Chapter X: Part 10

The biographer of E. Tyson has taken great pains to represent him as a friend to the Colonization Society, but in this respect I am informed, by one who well knew him, he has done him great injustice. It is confessed, indeed, that for a long period E. Tyson viewed this scheme with great jealousy. "When we saw," remarks this writer, "domestic tyrants, and men who had actually, in the southern slave-trade, speculated in the flesh and blood of their fellow creatures, united with their betters in a society, the professed object of which was the peopling of a continent with freemen by the depopulation of a continent of slaves, he argued, as he had a right to argue, mischief to the cause." No evidence is adduced to show that this same distrust of the Colonization Society was ever removed, beyond the fact that, having been the means of liberating eleven native Africans from a slave-ship, he cooperated with Gen. Harper, an influential colonizationist, in restoring them to their native country, which bordered upon the colony of Liberia. This was the last public act of his life.

"The great concern in which he had spent his life was the
constant topic of his conversation; and he continued with his
latest breath to enforce the claims of the unhappy sons of
slavery upon the humanity of their brethren. It was natural that
he should feel a strong anxiety about the fate of those who,
through his exertions, had been restored to their friends in
Africa. He was on the alert to hear intelligence of their
fate--his spirit seemed to follow them across the mighty waters.
On one occasion he was heard to say, 'If I could only hear of
their safe arrival I should die content;' and on another, that
he 'had prayed to the Father of Mercies that he would be pleased
to spare his life until he could receive the pleasing
intelligence.' His prayer was heard. The news reached his ears
amid the last lingerings of life. He shed tears of joy on the
occasion; and when he had sufficiently yielded to the first
burst of feeling, exclaimed, like one satiated with earthly
happiness, 'Now I am ready to die; my work is done.' His
expressions were prophetic; for in the short space of
forty-eight hours, on the 16th of February, 1824, at the age of
75 years, he breathed his soul into the hands of God Almighty."

The following are some notices of his personal appearance and mental characteristics:

"The person of Mr. Tyson was about six feet in height, though
the habit of leaning forward as he walked, gave a less
appearance to his stature. The rest of his frame was suited to
his height.

"The features of his countenance were strong. His forehead was
high; his nose large, and of the Roman order; his eyes were dark
and piercing; his lips so singularly expressive, that even in
their stillest mood they would almost seem to be uttering the
purposes of his mind. Indeed his whole face was indicative, to a
striking degree, of the passions and feelings of his soul.

"The mind of Mr. Tyson was strong, rather than brilliant. With
scarcely any imagination, he possessed a judgment almost
infallible in its decisions; great powers of reason, which were
more conspicuous for the certainty of its conclusions than
remarkable for displaying the train of inferences by which it
arrived at them. He possessed wonderful acuteness of
understanding, quickness of perception, and readiness of reply.

"For these qualities he was indebted more to nature than to art.
He was not educated for the exalted station of a philanthropist,
but for the business of the world; and yet he seemed fitted
exactly for the part he acted. He possessed not the refinements
of education; he had not learned to soar into the regions of
fancy, his destiny was upon the earth; and he knew no flight but
that which bears the soul to heaven."

APPENDIX E. P. 68.

THE "AMISTAD CAPTIVES."

The following statements are drawn from a "History of the Amistad Captives, &c., by John W. Barber, member of the Connecticut Historical Society;" from the authentic reports of the proceedings in the courts of law, and from a letter of my friend, Lewis Tappan, to the public papers.

"During the month of August, 1839, the public attention was somewhat excited by several reports stating that a vessel of suspicious and piratical character had been seen near the coast of the United States, in the vicinity of New York. This vessel was represented as a 'long, low, black schooner,' and manned by blacks. The United States steamer Fulton and several revenue cutters were despatched after her, and notice was given to the collectors at various sea ports."

This suspicious looking schooner proved to be the "Amistad," which was eventually captured off Culloden Point, by Lieut. Gedney, of the U.S. brig "Washington." At this time, however, the Africans, who were in possession of the vessel, were in communication with the shore, and peaceably trafficking with the inhabitants for a supply of water for their intended voyage to their own country. They had spontaneously submitted to the command of one of their number, Cinque, a man of extraordinary natural capacity. When they were taken, he was separated from his companions and conveyed on board the brig.

"Cinque having been put on board of the 'Washington,' displayed much uneasiness, and seemed so very anxious to get on board the schooner that his keepers allowed him to return. Once more on the deck of the 'Amistad,' the blacks clustered around him, laughing, screaming, and making other extravagant demonstrations of joy. When the noise had subsided, he made an address, which raised their excitement to such a pitch, that the officer in command had Cinque led away by force. He was returned to the 'Washington,' and was manacled to prevent his leaping overboard. On Wednesday, he signified by motions that if they would take him on board the schooner again, he would show them a handkerchief full of doubloons. He was accordingly sent on board. His fetters were taken off, and he once more went below, where he was received by the Africans in a still more wild and enthusiastic manner than he was the day previous. Instead of finding the doubloons, he again made an address to the blacks, by which they were very much excited. Dangerous consequences were apprehended. Cinque was seized, taken from the hold, and again fettered. While making his speech, his eye was often turned to the sailors in charge: the blacks yelled, leapt about, and seemed to be animated with the same spirit and determination of their leader. Cinque, when taken back to the 'Washington,' evinced little or no emotion, but kept his eye steadily fixed on the schooner."

An event so extraordinary and unprecedented as the capture of the "Amistad," excited the most lively interest among all classes. The Africans, forty-four in number, were brought to New Haven and secured in the county jail. A number of gentlemen formed themselves into a committee to watch over their interests, and immediately there was begun a long and complicated series of judicial proceedings, to determine how they should be disposed of. Ruiz and Montez, the two white men, late the prisoners, but claiming to be the owners of the Africans, caused them to be indicted for piracy and murder. This was almost immediately disposed of, on the ground that the charges, if true, were not cognizable in the American courts, the alleged offences having been perpetrated on board a Spanish vessel. The Africans therefore were in no immediate danger of capital punishment. Ruiz and Montez on their part seem to have met with sympathy and kindness, and to testify their gratitude caused the following to be inserted in the New York papers:

"A CARD.

"NEW LONDON, AUGUST 29, 1839.

"The subscribers, Don Jose Ruiz, and Don Pedro Montez, in
gratitude for their most unhoped for and providential rescue
from the hands of a ruthless gang of African bucaneers and an
awful death, would take this means of expressing, in some slight
degree, their thankfulness and obligation to Lieut. Com. T.R.
Gedney, and the officers and crew of the U.S. surveying brig
Washington, for their decision in seizing the Amistad, and their
unremitting kindness and hospitality in providing for their
comfort on board their vessel, as well as the means they have
taken for the protection of their property.

"We also must express our indebtedness to that nation whose flag
they so worthily bear, with an assurance that this act will be
duly appreciated by our most gracious sovereign, her Majesty the
Queen of Spain.

DON JOSE, RUIZ,

DON PEDRO MONTEZ."

Ruiz and Montez are thus described by a correspondent of the New London Gazette, who visited the Amistad immediately after its capture:

"Jose Ruiz, is a very gentlemanly and intelligent young man, and
speaks English fluently. He was the owner of most of the slaves
and cargo, which he was conveying to his estate on the Island of
Cuba. The other, Pedro Montez, is about fifty years of age, and
is the owner of three of the slaves. He was formerly a ship
master, and has navigated the vessel since her seizure by the
blacks. Both of them, as may be naturally supposed, are most
unfeignedly thankful for their deliverance. Pedro is the most
striking instance of complacency and unalloyed delight we have
ever witnessed, and it is not strange, since only yesterday his
sentence was pronounced by the chief of the bucaneers, and his
death song chanted by the grim crew, who gathered with uplifted
sabres around his devoted head, which, as well as his arms, bear
the scars of several wounds inflicted at the time of the murder
of the ill-fated captain and crew. He sat smoking his Havana on
the deck, and to judge from the martyr-like serenity of his
countenance, his emotions are such as rarely stir the heart of
man. When Mr. Porter, the prize master, assured him of his
safety, he threw his arms around his neck, while gushing tears
coursing down his furrowed cheek, bespoke the overflowing
transport of his soul. Every now and then he clasped his hands,
and with uplifted eyes, gave thanks to 'the Holy Virgin' who had
led him out of his troubles."

It will be necessary to contrast the deeds of these "gentlemanly and intelligent" _Christians_ with that of the "ruthless gang of African bucaneers," from whose grasp they were so providentially rescued. In giving the subsequent detail, I would not be understood as compromising for a single instant my belief in the inviolability of human life, though it must I think be confessed that in the instance related below, the heathen and barbarous negroes contrast very favorably with the civilized and Christian Spaniards.

"The following communication from Mr. Day, of New Haven, gives a
summary account of the African captives, as stated by
themselves, from the time they left Africa, till the time they
obtained possession of the Amistad:

"NEW HAVEN, OCT. 8, 1839.

[To the Editor of the Journal of Commerce.]

"Gentlemen--The following short and plain narrative of one or
two of the African captives, in whose history and prospects such
anxious interest is felt, has been taken at the earliest
opportunity possible, consistently with more important
examinations. It may be stated in general terms, as the result
of the investigations thus far made, that the Africans all
testify that they left Africa about six months since; were
landed under cover of the night at a small village or hamlet
near Havana, and after ten or twelve days were taken through
Havana by night by the man who had bought them, named Pipi, who
has since been satisfactorily proved to be Ruiz; were cruelly
treated on the passage, being beaten and flogged, and in some
instances having vinegar and gunpowder rubbed into their wounds;
and that they suffered intensely from hunger and thirst. The
perfect coincidence in the testimony of the prisoners, examined
as they have been separately, is felt by all who are acquainted
with the minutes of the examination, to carry with it
overwhelming evidence of the truth of their story.

Yours respectfully,

"GEORGE E. DAY."

"MONDAY, OCT. 7.

"This afternoon, almost the first time in which the two
interpreters, Covey and Pratt, have not been engaged with
special reference to the trial to take place in November, one of
the captives named Grabeau, was requested to give a narrative of
himself since leaving Africa, for publication in the papers. The
interpreters, who are considerably exhausted by the examinations
which have already taken place, only gave the substance of what
he said, without going into details, and it was not thought
advisable to press the matter. Grabeau first gave an account of
the passage from Africa to Havana. On board the vessel there was
a large number of men, but the women and children were far the
most numerous. They were fastened together in couples by the
wrists and legs, and kept in that situation day and night. Here
Grabeau and another of the Africans named Kimbo, lay down upon
the floor, to show the painful position in which they were
obliged to sleep. By day it was no better. The space between
decks was so small,--according to their account not exceeding
four feet,--that they were obliged, if they attempted to stand,
to keep a crouching posture. The decks fore and aft were crowded
to overflowing. They suffered (Grabeau said) terribly. They had
rice enough to eat, but had very little to drink. If they left
any of the rice that was given to them uneaten, either from
sickness or any other cause, they were whipped. It was a common
thing for them to be forced to eat so much as to vomit. Many of
the men, women, and children died on the passage.

"They were landed by night at a small village near Havana. Soon
several white men came to buy them, and among them was the one
claiming to be their master, whom they call Pipi, said to be a
Spanish nick-name for Jose. Pipi, or Ruiz, selected such as he
liked, and made them stand in a row. He then felt each of them
in every part of the body; made them open their mouths to see if
their teeth were sound, and carried the examinations to a degree
of minuteness of which only a slave dealer would be guilty.

"When they were separated from their companions who had come
with them from Africa, there was weeping among the women and
children, but Grabeau did not weep, 'because he is a man.'
Kimbo, who sat by, said that he also shed no tears--but he
thought of his home in Africa, and of friends left there whom he
should never see again.

"The men bought by Ruiz were taken on foot through Havana in the
night, and put on board a vessel. During the night they were
kept in irons, placed about the hands, feet and neck. They were
treated during the day in a somewhat milder manner, though all
the irons were never taken off at once. Their allowance of food
was very scant, and of water still more so. They were very
hungry, and suffered much in the hot days and nights from
thirst. In addition to this there was much whipping, and the
cook told them that when they reached land they would all be
eaten. This 'made their hearts burn.' To avoid being eaten, and
to escape the bad treatment they experienced, they rose upon the
crew with the design of returning to Africa.

"Such is the substance of Grabeau's story, confirmed by Kimbo,
who was present most of the time. He says he likes the people of
this country, because, to use his own expression, 'they are good
people--they believe in God, and there is no slavery here.'

"The story of Grabeau was then read and interpreted to Cinque,
while a number of the other Africans were standing about, and
confirmed by all of them in every particular. When the part
relating to the crowded state of the vessel from Africa to
Havana was read, Cinque added that there was scarcely room
enough to sit or lie down. Another showed the marks of the irons
on his wrists, which must at the time have been terribly
lacerated. On their separation at Havana, Cinque remarked that
almost all of them were in tears, and himself among the rest,
'because they had come from the same country, and were now to be
parted for ever.' To the question, how it was possible for the
Africans when chained in the manner he described, to rise upon
the crew, he replied that the chain which connected the iron
collars about their necks was fastened at the end by a padlock,
and that this was first broken, and afterwards the other irons.
Their object, he said, in the affray, was to make themselves
free. He then requested it to be added to the above, that 'if he
tells a lie, God sees him by day and by night.'"

The interpreters alluded to in the preceding extract were two Africans belonging to the crew of the British brig of war Buzzard, which providentially arrived at New York, from a cruise on the coast of Africa. They were found to speak the same language as the prisoners, and with the consent of Captain Fitzgerald, their services were immediately secured by the indefatigable committee for the African captives. By their aid much information was elicited respecting the native country and previous history of these negroes, with many incidental particulars of great interest, some of which will appear in the following account. The criminal proceedings against the Mendians being quashed, there remained the claim of Ruiz and Montez to have the negroes returned to them as their property. To sustain this claim they produced the license, signed by the proper authorities at Havana, permitting the removal of these negroes from that port to Principe, in the same island. This document is signed by General Espelata, Captain-General of Cuba, and countersigned by Martinez, one of the most extensive slave-traders in the known world. This pass or license described the negroes as _ladinos_, a term used to designate Africans who have been long settled in Cuba. It was proved, however, that they were _Bozal_ negroes, that is, such as had been very lately introduced, and the testimony on both sides, on this point, established a fact that is but too notorious, that the slave trade to Cuba is openly carried on with the connivance, and even with the corrupt participation of the authorities. One of the witnesses, D. Francis Bacon, gives the following account of the slave trade:--

"Mr. Bacon stated that he left the coast of Africa on the 13th
of July, 1839. He knew a place called Dumbokoro [Lomboko] by the
Spaniards: it was an island in the river or lagoon of Gallinas.
There is a large slave factory or depot at this place, which is
said to belong to the house of Martinez in Havana; there are
also different establishments on different islands. Mr. Bacon
stated that he had seen American, Russian, Spanish, and
Portuguese vessels at Gallinas. The American flag was a complete
shelter; no man-of-war daring to capture an American vessel. The
slave trade on that part of the coast is the universal business
of the country, and by far the most profitable, and all engaged
in it who could raise the means. Extensive wars take place in
Africa, for obtaining slaves from the vanquished. Different
towns and villages make war upon each other for this purpose.
Some are sold on account of their crimes, others for debts. The
slaves are all brought on to the coast by other blacks, and sold
at the slave factories, as no white man dare penetrate into the
interior. Some of the blacks who have been educated at Sierra
Leone, have been principal dealers in the slave trade."

The decision of the District Court of Connecticut on this question of property, was to the effect that since their original introduction into Cuba was plainly illegal, they were free by the law of Spain, and of course could not be the property of Spanish subjects.

The subsequent proceedings were undertaken on behalf of the United States' Government. "The District Attorney, Mr. Holabird, filed his claim under Lieut. Gedney's libel, on two distinct grounds; one that these Africans had been claimed by the Government of Spain, and ought to be retained till the pleasure of the Executive might be known, as to that demand; and the other, that they should be held subject to the disposition of the President, to be re-transported to Africa, under the act of 1819." The Court finally decreed that the Africans should be delivered to the President of the United States, to be transported to Africa, there to be delivered to an agent appointed to receive and conduct them home. Against this decision, though it is what he had asked for, Holabird appealed on behalf of the United States' Government, and through a protracted series of law proceedings, it was finally carried before the Supreme Court of the United States, the highest tribunal in the nation. The counsel employed on both sides, in the different stages, were of the highest reputation; and finally the venerable John Quincy Adams, after an absence from the Courts of nearly forty years, during which interval he had filled the highest offices of state, at home and abroad, in the service of his country, did not think it beneath him to defend the Mendians before the Supreme Court, against the _conspiracies_ of Forsyth, the Secretary of State, and the Spanish Ambassador. In his first communication to the latter, Forsyth says:

"All the proceedings in the matter, on the part of both the
executive and judicial branches of the government, have had
their foundation in the assumption that Montez and Ruiz alone
were the parties aggrieved; and that their claim to the
surrender of the property was founded in fact and in justice."

The Spanish minister and his successor, complained bitterly, in the course of a long correspondence, of the delay in giving up the Africans, on the ground, as emphatically stated in one of their letters to the Department of State, that "the public vengeance had not been satisfied; for be it recollected that the legation of Spain does not demand the delivery of slaves, but of assassins." In a previous communication it was intimated that "the infliction of capital punishment in this case (in the United States,) would not be attended with the salutary effects had in view by the law, when it resorts to this painful and terrible alternative, namely, to prevent the commission of similar offences." Notwithstanding these dreadful intimations of the fate awaiting the Africans in Cuba, the American Government deliberately adopted the design of delivering them up, either as _property_ or as assassins. That Government found willing agents in the United States' Marshal, and the District Attorney of Connecticut. The following extracts from the argument of John Quincy Adams, will explain these disgraceful transactions:

"On the 7th of January, the Secretary of State writes to the
Secretary of the Navy, acknowledging the receipt of his letter
of the 3d, informing him that the schooner Grampus would receive
the negroes of the Amistad, 'for the purpose of conveying them
to Cuba, in the event of their delivery being adjudged by the
Circuit Court, before whom the case is pending.' This singular
blunder, in naming the Court, shows in what manner and with how
little care the Department of State allowed itself to conduct an
affair, involving no less than the liberties and lives of every
one of my clients. This letter enclosed the order of the
President to the Marshal of Connecticut for the delivery of the
negroes to Lieut. Paine. Although disposing of the lives of
forty human beings, it has not the form or solemnity of a
warrant, and is not even signed by the President in his official
capacity. It is a mere order.

"'The Marshal of the United States for the District of
Connecticut will deliver over to Lieut. John S. Paine,
of the United States Navy, and aid in conveying on board
the schooner Grampus, under his command, all the
negroes, late of the Spanish schooner Amistad, in his
custody, under process now pending before the Circuit
Court of the United States for the District of
Connecticut. For so doing, this order will be his
warrant.

"'Given under my hand, at the city of Washington, this
7th day of January, A.D. 1840.

"'M. VAN BUREN.

"'By the President:

"'JOHN FORSYTH, Sec. of State.'

"That order is good for nothing at all. It did not even describe
the Court correctly, under whose protection those unfortunate
people were. And on the 11th of January, the District Attorney
had to send a special messenger, who came, it appears, all the
way to Washington in one day, to inform the Secretary that the
negroes were not holden under the order of the Circuit Court,
but of the District Court. And he says, 'Should the pretended
friends of the negroes'--the pretended friends!--'obtain a writ
of Habeas Corpus, the Marshal could not justify under that
warrant.' And he says, 'the Marshal wishes me to inquire'--a
most amiable and benevolent inquiry--'whether in the event of a
decree requiring him to release the negroes, or in case of an
appeal by the adverse party, it is expected the Executive
warrant will be executed'--that is, whether he is to carry the
negroes on board of the Grampus in the face of a decree of the
Court. And he requests instructions on the point."

On the 12th of January, the very next day after the letter of the District Attorney was written at New Haven, the Secretary of State replies in a despatch which is marked 'confidential.'

"'[CONFIDENTIAL.]

"'DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Jan. 12,1840.

"'SIR,--Your letter of the 11th inst. has just been received.
The order for the delivery of the negroes of the Amistad is
herewith returned, corrected agreeably to your suggestion. With
reference to the inquiry from the Marshal, to which you allude,
I have to state, by direction of the President, that if the
decision of the Court is such as is anticipated, the order of
the President is to be carried into execution, unless an appeal
shall actually have been interposed. YOU ARE NOT TO TAKE IT FOR
GRANTED THAT IT WILL BE INTERPOSED. And if, on the contrary, the
decision of the Court is different, you are to take out an
appeal, and allow things to remain as they are until the appeal
shall have been decided.

I am, sir, your obedient servant

"'JOHN FORSYTH.

"'W.S. HOLABIRD, Esq.,

"'_Attorney U.S. for District of Conn._'

"But after all the order did not avail. The District Judge,
contrary to all these anticipations of the Executive, decided
that the thirty-six negroes taken by Lieut. Gedney and brought
before the Court on the certificate of the Governor-General of
Cuba, were FREEMEN; that they had been kidnapped in Africa; that
they did not own these Spanish names; that they were not
_ladinos_; and were not correctly described in the passport, but
were new negroes bought by Ruiz in the depot of Havana, and
fully entitled to their liberty."

At a public meeting held subsequent to their liberation, the teacher of the Africans made a statement as follows:--Their ruling passion was a love for home; and their desire to return thither was constantly manifesting itself. One day, a short time ago, Fohlee came to his teacher, with his cap in his hand, and said, "If Merican men offer me as much gold as fill this cap full up, and give me houses, land and every ting, so dat I stay in dis country, I say no! Is dat like my father? Is dat like my mother? Is dat like my sister? Is dat like my brother? No! I want to see my father, my mother, my brother and sister." This feeling manifested itself in many ways; and they expressed themselves willing to undergo any thing short of losing their lives, if by so doing they could be at liberty to return to the Mendi country.

I now introduce the lively narrative of my friend Lewis Tappan:

"EXCURSION WITH THE AMISTAD AFRICANS.

"_On board Steam Boat, L.I. Sound, Nov_. 15, 1841.

"BROTHER LEAVITT:--As the committee had chartered a ship to take
the Mendians to Sierra Leone about the middle of this month, and
as the funds contributed by a benevolent public were about all
expended, it appeared necessary, in addition to an appeal
published in the newspapers, to take some prompt and efficient
measures to procure funds sufficient to pay for their outfit and
passages, and, if possible, something to sustain the
contemplated mission in Mendi. One of the committee being sick
and another absent, it devolved upon me to perform the
excursion. I was assisted essentially by Mr. Samuel Deming, one
of the committee at Farmington, and by Mr. William Raymond and
Mr. Needham. On arriving at Hartford, the third instant, I
learned that Mr. Deming had proceeded to Boston, accompanied by
ten of the Mendians, viz., Cinque, Banna, Si-si, Su-ma, Fu-li,
Ya-bo-i, So-ko-ma, Kin-na, Ka-li and Mar-gru. These were
selected not on account of being the best scholars, but with
reference to their being the best singers, although some of them
are among the best scholars. None of them, however, have had
instruction in music. Arriving in Boston, the city was, as I
anticipated, full of excitement, on account of the approaching
election,--a circumstance unknown to the committee at
Farmington, who had sent off the Mendians sooner than we had
calculated,--and it seemed almost impossible to procure a
suitable place in which to hold meetings, or to arrest the
attention of the people, as the whole--democrats, whigs and
abolitionists--had every nerve strained for the political
contest. However, preparation had been made for a meeting at the
Melodeon, late Lion Theatre, on Thursday evening. A few hundreds
assembled, and appeared to be highly gratified with the
performances. It seemed to them marvellous that these men and
children, who, less than three years since, were almost naked
savages in the interior of Africa, should, under the untoward
circumstances in which they have been placed for the largest
part of the time since they have been in a civilized and
Christian country, appear so far advanced in civilization and
knowledge. Only forty-six dollars were received, the proceeds of
tickets and a collection, but a strong desire was expressed that
there should be another meeting.

"Saturday evening was the only evening we could have Marlboro'
Chapel, the largest church in the city. Preliminary to this
meeting, a private meeting of invited gentlemen was held during
the afternoon, at the Marlboro' Hotel, the Mendians being
present. The meeting was well attended and a good impression was
made. In the evening there was a large meeting in the Chapel;
Rev. Dr. Anderson opened it with prayer, concluding with the
Lord's prayer, each sentence being repeated in our language by
the Mendians. A statement was then made of their past and
present condition, of their good conduct, their proficiency, of
their ardent desire to return to Mendi, and the favorable
prospects of establishing a mission in their country. Three or
four of the best readers were then called upon to read a passage
in the New Testament. They then read and spelled a passage named
by the audience. One of the Africans next related, in 'Merica
language,' their condition in their own country, their being
kidnapped, the sufferings of the middle passage, their stay at
Havana, the transactions on board the Amistad, &c. The story was
intelligible to the audience, with occasional explanations. They
were next requested to sing two or three of their native songs.
The performance afforded great delight to the audience. As a
pleasing contrast, however, they sang immediately after, one of
the songs of Zion:

"'When I can read my title clear
To mansions in. the skies,
I'll bid farewell to every fear,
And wipe my weeping eyes.'

"This produced a deep impression upon the audience; and while
these late pagans were singing so correctly and impressively a
hymn in a Christian church, many 'weeping eyes,' bore testimony
that the act and its associations touched a chord that vibrated
in many hearts. Cinque was then introduced to the audience, and
addressed them in his native tongue. It is impossible to
describe the novel and deeply interesting manner in which he
acquitted himself. The subject of his speech was similar to that
of his countryman who had addressed the audience in English, but
he related more minutely and graphically the occurrences on
board the Amistad. The easy manner of Cinque, his natural,
graceful and energetic action, the rapidity of his utterance,
and the remarkable and various expressions of his countenance,
excited the admiration and applause of the audience. He was
pronounced a powerful natural orator, and one born to sway the
minds of his fellow men. Should he be converted and become a
preacher of the cross in Africa, what delightful results may be
anticipated!

"The amount of the statements made by Kin-na, Fu-li and Cinque,
and the facts in the case, are as follows:--These Mendians
belong to six different tribes, although their dialects are not
so dissimilar as to prevent them from conversing together very
readily. Most of them belong to a country which they call Mendi,
but which is known to geographers and travellers as Kos-sa, and
lies south-east of Sierra Leone; as we suppose, from sixty to
one hundred and twenty miles. With one or two exceptions, these
Mendians are not related to each other; nor did they know each
other until they met at the slave factory of Pedro Blanco, the
wholesale trafficker in men, at Lomboko, on the coast of Africa.
They were stolen separately, many of them by black men, some of
whom were accompanied by Spaniards, as they were going from one
village to another, or were at a distance from their abodes. The
whole came to Havana in the same ship, a Portuguese vessel named
Tecora, except the four children, whom they saw, for the first
time, on board the Amistad. It seems that they remained at
Lomboko several weeks, until six or seven hundred were
collected, when they were put in irons and placed in the hold of
a ship, which soon put to sea. Being chased by a British
cruiser, she returned, landed the cargo of human beings, and the
vessel was seized and taken to Sierra Leone for adjudication.
After some time, the Africans were put on board the Tecora.
After suffering the horrors of the middle passage, they arrived
at Havana. Here they were put into a barracoon, one of the
oblong enclosures, without a roof, where human beings are kept,
as they keep sheep and oxen near the cattle markets, in the
vicinity of our large cities, until purchasers are found, for
ten days, when they were sold to Jose Ruiz, and shipped on board
the Amistad, together with the three girls and a little boy who
came on board with Pedro Montez. The Amistad was a coaster,
bound to Principe, in Cuba, distant some two or three hundred
miles. The Africans were kept in chains and fetters, and were
supplied with but a small quantity of food or water. A single
banana, they say, was served out as food for a day or two, and
only a small cup of water for each daily. When any of them took
a little water from the cask, they were severely flogged. The
Spaniards took Antonio, the cabin-boy and slave to Captain
Ferrer, and stamped him on the shoulder with a hot iron; then
put powder, palm oil, &c. upon the wound, so that they 'could
know him for their slave.' The cook, a colored Spaniard, told
them that on their arrival at Principe, in three days, they
would have their throats cut, be chopped in pieces, and salted
down for meat for the Spaniards. He pointed to some barrels of
beef on the deck, then to an empty barrel, and by significant
gestures,--as the Mendians say, by 'talking with his
fingers,'--he made them understand that they were to be slain,
&c. At four o'clock that day, when they were called on deck to
eat, Cinque found a nail, which he secreted under his arm. In
the night they held a counsel as to what was best to be done.
'We feel bad,' said Kin-na, 'and we ask Cinque what we had best
do. Cinque say, "Me think, and by and by I tell you."' He then
said, 'If we do nothing, we be killed. We may as well die in
trying to be free as to be killed and eaten.' Cinque afterwards
told them what he would do. With the aid of the nail and the
assistance of Grabeau, he freed himself from the irons on his
wrists and ancles, and from the chain on his neck. He then, with
his own hands, wrested the irons from the limbs and necks of his
countrymen. It is not in my power to give an adequate
description of Cinque when he showed how he did this and led his
comrades to the conflict and achieved their freedom. In my
younger years I saw Kemble and Siddons, and the representation
of Othello, at Covent Garden, but no acting that I ever
witnessed came near that to which I allude. When delivered from
their irons, the Mendians, with the exception of the children,
who were asleep, about four or five o'clock in the morning,
armed with cane-knives, some boxes of which they found in the
hold, leaped upon the deck. Cinque killed the cook. The captain
fought desperately. He inflicted wounds on two of the Africans,
who soon after died, and cut severely one or two of those who
now survive. Two sailors leaped over the side of the vessel. The
Mendians say 'they could not catch land--they must have swum to
the bottom of the sea,' but Ruiz and Montez supposed they
reached the island in a boat. Cinque now took command of the
vessel; placed Si-si at the helm; gave his people plenty to eat
and drink. Ruiz and Montez had fled to the hold. They were
dragged out, and Cinque ordered them to be put in irons. They
cried and begged not to be put in chains, but Cinque replied,
'You say fetters good for negro--if good for negro good for
Spanish man too: you try them two days, and see how you feel.'
The Spaniards asked for water, and it was dealt out to them in
the same little cup with which they had dealt it out to the
Africans. They complained bitterly of being thirsty. Cinque
said, 'You say little water enough for nigger. If little water
do for him, a little do for you too.' Cinque said the Spaniards
cried a great deal; he felt very sorry; only meant to let them
see how good it was to be treated like the poor slaves. In two
days the irons were removed; and then, said Cinque, we give them
plenty water and food, and treat them very well. Kin-na stated
that as the water fell short, Cinque would not drink any, nor
allow any of the rest to drink any thing but salt water, but
dealt out daily a little to each of the four children, and the
same quantity to each of the two Spaniards! In a day or two Ruiz
and Montez wrote a letter, and told Cinque that when they spoke
a vessel, if he would give it to them, the people would take
them to Sierra Leone. Cinque took the letter and said, 'Very
well;' but afterwards told his brethren, 'We have no letter in
Mendi. I don't know what is in that letter--there may be death
in it. So we will take some iron and a string, bind them about
the letter, and send it to the bottom of the sea.'

"When any vessel came in sight, the Spaniards were shut down in
the hold, and forbidden to come on deck on pain of death. One of
the Africans, who could talk a little English, answered
questions when they were hailed from other vessels.

"It is unnecessary to narrate here subsequent facts, as they
have been published throughout the country. After Cinque's
address a collection was taken, and the services were concluded
by the Mendians singing Bishop Heber's missionary hymn:

"'From Greenland's icy mountains.'

"At the conclusion of the meeting some linen and cotton table
cloths and napkins, manufactured by the Africans, were
exhibited, and eagerly purchased of them by persons present, at
liberal prices. They are in the habit of purchasing linen and
cotton at the shops, unravelling the edges about six to ten
inches, and making, with their fingers, neat fringes, in
imitation, they say, of 'Mendi fashion.' Large numbers of the
audience advanced, and took Cinque and the rest by the hand. The
transactions of this meeting have thus been stated at length,
and the account will serve to show how the subsequent meetings
were conducted, as the services in other places were similar.

"These Africans, while in prison, (which was the largest part of
the time they have been in this country) learned but little
comparatively, but since they have been liberated, they have
been anxious to learn, as they said 'it would be good for us in
our own country.' Many of them write well, read, spell and sing
well, and have attended to arithmetic. The younger ones have
made great progress in study. Most of them have much fondness
for arithmetic. They have also cultivated as a garden fifteen
acres of land, and have raised a large quantity of corn,
potatoes, onions, beets, et cet., which will be useful to them
at sea. In some places we visited, the audience were astonished
at the performance of Kali, who is only eleven years of age. He
would not only spell any word in either of the Gospels, but
spell sentences, without any mistake, such sentences as 'Blessed
are the meek, for they shall inherit the earth,' naming each
letter and syllable, and recapitulating as he went along, until
he pronounced the whole sentence. Two hundred and seven dollars
were received at this meeting.

"'On Sabbath evening a meeting was attended in Rev. Mr. Beman's
Church, (colored.) It was impossible for all to gain
admittance--collected sixteen dollars and fifty-one cents. The
same evening a meeting was held at Elder N. Colver's. A very
warm interest was manifested by this congregation, and the sum
of ninety dollars was contributed. The next morning a
respectable mechanic, a member of this church, offered to go to
Mendi with his wife and child, to take up their permanent abode
there. On Monday we proceeded to Haverhill. It was a rainy day,
and town meeting was held at the same hour. The audience was
small, but a deep interest was felt, and fifty-six dollars
contributed. Rev. Charles Fitch opened the meeting with prayer.
The Mendians and their friends will long remember the
hospitality and generosity of their friends in this place. After
a stay of two hours, we proceeded to Lowell. The heavy rain
prevented a general attendance. Only thirty-one dollars was
collected, beside some private donations. Mr. John Levi, a
colored citizen, rendered important services to us, and several
of the clergymen and other inhabitants rendered efficient aid.
On Tuesday we went to Nashua, N.H., and remained two hours.
Owing to some untoward circumstances, the inhabitants generally
had not been notified of the meeting. A small number only
attended. The collection was twenty-seven dollars. In the
evening at Lowell, the large Methodist Church, St. Paul's, was
crowded, one thousand five hundred people being present, it was
said, and many hundreds unable to get admission. The meeting was
opened with an appropriate prayer by Rev. Luther Lee. In order
to give an opportunity to the audience to see and hear Cinque,
he was invited into the pulpit, where he made an energetic
address. One hundred and six dollars were collected. At the
close of the services, nearly the whole congregation came
forward and took the Mendians by the hand, with kind words and
many presents. The ministers of all denominations attended the
meeting, with many of the most respectable citizens. During the
day the Africans were invited to visit the 'Boott Corporation,'
and were conducted over the whole establishment (cotton mills,)
by the agent, Mr. French. As might be supposed, they were
astonished beyond measure. After inspecting the machinery, the
fabrics, and the great wheel, one of them turned to me and said,
'Did man make this?' On receiving a reply, he said, 'He no live
now--he live a great while ago.' Afterwards they visited the
carpet factory, and expressed great delight at the beauty and
excellence of the carpets and rugs. Cinque wished to purchase a
miniature hearth rug, but the agent allowed him to select one of
the large and beautiful rugs to take to Mendi, which he
generously presented to him. The workmen here--chiefly
Englishmen--made a collection of fifty-eight dollars and fifty
cents on the spot, and presented it to the Mendi Fund.

"In pursuance of previous arrangements, we turned aside,
Wednesday, November 12, to attend a meeting in the large South
Church in Andover, at 9 o'clock, A.M. The house was crowded in
every part. Dr. Edwards led in prayer, and Dr. Woods
interrogated some of the Mendians. After a stay of two hours we
returned to the cars, followed by a large multitude. Collected
eighty-four dollars. It was remarked at the meeting here, as in
other places, that the contemplated mission to Mendi was to be
an anti-slavery mission; that no money would be solicited or
received of slave holders; that the committee were not connected
with any other missionary associations, and would not assume a
hostile attitude towards any. A young gentleman here offered to
go to Mendi as a teacher.

"In the afternoon a meeting was held in Boston, at the Marlboro'
Chapel. The scholars in the Sabbath and week-day schools had
been notified of it and attended in large numbers, together with
several respectable inhabitants of Boston and the neighboring
towns. The meeting was opened with prayer by Rev. W.B. Tappan.
The collection was one hundred and ten dollars. In the evening a
meeting was held at the Melodeon, and was attended by a large
number of persons. Collection one hundred and thirty-three
dollars. The next day, Thursday the 11th, we left for
Springfield. The meeting was held in the evening, at the Town
Hall, as some of the Parish committee objected to its being held
in the church, fearing it would desecrate the place. The Hall
was crowded, and many could not gain admittance. Dr. Osgood
opened the meeting with prayer, took several of the Mendians to
his own house, and manifested a deep interest on their behalf,
as did many of the other inhabitants. The Mendians were all
hospitably entertained in this place without expense. Some
'fellows of the baser sort' insulted Kin-na and others as they
went to the Hall; and in the introduction of his speech, Kin-na
spoke of the treatment he had received. But there are many
warm-hearted and generous friends of the colored race in this
town. 'We said nothing to them,' said Kin-na; 'why did they
treat us so? What can we do? We are few and feeble. What can the
dog do when the lion attacks him; or what can be done when the
cat and the mouse come together!' Collection seventy-three
dollars. The Mendians were invited by Mr. Burleigh to see a
large picture exhibiting here--'The Descent of Christ from the
Cross,' copied from Rubens--and were highly gratified.

"Here we received a cordial invitation from two of the ministers
of Northampton and several of their people to visit that place,
with the assurance that the First Church, the largest in the
county, should be opened for the Mendians. On the 12th we rode
to N. in the rain. Mount Tom and the Connecticut River were
pointed out to Cinque, who said, 'In my country we have very
great mountain--much bigger than that--and river about so wide,
but very deep.' The weather cleared away towards night, and the
church was nearly filled. Rev. Mr. Pennington, colored minister
of Hartford, opened the meeting with prayer. Collection
seventy-five dollars, in addition to seventeen dollars from the
Female Abolition Society; fifty-three dollars collected before
we arrived, and eighty-five contributed by 'a friend,' a short
time since. The reception here was warm-hearted. Mr. Warner,
keeper of the principal hotel in that place, furnished the
Mendians with one of his best rooms, seated them at the table
with his family and boarders, and, on being asked for his bill
the next day, he replied, 'There is nothing to pay!' The agents
of the Nashua and Andover rail roads also declined taking pay
for the passages of the Mendians. On Saturday, we rose at 3
o'clock, P.M., and returned to Springfield. Here we took the
steam boat for Hartford. On arriving, application was made to
Mr. Colton, keeper of the Temperance Hotel, to accommodate the
Mendians. He demurred. Mr. Warner's noble treatment of them was
mentioned. Mr. C. said he could not place them at his table. He
was told that this was not insisted upon; that if he would
furnish me a room they could eat there, and sleep wherever it
was convenient to Mr. C. But he absolutely refused to entertain
them any how. As this house has been patronized by
abolitionists, they ought to know this fact. After remaining in
the cold on the wharf about an hour, the Mendians were received
and hospitably entertained by several families without charge.