six, and Corning five. The County Democracy voted for Campbell. Corning's withdrawal and large secessions from Nelson and Belmont sent Slocum and Flower far in the lead on the second ballot, while Cleveland moved up five points with the help of Kelly and others. The County Democracy again voted for Campbell. On the third ballot a break was inevitable. Hutchins had remained stationary, Nelson and Belmont were practically out of the race, and Slocum and Flower stood even. It was now in the power of the County Democracy to nominate Slocum. Manning approved it and Murphy had already given him the Corning vote. But the County Democracy, inspired by men of prescience and of iron nerve, went to Cleveland in a body, making the hall resound with cheers. Had Tammany, the next delegation called, followed suit, Kelly might have divided with his opponents the honour of Cleveland's nomination. Instead, it practically voted as before. But Albany, Rensselaer, and other counties, catching the tide at its turn, threw the convention into a bedlam. Finally, when Kelly could secure recognition, he changed Tammany's vote to Cleveland.

To the tally-clerks Cleveland's nomination by two majority was known before the completion of the ballot. Yet upon the insistence of the Slocum men, because of confusion in making changes, the convention refused to receive the result and ordered another roll-call. This gave Cleveland eighteen votes to spare.[1783]

[Footnote 1783: Whole number of votes, 385; necessary to a choice, 193. First ballot: Slocum, 98; Flower, 97; Cleveland, 66; Corning, 35; Campbell, 37; Nelson, 26; Belmont, 12; Hutchins, 13. Second ballot: Slocum, 123; Flower, 123; Cleveland, 71; Campbell, 33; Nelson, 15; Belmont, 6; Hutchins, 13. Third ballot: Slocum, 156; Flower, 15; Cleveland, 211.]

The result brought the Democrats into perfect accord for the first time in many years. It had come without the exercise of illegitimate influences or the incurrence of personal obligation. To no one in particular did Cleveland owe his nomination. Besides, his success as a politician, his character as a public official, and his enthusiastic devotion to the clients whose causes he championed, challenged the most careful scrutiny. He was then unmarried, forty-four years old, tall, stoutly-built, with a large head, dark brown hair, clear keen eyes, and a generous and kindly nature concealed under a slightly brusque manner. His sturdy old-fashioned rectitude, and the just conviction that by taste and adaptability for public life he had peculiar qualifications for the great office of governor, commended him to popular confidence. In Buffalo, where he had lived for a quarter of a century, people knew him as a man without guile.

Two days before Cleveland's nomination (September 20), the Republicans had selected Charles J. Folger, then secretary of the treasury. In character for honesty and ability the two men were not dissimilar, but the manner of their selection was antipodal. Of the five candidates who appealed to the convention, Cornell was the only real opponent of the Secretary.[1784] For more than a year, ever since he took office, in fact, Cornell had counted upon a renomination. He cleverly strengthened the State machine, surrounded himself with able lieutenants, and never failed to make appointments promotive of his ambition. The confirmation of Isaac V. Baker as superintendent of prisons with the aid of Tammany's three senators, especially illustrated his skill in reaching men. But he had done more than organise. His numerous vetoes called attention to his discriminating work, indicating honesty, efficiency, activity in promoting the people's interests, and fidelity to Republican principles. An honest public sentiment recognised these good features of his work. Indeed, his administration admittedly ranked with the best that had adorned the State for a century, and his friends, including Independents and many Stalwarts, rallied with energy to his support. It was known, too, that the wisdom of Blaine permeated his councils.

[Footnote 1784: The candidates were Charles J. Folger, Alonzo B. Cornell, James W. Wadsworth of Genesee, John H. Starin of New York, and John C. Robinson of Broome.]

Nevertheless, Conkling and the President marked him for defeat. It was notorious that their hostility grew out of the Governor's passivity in the senatorial election, Arthur feeling the humiliation of that defeat scarcely less than Conkling, while memories of Crowley's failure and of the Governor's exultation had not faded. Conkling, not less bitter, had more recent cause for resentment. As the attorney of Jay Gould he had indicated a willingness to forgive and forget the past if the Governor would approve legislation favourable to the Gould properties. But Cornell, satisfied of its unfairness, courageously refused.[1785] When he did so he knew and subsequently declared, that if he had signed the bill, neither Gould nor Conkling would have opposed his renomination.[1786]

[Footnote 1785: The bill provided that the elevated railroad companies of New York should, in lieu of other public charges, pay a tax of four per cent. on their gross receipts. As first submitted the bill had the approval of the mayor and comptroller of the city, but after its modification they withdrew their approval and opposed its passage on the ground that it unjustly discriminated in favour of these particular corporations and deprived the city of a large amount of revenue.--Appleton's _Cyclopædia_, 1882, p. 600.]

[Footnote 1786: Albany _Evening Journal_, August 20, 1882.]

For these purely personal reasons an extraordinary situation was created, revealing the methods of purse and patronage by which the Gould-Conkling combine and the Administration got revenge. In their efforts in Folger's behalf delegates were coerced, and efficient officials at Albany, Brooklyn, Utica, and Ogdensburg, removed in the middle of their terms, were replaced by partisans of the President. Even after the patronage packed convention assembled the questionable methods continued. Gould's agent hovered about Saratoga. To secure the selection of a temporary chairman by the State committee, Stephen B. French, an intimate of Arthur, presented a fraudulent proxy to represent William H. Robertson.[1787] Had the convention known this at the moment of voting swift defeat must have come to the Administration, which barely escaped (251 to 243) by getting postmasters into line.[1788]

[Footnote 1787: French presented a telegram to the secretary of the State committee purporting to be sent from New York by Robertson. An investigation made later showed that the message was written in Albany on a sender's blank and had not been handled by the telegraph company. French explained that he had wired Robertson for a proxy, and when handed the message supposed it to be an answer. It was plain, however, that the telegram to Robertson and his alleged answer were parts of the same scheme.]

[Footnote 1788: New York _Times_, September 22; see also the _Nation_, October 5; _Harper's Weekly_, October 14 and 21; New York _Sun_, September 22; Albany _Evening Journal_, September 22.]

The candidacy of James W. Wadsworth, son of the famous general, and recently state-comptroller, likewise became a decoy for Folger. Wadsworth himself had no understanding with that wing. He was absolutely independent and unpledged. But the Stalwarts, in districts opposed to them, promoted the choice of such so-called Wadsworth delegates as could be captured by the persuasive plea for harmony, and under the stress of the second ballot, when Starin's and Robinson's support broke to Cornell, some of them voted for Folger. This gave the Administration's candidate eight more than the required number.[1789]

[Footnote 1789: Whole number of votes, 447. Necessary to a choice, 249. First ballot: Folger, 223; Cornell, 180; Wadsworth, 69; Starin, 19; Robinson, 6. Second ballot: Folger, 257; Cornell, 222; Wadsworth, 18.

The ticket was as follows: Governor, Charles J. Folger, Ontario; Lieutenant-Governor, B. Platt Carpenter, Dutchess; Chief Judge of Appeals, Charles Andrews, Onondaga; Congressman-at-large, A. Barton Hepburn, St. Lawrence. Subsequently, Howard Carroll of New York, was substituted for Hepburn.]

The belated platform, fulsomely eulogistic of Cornell, added to the indignation of the Independents, since it seemed a mockery to present what the Stalwarts did not offer until after a nomination. It gave still greater offence when the State Committee selected John F. Smyth as its chairman to conduct the campaign.[1790]

[Footnote 1790: "Look at John F. Smyth and B. Platt Carpenter. Instead of being at the head of the whole business, they should be at the tail or out of sight."--From speech of Theodore F. Pomeroy, the _Nation_, October 5.]

"It is hardly worth while analysing the influences which have contributed to this result," said the New York _Times_. "The fact is plain that the Gould-Conkling combination, backed by the power of the Federal Administration, has accomplished what it set out to do."[1791] Henry Ward Beecher in a Sunday evening sermon, said that "When Cornell went out, Avarice and Revenge kissed each other." Theodore L. Cuyler, then pastor of the Lafayette Avenue Presbyterian Church in Brooklyn, declared that he "stood by the cradle of the Republican party, but when it shunted off on the wrong track I will not go over the precipice with it."[1792] In hastening to deny that _Harper's Weekly_ would support Folger, George William Curtis wrote: "Judge Folger's ability and character are not in question, but his nomination is. That nomination was procured by the combined power of fraud and patronage, and to support it would be to acquiesce in them as legitimate forces in a convention."[1793] The Buffalo _Express_, a vigorous and independent Republican journal, also bolted the ticket,[1794] an example followed by several other papers of similar character throughout the State. After the lapse of a fortnight, Hepburn, candidate for congressman-at-large, declined to accept because "it is quite apparent that a very large portion of the Republicans, owing to the unfortunate circumstances which have come to light since the adjournment of the convention, are not disposed to accept its conclusion as an authoritative utterance of the party."[1795]

[Footnote 1791: September 23.]

[Footnote 1792: The _Nation_, October 5.]

[Footnote 1793: New York _Tribune_, October 4.

"By one of those curious blunders to which editorial offices are liable in the absence of the responsible head, an article by Mr. Curtis was modified to commit the paper to the support of the candidate. Curtis resigned the editorship. It was promptly and in the most manly manner disavowed by the house of Harper & Bros."--Edward Cary, _Life of Curtis_, p. 275.]

[Footnote 1794: September 22.]

[Footnote 1795: New York daily papers, October 4.]

Folger was not suspected of any personal complicity with unfair dealing, but the deep and general Republican dissatisfaction greatly disturbed him. His friends urged him to withdraw. Stewart L. Woodford, then United States attorney, insisted that fraud and forgery vitiated all the convention did, and that the "short, direct, and honourable way out of it was to refuse the nomination."[1796] The Kings County executive committee assured him that many influential Republicans considered this the wisest course. From prominent men in all parts of the State came similar advice. This view appealed to his own better judgment, and he had decided so to act until persuaded otherwise by the pleadings of the Stalwarts.[1797] His acceptance, recalling the Tilden letter of 1880, was a touching appeal to the voters. Referring to the fraudulent practices, he said: "No one claims, no one believes, that I had lot or part therein, or previous hint or suspicion thereof. I scorn an end to be got by such means. I will not undertake to measure the truth of all these reports; that of one is beyond dispute."[1798] Nevertheless, Folger could not deny that he was a willing recipient of that "one," through the influence of which, by creating the impression that Robertson and other anti-Administration leaders favoured the Stalwart's choice of a temporary chairman, he gained a much greater power in the convention than his eight majority represented.[1799]

[Footnote 1796: New York _Times_, September 29.]

[Footnote 1797: Albany _Evening Journal_, October 16.]

[Footnote 1798: Folger's letter is found in the daily papers of October 4.]

[Footnote 1799: It was generally known that this influence changed the votes of two acting State committeemen, who had agreed to act with the Cornell men.--See the _Nation_ of October 5; also the New York _Tribune_, October 4.]

In accepting the Democratic nomination Cleveland had the great advantage of not being obliged to refer to anything of which he was ashamed. Its tone was simple, sober, and direct, and from the principles expressed, the measures advocated, or the language employed, the reader could form no idea to what party the writer belonged. He desired primary elections to be "uncontaminated and fairly conducted"; condemned the interference of "officials of any degree, State or Federal, for the purpose of thwarting or controlling the popular wish"; favoured tenure of office in the civil service being dependent upon "ability and merit"; and denounced the levying of political assessments, declaring "the expenditure of money to influence the action of the people at the polls or to secure legislation is calculated to excite the gravest concern."[1800]

[Footnote 1800: Cleveland's letter appears in the press of October 10.]

The campaign became historic because it revealed the most serious disturbance in the Republican party since the war. Little was heard save apology, indignant protest, and appeal to tradition. Whatever Republican hope existed was based upon the unworthiness of the Democratic party. In a letter to an Albany meeting Folger declared, after highly praising his opponent, that "There is one difference which goes to the root of the matter when we are brought to view as public men and put forward to act in public affairs. He is a Democrat. I am a Republican." Then, becoming an alarmist, he referred to the shrinkage in the value of stocks on the day after the Democratic victory in Ohio. "That shrinkage has been going on ever since," he said. "Do the business interests of the country dread a return of the Democratic party to power? Will the election of Cleveland increase it? These are questions for hesitating Republicans to ponder."[1801] This Stock Exchange view of politics, redolent of the operations of brokers in Wall Street, did not help the Republican candidate. Curtis thought it, coming from the Secretary of the Treasury, "most extraordinary."[1802] Besides, the decline in the stock market began before the Ohio election, when conditions indicated Republican success.

[Footnote 1801: Albany _Evening Journal_, October 19.]

[Footnote 1802: _Harper's Weekly_, November 4.]

The local campaign in the metropolis assumed more life. In spite of its avowed purpose to rid the city of dishonest political tricksters, the County Democracy made bedfellows of Tammany and Irving Hall, and nominated Franklin Edson for mayor. This union was the more offensive because in its accomplishment the Whitney organisation turned its back upon Allan Campbell, its choice for governor, whom a Citizens' Committee, with Republican support, afterwards selected for mayor. Campbell as city-comptroller was familiar with municipal affairs, and of the highest integrity, independence, and courage. His friends naturally resented the indignity, and for ten days an effective canvass deeply stirred New York.

Nevertheless, the Republican party was doomed. Managers beckoned hope by frequent assertions, sometimes in the form of bulletins, that the indignation was subsiding. Smyth and his State Committee disclaimed any part in the wrong-doing by expressing, in the form of a resolution, their "detestation of the forged proxy, and of all the methods and purposes to which such wretched fraud and treachery apply."[1803] Even the nominee for lieutenant-governor argued that he was an honest man. But the people had their own opinion, and a count of the votes showed that Folger, in spite of his pure and very useful life, had been sacrificed,[1804] while Cleveland had a majority greater than was ever known in a contested State election. It was so astounding that Democrats themselves did not claim it, in the usual sense, as a Democratic victory.[1805] Everybody recognised it as a rebuke to Executive dictation and corrupt political methods. But no one denied that Cleveland helped swell the majority. He became known as the "Veto Mayor," and the history of his brief public life was common knowledge. His professional career, unlike Tilden's, disclosed no dark spots. He had been an honest lawyer as well as an upright public official, and the people believed that his stubborn independence and sturdy integrity would make him a real governor, the enemy of rings and bosses, and the foe of avarice and revenge.

[Footnote 1803: Appleton's _Cyclopædia_, 1882, p. 608.]

[Footnote 1804: "It will be two weeks to-morrow since I dined with Judge Howe, the postmaster-general, going out to the table with him, and here he is dead! Poor Arthur, he will find the Presidency more gruesome with a favourite cabinet minister gone! If it were Folger now, I suppose he would not care, for they really do not know what to do with him."--Mrs. James G. Blaine, _Letters_, Vol. 2, p. 93.]

[Footnote 1805: The vote was as follows: Cleveland, 535,318; Folger, 342,464; plurality, 192,854. Hill, 534,636; Carpenter, 337,855; plurality, 196,781. Ruger, 482,222; Andrews, 409,423; plurality, 72,799. Slocum, 503,954; Carroll, 394,232; plurality, 109,722.

In New York City the vote stood: Cleveland, 124,914; Folger, 47,785; plurality, 77,129. Edson (mayor), 97,802; Campbell, 76,385; plurality, 21,417. Other candidates for governor received: Howe (Greenback), 11,974; Hopkins (Prohibition), 25,783.

Legislature: Senate, Democrats, 18; Republicans, 14. Assembly, Democrats, 84; Republicans, 42; Independents, 2. Congress, Democrats, 19; Republicans, 14.]

INDEX

Abolitionists, denounced by press, ii. 9;
by meetings, 10;
influence of, 1838, 25;
1844, 82;
rapidly increasing strength, 89;
unite with Hunkers and Barnburners, 1849, 150;
separate nominations, 1850, 156;
election of Smith to Congress, 179;
nomination of Douglass for sec. of state, 216;
favour peaceable secession, 336.

Adams, Charles Francis, choice for President of Lib. Rep. leaders, iii. 282; defeated, 285.

Adams-Jackson campaign, resembled that of Blaine-Cleveland, i. 367-8.

Adams, John, cautioned not to speak of independence, i. 2;
on Jay's state constitution, 8;
suggests council of appointment, 8;
anxiety to have his son President, 240.

Adams, John Quincy, unpopularity of, i. 358;
an anti-mason, 361;
scene when elected President, 343;
action of Van Rensselaer, 343.

Administration Whigs, followers of Fillmore, ii. 157;
unite with Dems. for Seymour's election, 1850, 157.

Albany, political centre, i. 375.

Albany _Argus_, on Clinton's loss of canal patronage, i. 261;
paper of Edwin Croswell, 294;
Seward's "forty million debt," ii. 35;
on secession, 346.

Albany _Evening Journal_, established March, 1830, i. 374;
Thurlow Weed its first editor, 374;
salary of, 374;
largest circulation in U.S., 375.

Albany Regency, when established, i. 293-4;
original members of, 293-4;
other members, 294;
Thurlow Weed on, 294;
supports Crawford, 1824, 324;
removes Clinton from canal com., 328;
influence ended, ii. 53.

Albany _Register_, attacks Burr, i. 123.

Alberger, Franklin A., candidate for canal com., 1861, iii. 23, note;
elected, 29;
renominated, 1864, 117, note;
elected, 125.

Alien and Sedition Acts, overthrow Federal party, i. 84;
approved by Jay, 85;
Adams responsible for, 88.

Allen, Peter, treatment of Fellows, i. 256.

Allen, William F., Richmond's choice for gov., 1864, iii. 117;
nominated for comp., 1869, 226;
elected, 227.

Alvord, Thomas G., the Onondaga Chief, Speaker of Assembly, iii. 22;
ch'm. People's Union con., 22;
elected to Assembly, 29;
nominated for lt.-gov., 1864, 117, note;
elected, 125.

"Amens," The, cradle of, iii. 58.

_American Citizen and Watchtower_, controlled by Clinton, i. 122;
edited by Cheetham, 122;
attack on Burr, 122-3.

American Colonization Society, history of, ii. 7;
forms republic of Liberia, 8.

American party, see Native American party.

Anderson, Robert H., nominated for prison insp., 1876, iii. 346;
defeated, 350.

Andrew, John A., gov. of Massachusetts, i. 274;
Tompkins compared to, 274;
opinion of Brown, ii. 269.

Andrews, Charles, nominated for chief judge Court of Appeals, 1882, iii. 494; defeated, 498.

Anti-Federalists, organisation of, i. 38;
in majority, 38;
elect gov., 1789, 44;
also, 1792, 56;
defeated, 1795, 65;
1798, 82;
become known as Republicans, 80.

"Anti-Jackson," "Anti-Mortgage," "Anti-Regency" factions unite as Whigs, i. 399.

Anti-Masons, bolted Thompson in 1828, i. 363;
nominated Granger, 363;
substituted Southwick, 364;
ticket defeated, 368;
issues of, broadened, 376;
nominated Granger, 1830, 376;
defeat of, 377;
nominated Wirt for President, 1832, 392;
in accord with National Republicans, 392;
nominated Granger, 1832, 393;
electoral ticket of, 393;
reason for defeat, 396;
party dissolved, 398;
become Whigs, 399.

Anti-Masonry, becomes political, i. 360;
excitement, 360;
confined to western half of state, 360;
Van Buren on, 365;
semi-religious, 370;
sudden reaction, 398;
popularity of Free-Masonry, 398.

Anti-Nebraska convention, ii. 194;
prominent men present, 194;
reassembles, 201;
forerunner of Republican party, 194.

Anti-Rent party, organisation of, ii. 82-3;
contest over constitutional convention, 97;
support Young for gov., 118-9;
influence of, 1848, 139.

Anti-Tammany organisations, 1871, iii. 268;
names and strength, 268, note;
unwilling to accept Kelly, 299.

Apollo Hall, organisation of, iii. 308;
combination with, rejected by Tam., 308;
accepted by Reps., 308.

Arbitrary arrests, opposition to, iii. 19, 20, 47, 58.

"Aristides," _nom de plume_ of William P. Van Ness, i. 123-6.

Armstrong, Cornelius W., nominated for canal com., 1865, iii. 129;
defeated, 135.

Armstrong, John, author of Newburgh Letters, i. 89;
opposes Alien-Sedition laws, 89;
brother-in-law of Chancellor Livingston, 116;
elected to U.S. Senate, 116;
resigned, 118;
minister to France, 150;
opposes Clinton, 204;
changed views, 204;
Tompkins jealous of, 216;
character and career of, 216;
sec. of war, 216, 222;
Spencer, a friend of, 216;
plan of Canada campaign, 222;
failure of, 223;
puts Wilkinson in command, 223;
plans again fail, 224-5;
promotes Brown and Scott, 225;
resigns in disgrace, 227;
Madison's dislike of, 238.

Arthur, Chester A., early career and character, iii. 399-402;
becomes collector of port, 1871, 399;
his successor appointed, 1877, 399;
reasons for, 399, 402;
successor defeated, 404-5;
President suspends him, 1878, 406;
reason for, 406, 408;
his defence, 408;
successor confirmed, 409;
name suggested for Vice-President, 1880, 444;
will not listen to Conkling's objection, 444;
Conkling refuses to present name to Nat. con., 444;
Woodford presents it, 444;
nominated on first ballot, 445;
people's reception of nomination, 445;
Sherman indignant, 445, note;
Mrs. Blaine's opinion of, 446;
career a study of evolution of character, 446;
supports Crowley for U.S. Senate, 1881, 465;
tries to compromise Robertson's appointment, 1881, 472;
becomes President, 1881, 485;
confidence expressed in, 485;
appointments favourably received, 486;
defeats Cornell's renomination, 1882, 493;
disastrous result, 498.

Assembly, Provincial, refuses to approve proceedings of Congress, i. 4.

Assembly, State, original membership of, i. 9;
election of, 9;
how apportioned, 9;
powers of, 9;
elected by, 9.

Astor, John Jacob, approves books of Tammany's city comptroller, 1870, iii. 245.

Astor, William B., contribution to fusion ticket, ii. 332.

Auburn, gloom over Seward's defeat, ii. 290-1, note.

Babcock, George R., declines nomination for state comp., 1875, iii. 325.

Bacon, Ezekiel, in constitutional convention, 1846, ii. 103.

Bacon, Theodore, joins Lib. Rep. movement, iii. 284;
attends its Nat. con., 284;
denounces Fenton's scheme, 284.

Bacon, William J., congressman from Oneida district, iii. 385;
supports President Hayes, 385;
speech for, 385.

Bailey, B. Prentiss, Utica _Observer_, a leading Dem. editor, iii. 420.

Bailey, Theodorus, urged for appointment, i. 121;
Clinton's agent, 152;
elected to U.S. Senate, 156.

Balcom, Ransom, reputation as a judge, iii. 166;
aspires to U.S. Senate, 1865, 166.

Ballard, Horatio, nominated for sec. of state, 1861, iii. 23, note;
elected, 29.

Baltimore convention, 1860, ii. 294-303;
Seymour strengthened, 294;
New York in control, 294, note;
seceding delegations wish to return, 295;
bitter debate, 296-7;
New York admits contestants, 300;
states secede, 300;
Soule's speech, 300-1;
Douglas nominated, 302;
Fitzpatrick nominated for Vice-President, 302;
Johnson substituted, 302.

Baltimore Union Convention, 1864, iii. 93-5;
its platform and nominees, 94.

Banks, Republicans opposed to, i. 186;
Hamilton secures charters, 186;
clever trick of Burr, 187;
State Bank of Albany, 187;
Merchants' Bank of New York, 189;
Bank of America, 191;
charter granted, 197.

Bank of Albany, incorporation of, i. 186.

Bank of America of New York, incorporation of, i. 191;
inducements for, 191.

Bank of Columbia at Hudson, incorporation of, i. 186.

Bank of New York, incorporation of, i. 186.

Barker, George P., at.-gen., ii. 52.

Barkley, Alexander, nominated for canal com., 1868, iii. 196;
defeated, 215;
renominated, 1870, 238;
defeated, 244;
renominated, 1871, 264;
elected, 275.

Barlow, Francis C., record as a soldier, iii. 129;
nominated for sec. of state, 1865, 130;
elected, 135;
not renominated, 1867, 174;
nominated for atty.-gen., 1871, 264;
elected, 275;
fine record of, 307;
dropped as atty.-gen., 1873, 307.

Barnard, David, popular anti-masonic preacher, i. 370.

Barnard, George G., Tweed's trusted judge, iii. 177;
foppish dress, 177;
appearance of, 177;
begins 1857 as recorder, 177;
advanced to Sup. Court, 1860, 177;
part in election frauds, 1868, 216;
fraudulent naturalisations, 216-8;
exposure, 246;
impeached, 248;
death, 248.

Barnburners, Dem. faction, ii. 126;
why so called, 126;
leaders of, 126-7;
hostility to Hunkers, 127;
secede from Dem. con., 1847, 127;
withdraw from Baltimore con., 130;
hold Utica con., 131;
nominate Van Buren for President, 131;
two factions of, 131;
leading members, 131;
Buffalo con., 1848, 132;
indorsed Van Buren for President, 133;
Webster's pun, 133;
nominated Dix for gov., 133;
Seymour unites them with Hunkers, 149;
nominated Seymour for gov., 1850, 156;
defeated, 158;
support Marcy for President, 1852, 169-72;
support Pierce and Seymour, 1852, 169-78;
succeed, 178;
Hunkers secede, 1853, 180-5;
nominate separate ticket, 184;
approved canal amendment, 184;
called Softshells or Softs, 185;
see Softs.

Barney, Hiram C., appointed collector of port of New York, ii. 390;
choice of Lincoln, 390-6;
mysterious influence in favour of, 393;
career of, 395;
crippled Weed machine, 395-6;
Lincoln plans to transfer him, iii. 85;
sustained by Chase, 85;
unsatisfactory collector, 85;
Lincoln promises Weed to remove him, 87;
Draper appointed in his place, 97.

Barnum, Henry W., record as a soldier, iii. 129;
nominated for prison insp., 1865, 130;
elected, 135;
renominated, 1867, 196;
defeated, 215.

Barstow, Gamaliel H., cand. for lt.-gov., 1836, ii. 12;
career of, 13;
defeated, 14;
state treas., 18;
withdraws from politics, 38.

Bascom, Oliver, nominated for canal com., 1868, iii. 207;
elected, 215.

Bates, James K., nominated for prison insp., 1863, iii. 76;
elected, 83.

Bayard, James A., cand. in opposition to Greeley, 1872, iii. 289, note;
attitude toward Tilden, 354.

Beach, Allen C., nominated for lt.-gov., 1868, iii. 207;
elected, 215;
renominated, 231;
elected, 244;
aspires to be gov., 1872, 297;
nominated for sec. of state, 1877, 384;
vigorously opposed in campaign, 387;
elected, 387;
renominated, 1879, 424;
defeated, 427.

Beach, John H., Seward's reliance upon, ii. 34.

Beale, Charles L., in Congress, ii. 339, note;
disapproved Weed's compromise, 339, note.

Beardsley, Samuel, leads Dem. forces in Congress, ii. 1;
heads mob against anti-slavery meeting, 6;
character of, 53.

Beauregard, Pierre T., at Charleston, S.C., iii. 2;
reduces Fort Sumter, 3;
at Bull Run, 11.

Beebe, George M., strong supporter of Tammany, iii. 383.

Beecher's Bibles, Sharpe's rifles, ii. 224.

Beecher, Henry Ward, active against repeal of Missouri compromise, ii. 193;
in campaign, 1860, 240;
political sermons of, 329;
indifference to secession, 334;
peaceable secession, 336.

Resents Lincoln's relations with Conservatives, iii. 90;
forsakes Johnson, 163;
denounces his vicious course, 163;
supports Rep. ticket, 163;
on Cornell's defeat, 1882, 495.

Beekman, John P., ambitious to be gov., ii. 172-3.

Belmont, August, at Charleston convention, ii. 272;
approves Weed's compromise, 338, 341;
del. to Dem. nat. con., 1864, iii. 101;
1872, 287;
Ch'm. of nat. ex. com., 287.

Belmont, Perry, presented for gov., 1882, iii. 488.

Bemis, Horace, threatens to bolt leg. caucus, iii. 53, note.

Bennett, James Gordon, editor of N.Y. _Herald_, iii. 36;
contest with Greeley, 36;
favours Dix for gov., 42.

Benson, Egbert, atty.-gen., i. 16;
at Hartford con., 28;
at Annapolis, 29;
in Legislature, 33;
action on Federal Constitution, 33;
elected to Congress, 44;
appointed to Supreme Court, 61.

Benton, Thomas H., on Van Buren's conscription law, i. 232;
on Van Buren's rejection as minister, 389.

Betts, Samuel R., appointed to Supreme Court, i. 322.

Bigelow, John, ch'm. of Tilden's canal com., 1875, iii. 323;
declines Rep. nomination for state comp., 1874, 325;
accepts Dem. nomination for sec. of state, 1874, 326;
elected, 331;
Tilden's spokesman at Nat. con., 1876, 342;
bitterly opposed for renomination as sec. of state, 380;
defeated, 384.

Birdsall, John, on Supreme Court, i. 348;
induced to leave Anti-Masons, 397.

Birdsall, John, State senator, iii. 437;
declares he will vote for Blaine, 1880, 437.

Black, Jeremiah S., cand. in opposition to Greeley, 1872, iii. 289, note.

Blaine, James G., oratorical castigation of Conkling, iii. 168;
supported by Robertson, 1876, 335;
thought Dems. lacked firmness, 1877, 355;
why Dems. favoured Electoral Com., 355;
supports Conkling in contest to remove Arthur and Cornell, 405;
a striking tableau, 405-6;
again supports Conkling, 410;
name loudly applauded in state con., 1880, 433;
resented by Conkling, 433;
gets eighteen votes from N.Y., 1880, 441;
part in Robertson's appointment, 469-71;
Conkling's lack of confidence in, 471;
influence in Cornell's councils, 1882, 492.

Blair, Montgomery, letter to Welles, ii. 192.

Blatchford, Richard M., approved Weed's compromise, ii. 338;
acts as agent for the Government, iii. 7;
attends Saratoga con., 1866, 144;
thought Morgan's backbone missing, 222.

Blatchford, Samuel, law partner of Seward, ii. 165;
defeated for Supreme Court, 165.

Bliss, Archibald M., attended Lib. Rep. state con., 1872, iii. 296;
on com. to confer with Dems., 296.

Bostwick, William L., nominated for state treas., 1877, iii. 377;
defeated, 387.

Bouck, William C., compared with Young, ii. 53;
named for gov., 1840, 54;
defeated, 54;
renominated, 1842, 54;
elected, 55;
canal policy, 56;
nepotism of, 57;
defeated for renomination, 77-8;
in constitutional con., 1846, 103;
appointed sub-treas., 119;
reasons for it, 119, 123.

Boutwell, George S., compliments Weed, iii. 58;
about Robertson's election, 1881, 469-70.

Bowles, Samuel J., on Weed as a manager, ii. 283.

Bradford, George P., delegate to Lib. Rep. state con., 1872, iii. 296.

Bradish, Luther, speaker of Assembly, ii. 18;
defeated for nomination for gov., 1838, 19-21;
nominated for lt.-gov., 21;
nominated for gov., 1842, 51;
defeated, 55.

Bradley, George B., nominated for Court of Appeals, 1878, iii. 393;
defeated, 397.

Brady, James T., in campaign of 1852, ii. 178;
nominated for atty.-gen. by Hunkers, 183;
nominated for gov. by Hards, 325;
popularity of, 325;
defeat of, 333;
delegate to seceding states, 351-2.

Sympathy with the South, iii. 4;
tendered nomination for mayor, 1861, 30;
refused it, 30;
loyalty of, 59;
addresses to Union League, 1863, 59;
declines state comptrollership, 1863, 74;
active in campaign, 1867, 186.

Bribery, in chartering Albany State Bank, i. 186-7;
Purdy charged with, 190;
Thomas and Southwick indicted and acquitted, 191-4.

Bristol, Wheeler H., nominated for state treas., 1869, iii. 226;
elected, 227;
renominated, 1871, 273;
defeated, 275.

Brockway, Beman, Watertown _Times_, a leading Rep. editor, iii. 414.

Bronson, Greene C., appointed atty.-gen., i. 383;
character and career of, 383-4; ii. 196;
declines to support Softs, 186;
removed as collector, 187;
Greeley on, 187, 189;
nominated for gov. by Hards, 196;
inconsistency of, 196;
at peace congress, 350;
stands with Lincoln, iii. 15.

Brooks, Erastus, nominated for gov., ii. 238;
early career of, 238;
N.Y. _Express_, conspicuous as an editor, iii. 420.

Brooks, James, founded N.Y. _Express_, ii. 238;
early career of, 238;
forces nomination of Seymour, iii. 38;
controls Cons. Union con., 1863, 79;
connection with Crédit Mobilier, 309, note;
death, 309, note;
a leading Dem. editor, 420.

Broome, John, candidate for lt.-gov., 1804, i. 129;
death and career of, 180.

Brouck, Francis C., nominated for state treas., 1861, iii. 21, note;
declined to accept, 24.

Brown, D.D.S., attended Lib. Rep. state con., 1872, iii. 296;
on com. to confer with Dems., 296.

Brown, Jacob, valour at Sackett's Harbour, i. 223;
promoted, 225;
character and career of, 225;
on Niagara frontier, 226;
brilliant leadership, 227.

Brown, John, raid of, ii. 259;
career of, 259-60;
Douglas on, 260;
Emerson on, 260;
Thoreau on, 260;
Longfellow on, 260;
Lincoln on, 264;
Seward on, 266-7;
Andrew on, 269.

Brown, John W., nominated for judge Court of Appeals, 1865, iii. 129;
defeated, 135.

Brown University, William L. Marcy, graduate of, i. 292.

Bruce, Benjamin F., candidate for canal com., 1861, iii. 23, note;
elected, 29;
renominated, 1863, 76;
elected, 83.

Bryant, William Cullen, in campaign of 1844, ii. 84;
original Barnburner, 131;
supports Pierce and Seymour, 1852, 177;
theory of, 177, note;
active in campaign of 1856, 240;
meets Lincoln, 266;
ch'm. of Lincoln meeting, 263;
opposes Seward for President, 285;
elector-at-large, 328;
opposes Seward for sec. of state, 394.

Favours postponing Nat. Rep. Con., 1864, iii. 88;
resents Lincoln's relations with Seward and Weed, 90;
denounces expulsion of Louisiana legislators, 328.

Buchanan, James, nominated for President, ii. 228;
supported by Hards, 227-8;
Softs forced to vote for, 227-8;
criticised by Southern press, iii. 10.

Bucktails, followers of Van Buren, i. 251;
origin of name, 251.

Bucktails and Clintonians, 1820, two opposing parties, i. 273.

Buel, Jesse, cand. for gov., 1836, ii. 12;
career and gifts of, 12;
defeated, 13.

Buffalo, burned by British, i. 224;
Clinton predicts its great growth, 243.

Bull Run, battle of, iii. 11-12;
Scott did not approve, 11;
Lincoln favoured it, 11;
urged by the N.Y. _Tribune_, 11.

Burr, Aaron, with Arnold at Quebec, i. 5;
supports Yates for gov., 43;
atty.-gen., 45;
early career, 45;
his character, 45;
first meeting with Hamilton, 45-6;
opinion of Washington, 46;
legend as to Hamilton and, 46;
atty.-gen., 46-7;
elected to U.S. Senate, 49;
ambitious to be gov., 50;
checked by Clinton and Hamilton, 50;
non-attention to public business, 55;
referee in Clinton-Jay contest, 57;
undertakes to carry New York, 89;
skilful methods of, 90;
meets Hamilton at the polls, 91;
courtesy of, 91;
style of speaking, 91;
Root's opinion of, 91;
party triumphant, 91;
cand. for Vice-President, 98;
the tie vote, 98;
favours Jefferson's election, 98;
supported by Federalists, 98-9;
silent as to result, 102;
Van Ness, as a go-between, 103;
deceived by Edward Livingston, 103;
defeated for President, 104;
elected Vice-President, 104;
eulogised by Jefferson, 104;
sudden change toward, 105;
personal appearance, 106;
president constitutional con., 115;
helped Clinton's control, 115-6;
Clinton's dislike of, 116;
Clinton determines to destroy him, 116;
friends without an office, 119;
turns against Jefferson and Clinton, 121-2;
silence under attack, 123;
"Aristides'" defence of, 123;
nominated for gov., 1804, 131;
hopeless race from start, 131;
Hamilton's reasons for opposing, 133-5;
leader of secession, 134-5;
Lansing's withdrawal, 136;
reasons for election, 137;
powerful friends, 138;
defeated, 138;
challenged Hamilton, 139-40;
hostile meeting, 142;
death of Hamilton, 142;
indicted for murder, 144;
later career, 144-5;
character, 145;
unnatural parent, 146;
connection with Tam., 182;
clever trick to charter bank, 187.

Burrows, Lorenzo, nominated for gov. by Americans, ii. 249;
character of, 249;
defeated, 255;
manager Cons. state con., 1863, iii. 79, note.

Burt, James, in Council of Appointment, i. 156.

Burt, Silas W., appointed surveyor, port of New York, iii. 406;
confirmed, 409.

Butler, Benjamin F., district attorney, i. 289;
gifts, character, and career of, 289-94;
appearance of, 289;
relations with Talcott, 291;
law partner of Van Buren, 291;
member of Albany Regency, 293-4;
death of, 294;
sent to Assembly, 358.

U.S. atty.-gen., ii. 1;
practising law, 53;
at Baltimore con., 70-3;
declines to be sec. of war, 94;
a Barnburner, 120;
at Utica con., 131.

Butler, William Allen, son of Benjamin F., eulogy of Van Buren, i. 208.

Cady, Daniel, gifts and character of, i. 169;
career of, 169;
father of Elizabeth Cady Stanton, 169;
assails embargo, 169.

Cagger, Peter, at Charleston con., ii. 272;
opposes Union State con., iii. 15;
draft-circular, 82.

Calhoun, John C., resembled John C. Spencer, i. 264;
Clinton on, 386, note;
opposes Van Buren, 387.

Callicot, Timothy, proposition to Depew, iii. 53;
elected speaker of Assembly, 54.

Cambreling, Churchill C., leads Dem. forces in Congress, ii. 1;
in constitutional con., 1846, 103;
minister to Russia, 103;
a Barnburner, 128;
at Utica con., 131;
supports Pierce and Seymour, 1852, 177.

Cameron, Simon, promised place in Lincoln's cabinet, ii. 288.

Campaign speeches, 1860, ii. 329.

Campbell, Allan, presented for gov., 1882, iii. 488, note;
ostensible choice of County Democracy, 489;
supported by Reps. for mayor of N.Y., 1882, 498;
character and ability, 498;
defeated, 498.

Canadian rebellion, history of, ii. 23-4.

Canal Ring, defeats Barlow for atty.-gen., 1873, iii. 307;
opposes Tilden for gov., 1874, 311;
members of it, 312;
exposed and crushed, 322-4.

Canal work and fraud, see Erie Canal.

Cannon, Joseph G., respecting Greeley and Lincoln, iii. 126, note.

Cantine, Moses I., brother-in-law of Van Buren, i. 251;
opposed Clinton and Erie canal, 251.

_Caroline_, steamer in Canadian rebellion, ii. 24.

Carpenter, B. Platt, nominated for lt.-gov., 1882, iii. 494;
defeated, 498.

Carr, Joseph B., nominated for sec. of state, 1879, iii. 416;
elected, 427;
renominated for sec. of state, 1881, 485;
elected, 486.

Carroll, Howard, named for congressman-at-large, 1882, iii. 494;
defeated, 498.

Carter, Luther C., in Congress, ii. 339, note;
disapproves Weed's compromise, 339, note.

Carver, Joseph, predicts inland waterway in New York, i. 241.

Cassidy, William, Albany _Argus_, a leading Dem. editor, iii. 420.

Castle Garden meeting, to unite Fillmore Whigs and Democrats, ii. 157.

Champlain, Marshal M., nominated for atty.-gen., 1861, iii. 24, note;
defeated, 29;
renominated, 1869, 226;
elected, 227;
renominated, 1871, 273;
defeated, 275.

Chandler, Zachariah, resented Lincoln's relations with Seward and Weed, iii. 89.

Chapin, Edwin H., political sermons of, ii. 329.

Chaplin, William L., nominated for gov. by Abolitionists, 1850, ii. 156.

Chapman, George W., nominated for canal com., 1870, iii. 231;
elected, 244;
renominated, 273;
defeated, 275.

Charleston convention, 1860, ii. 270-9;
Softs admitted, 270;
N.Y. delegation, 271-2;
Richmond's leadership, 271-9;
struggle over platform, 273-5;
bitter debates, 273-6;
states secede, 275;
South against Douglas and Guthrie, 276;
adjourned to Baltimore, 279;
see Baltimore convention.

Charleston _Mercury_, resents action of Northern Dems., iii. 10.

Chase, Salmon P., chief of radicals in cabinet, iii. 14;
resigns, 84;
consents to remain, 84;
threatens to resign, 86;
resigns, 1864, 96;
Lincoln's tart acceptance, 97;
leads movement to substitute another cand. for Lincoln, 103;
aspires to be President, 1868, 197;
favoured by Seymour, 198;
gets few votes, 199;
several Lib. Reps. favour him, 1872, 282;
defeated, 286.

Chatfield, Thomas S., nominated for state treas., 1869, iii. 226;
defeated, 227.

Cheetham, James, editor of _American Citizen_, i. 122;
attacked Burr, 122-3;
assailed by Van Ness, 126;
challenged Coleman, 128;
assailed Burr, 1804, 137;
opposed embargo, 165;
expelled from Tam., 182;
death of, 182.

Cheever, George B., tours England in behalf of the Union, iii. 90;
resents Lincoln's relations with Conservatives, 90;
signs call for Cleveland con., 90;
denounces policy of Administration, 90.

Chicago convention, 1860, ii. 281-93;
prototype of modern con., 281;
Greeley on, 281;
ch'm. and platform of, 282;
influence of cheering, 288;
Lincoln nominated on third ballot, 289;
Evarts moved to make unanimous, 289;
Hamlin nominated for Vice-President, 289.

Church, Sanford E., elected to Assembly, 1841, ii. 47;
original Barnburner, 131;
nominated for lt.-gov., 1850, 156;
at Charleston con., 272;
temp. ch'm. Dem. state peace con., 354.