Chapter XV: Introduction (14)

Batavia is the emporium or staple of all the productions of the Moluccas. The whole crop of spices is carried thither: the ships are annually laden with as much as is necessary for the consumption in Europe, and what remains is burnt. This commerce alone forms the riches, and I may say assures the existence of the Dutch East India Company; it enables them to bear, not only the immense expences, which they must incur, but likewise the depredations of the people whom they employ, and which often come to as much as the expences themselves. They accordingly direct their principal cares to this exclusive commerce, and that of Ceylon. I shall say nothing of Ceylon, because I do not know that isle; the company have just put an end there to an expensive war, with more success than to another in the Persian gulph, where all their factories have been destroyed. But as we are almost the only ships of the king that penetrated into the Moluccas, I must beg leave to give some particulars concerning the present state of that important part of the world, which is kept from the knowledge of other nations by the silence of the Dutch, and its great distance.

[Sidenote: Particulars concerning the Moluccas.]

Formerly they only comprised under the name of Moluccas, the little isles situated almost under the line between 15′ S. lat. and 50′ N. lat. along the western coast of Gilolo; of which the most considerable were Ternate, Tidor, Mothier or Mothir, Machian, and Bachian. By degrees that name became common to all the isles which produced spices. Banda, Amboina, Ceram, Boero, and all the adjacent isles are ranged under the same denomination, under which some have unsuccessfully attempted to bring Bouton and Celebes. The Dutch now divide these countries, which they call the _Countries of the East_, into four principal governments, from which the other factories depend, and which again stand under the high regency of Batavia. These four governments are Amboina, Banda, Ternate, and Macassar.

[Sidenote: Government of Amboina.]

Amboina, of which an Edel-heer is governor, has six factories dependent upon it, viz. on Amboina itself, Hila, and Larique; of which the chiefs rank, the one as merchant, and the other as under-merchant; to the westward of Amboina, the isles of Manipa and Boero, on the former of which is only a book-keeper, on the latter our benefactor Hendrick Ouman, under-merchant; Haroeko, a little isle, nearly to the E. S. E. of Amboina, where an under-merchant resides; and, lastly, Saparoea, an isle likewise to the S. E. and about 15 leagues off Amboina. There resides a merchant, in whose dependency is the little isle of Neeslaw, whither he sends a serjeant and fifteen men: there is a little fort built upon a rock at Saparoea, and a good anchorage in a fine bay. This isle, and that of Neeslaw, could furnish a whole ship’s lading of cloves. All the forces of the government of Amboina actually consist of no more than 150 men, under the command of a captain, a lieutenant, and five ensigns: they have likewise two artillery officers, and an engineer.

[Sidenote: Government of Banda.]

The government of Banda is more considerable, as to its fortifications, and its garrison is likewise more numerous; it consists of three hundred men, commanded by a captain, captain-lieutenant, two lieutenants, four ensigns, and one artillery officer. This garrison, the same as that of Amboina, and of the other chief places, supplies all the detached stations. The entrance to Banda is very difficult to those who are unacquainted with it. It is necessary to range close along the mountain of Gunongapi, on which there is a fort, taking care to avoid a bank of rocks, which must be left on the larboard side. The pass is only a mile broad, and there are no soundings in it. You must then range along the bank, in order to get to the anchorage in eight or ten fathom under the fort London, where five or six ships can ly at anchor.

Three stations depend upon the government of Banda; Ouriën, where a book-keeper resides; Wayer, where an under-merchant is stationed; and the isle of Pulo Ry en Rhun, which is nearer Banda, and covered with nutmegs. A great-merchant commands upon this isle, where the Dutch have a fort; none but sloops can anchor in the harbour; and they must ly upon a bank, which prevents their approaching the fort. It would even be necessary (in case of an attack) to canonade it under sail; for close to the bank there is no bottom to be found. There is no fresh-water upon the isle; the garrison is obliged to get it from Banda. I believe that the Isle of Arrow is likewise in the district of this government. There is a factory on it, with a serjeant and fifteen men, and the company get pearls from thence. Timor and Solor, though they are pretty near it, depend immediately upon Batavia. These isles furnish sandal-wood. It is singular enough, that the Portuguese should keep a station upon Timor; and still more singular, that they make but little advantage of it.

[Sidenote: Government of Ternate.]

Ternate has four principal factories in its dependency, viz. Gorontalo, Manado, Limbotto, and Xullabessie. The chiefs of the two first rank as under-merchants; the latter are only book-keepers; several little stations, commanded by serjeants, likewise depend upon it. Two hundred and fifty men are garrisoned in the government of Ternate, under the command of a captain, a lieutenant, nine ensigns, and one artillery officer.

[Sidenote: Government of
Macassar.]

The government of Macassar, upon the isle of Celebes, which is occupied by an Edel-heer, has four factories in its department; Boelacomba en Bonthain, and Bima, where two under-merchants reside; Saleyer and Maros, of which the chiefs are only book-keepers. Macassar, or Jonpandam, is the strongest place in the Moluccas; however, the natives are careful to confine the Dutch there within the limits of their station. The garrison there consists of three hundred men, commanded by a captain, captain-lieutenant, two lieutenants, and seven ensigns; there is likewise an artillery officer.

There are no spices to be found within the district of this government, unless it is true that Button produces some, which I have not been able to ascertain. The intention in establishing it, was to make sure of a passage, which is one of the keys to the Moluccas, and to open an advantageous trade with Celebes and Borneo. These two great isles furnish the Dutch with gold, silk, cotton, precious sorts of wood, and even diamonds, in return for iron, cloths, and other European or Indian merchandizes.

[Sidenote: Dutch politics in the Moluccas.]

This account of the different stations which the Dutch occupy in the Moluccas, is pretty exact. The police which they have there established does honour to the understanding of those who were then at the head of the company. When they had driven the Spaniards and Portuguese from thence, by the most sensible combination of courage with patience, they well guessed that the expulsion of the Europeans from the Moluccas would not secure them the exclusive spice-trade. The great number of these isles made it almost impossible for them to guard them all; and it was not less difficult to prevent an illicit intercourse of these islanders with China, the Phillippinas, Macassar, and all smuggling vessels or interlopers that should attempt it. The company had still more to fear, that some of the trees might be carried off, and that people might succeed in planting them elsewhere. They resolved therefore to destroy as far as they could the spice trees in all the islands, only leaving them on some small islands, which might easily be kept; then nothing remained, but to fortify well these precious depositories. They were obliged to keep those sovereigns in pay, whose revenues consisted chiefly of this drug, in order to engage them to consent, that the fountain thereof should be annihilated. Such is the subsidy of 20,000 rix-dollars, which the Dutch company pays annually the king of Ternate, and some other princes of the Moluccas. When they could not prevail on any one of these sovereigns to burn his spice-plants, they burnt them in spite of him, if they were the strongest; or else they annually bought up the green leaves of the trees, well knowing that they would perish, after being for three years thus robbed of their foliage, which the Indians were doubtless ignorant of.

By this means, whilst cinnamon is gathered upon Ceylon only, Banda alone has been consecrated to the culture of nutmegs; Amboina, and Uleaster, adjoining to it, to that of cloves, without its being allowed to cultivate either cloves at Banda, or nutmegs at Amboina. These places furnish more than the whole world can consume. The other stations of the Dutch, in the Moluccas, are intended to prevent other nations from settling there, to make continual searches for discovering and burning all the spice-trees, and to furnish subsistence for those isles where they are cultivated. Upon the whole, all the engineers and mariners employed in this part, are obliged when they leave the service, to give up all their charts and plans, and to make oath that they keep none. It is not long since that an inhabitant of Batavia has been whipped, branded, and banished to a distant isle, for having shewed a plan of the Moluccas to an Englishman.

The spice-harvest begins in December, and the ships which are destined to take in ladings of it, arrive at Amboina and Banda in the course of January, and go from thence for Batavia in April and May. Two ships likewise go annually to Ternate, and their voyages are regulated by the monsoons. There are likewise some snows of twelve, or fourteen guns, destined to cruize in these parts.

Every year the governors of Amboina and Banda assemble, towards the middle of September, all the orencaies or chiefs in their department. They at first give them feasts and entertainments for several days; and then they set out with them in a kind of large boats, called _coracores_, in order to visit their governments, and burn all the superfluous spice-plants. The chiefs of every particular factory are obliged to come to their governors-general, and to accompany them on this visitation, which generally ends with the end of October, or at the beginning of November; and the return from this tour is celebrated by new festivals. When we were at Boero, M. Ouman was preparing to set out for Amboina, with the Orencaies of his island.

The Dutch are now at war with the inhabitants of Ceram; an island that is very rich in cloves. Its inhabitants would not suffer their plants to be extirpated, and have driven the company from the principal stations which they occupied on their ground; they have only kept the little factory of Savaï, situated in the northern part of the isle, where they keep a serjeant and fifteen men. The Ceramese have fire-arms and gun-powder, and they all speak the Malayo pretty well, besides their national jargon. The inhabitants of Papua are likewise constantly at war with the company and their vassals. They have been seen in vessels armed with pedereroes, and containing two hundred men. The king of Salviati[130], which is one of their greatest islands, has been taken by surprize, as he was going to do homage to the king of Ternate, whose vassal he was, and the Dutch keep him prisoner.

Nothing can be better contrived than the above plan and no measures could be better concerted for establishing and keeping up an exclusive commerce. Accordingly the company have long enjoyed it; and owe that splendour to it, which makes them more like a powerful republic, than a society of merchants. But I am much mistaken, or the time is nigh at hand, when this commerce will receive a mortal stroke. I may venture to say, that to desire the destruction of this exclusive trade, would be enough to effect it. The greatest safety of the Dutch consists in the ignorance of the rest of Europe concerning the true state of these isles, and in the mysterious clouds which wrap this garden of the Hesperides in darkness. But there are difficulties which the force of man cannot overcome, and inconveniencies for which all his wisdom cannot find a remedy. The Dutch may construct respectable fortifications at Amboina and Banda; they may supply them with numerous garrisons; but when some years have elapsed, an almost periodical earthquake ruins these works to the very foundations; and every year the malignity of the climate carries off two thirds of the soldiers, mariners, and workmen which are sent thither. These are evils without remedy; the forts of Banda, which have thus been overthrown three years ago, are but just rebuilt; and those of Amboina are still in ruins. The company may likewise have been able to destroy in some isles, a part of the known spices; but there are isles which they do not know, and others too, which they are acquainted with, but which defend themselves against their efforts.

The English now frequent the Moluccas very much; and this is doubtless not done without some design. Several years ago, some small vessels sailed from Bencoolen, and came to examine the passages, and pick up the necessary intelligence concerning this difficult navigation. We have seen above, that the natives of Bouton told us of three English ships lately passing through those straits; we have likewise made mention of the assistance they gave to the unfortunate sovereign of Balimbuan; and it seems to be certain, that they likewise furnish the Ceramese with powder and arms; they had even built them a fort, which captain le Clerc told us he had destroyed, and in which he had found two pieces of cannon. In 1764, M. Watson, who commanded the Kingsberg, a frigate of twenty-six guns, came to the entrance of Savaï, obliged the people, by firing muskets at them, to give him a pilot, who could bring him to the anchorage, and committed many outrages in that weak factory. He likewise made some attempt against the people of Papua; but it did not succeed. His long-boat was seized by the Indians, and all the Europeans in it, among the rest, a son of lord Sandwich’s, who was a midshipman, and commanded the boat, were fastened to posts, circumcised, and then cruelly murdered[131].

It seems, upon the whole, as if the English do not mean to hide their projects from the Dutch company. About four years ago they formed a station in one of the isles of Papua, called _Soloo_ or _Tafara_. M. Dalrymple, who founded it, was its first governor; but the English kept it only for three years. They have now abandoned it, and M. Dalrymple came to Batavia in 1768, on board the Patty, captain Dodwell, from whence he went to Bencoolen, where the Patty sunk in the road[132]. This station furnished bird’s nests, mother of pearl, ivory, pearls, and _tripans_ or _swallops_, a kind of glue or froth, of which the Chinese are very fond. What I find extraordinary is, their coming to sell their cargoes at Batavia; which I know from the merchant who bought them. The same man assured me that the English likewise got spices by means of this station; perhaps they obtained them from the Ceramese. I cannot say why they have abandoned it. It is possible, that they may already have got a great number of spice-trees transplanted in one of their possessions in India, and that believing they were sure of their success, they have abandoned an expensive station, which is but too sufficient to alarm one nation, and give information to another. At Batavia we had the first account of the ships, of which we had met with the traces several times on our voyage. Mr. Wallace arrived at Batavia in January 1768, and sailed from thence again almost immediately. Mr. Carteret, who was involuntarily separated from his chief, soon after leaving the straits of Magalhaens, has made a much longer voyage, and his adventures I believe must have been far more complicated. He came to Macassar at the end of March of the same year, having lost almost all his crew, and his ship being in a rotten condition. The Dutch would not bear him at Jonpandam, and sent him back to Bontain, hardly consenting to his taking Moors to replace the loss of his people; after staying two months in the isle of Celebes, he came to Batavia on the 3d of June, careened there, and sailed from thence the 15th of September, that is, only twelve days before we arrived there. M. Carteret has said very little about his voyage here; however, he has mentioned enough to let the people know, that in a passage by him called St. George’s strait, he had had a fight with the Indians, whose arrows he shewed, with which they have wounded several of his people, and among the rest, the next in command after him, who even left Batavia without being cured.

[Sidenote: 1768. October.]

We had scarce been above eight or ten days at Batavia, when the diseases began to make their appearance. [Sidenote: Diseases contracted at Batavia.] From the best state of health, in all appearance, people were in three days brought to the grave. Several of us fell ill of violent fevers, and our sick found no relief at the hospital. I accelerated as much as I could the dispatch of our affairs; but our sabandar likewise falling sick, and not being able to do any business, we met with difficulties and delays. I was not ready before the 16th of October to go out, and I weighed, in order to anchor without the road. The Etoile was to get her biscuit on board that day. She completed the stowing of it in the night, and as soon as the wind permitted, she came to anchor near us. Almost every officer on board my ship was already sick, or felt a disposition towards it. The number of fluxes had not decreased among the crews, and if we had made a longer stay at Batavia, it would certainly have made greater havock among us than the whole voyage. Our man from Taiti, who had doubtless been sheltered from the influence of the climate by the extasy into which every thing that he saw threw him, fell sick during the last days, and his illness has been of a long duration, though his docility in taking physick was quite equal to that of a man born at Paris: however, when he speaks of Batavia, he always calls it the land which kills, _enoua maté_.

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Footnote 129:

This name is wretchedly disfigured from the Dutch, _Schout-by-Nacht_,
which signifies _Rear Admiral_. F.

Footnote 130:

_Salawati._ F.

Footnote 131:

Lord Sandwich’s son never was in any of these expeditions; it
therefore is evident, that M. de Bougainville has been misinformed in
regard to this particular. F.

Footnote 132:

Mr. Dalrymple never was at Batavia, nor Bencoolen; he left China in
January 1765, and arrived in England in July 1765, since when he has
never been out of the kingdom. From whence it must be obvious, M. de
Bougainville is entirely mistaken in what he says concerning M.
Dalrymple.

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_CHAP. IX._

_Departure from Batavia; touching at the isle of France; return to
France._

The 16th of October, I set sail alone from the road of Batavia, in order to anchor in seven fathom and a half, bottom of soft ooze, about a league in the offing. I was thus half a mile W. N. W. of the beacon, which is left on the starboard side, when you enter the road of Batavia. The isle of Edam bore N. N. E. ½ E. three leagues. Onrust, N. W. by W. two leagues and a third. Rotterdam, N. 2° W. a league and a half. The Etoile, who could not get her bread before it was late, weighed at three o’clock in the morning; and steering for the lights, which I kept lighted all night, she came to an anchor near me.

[Sidenote: Particulars concerning the course which must be taken
in going out from Batavia.]

As the course for leaving Batavia is interesting, I hope I shall be allowed to mention the particulars of that which I have taken. On the 17th we were under sail, by five o’clock in the morning, and we steered N. by E. in order to pass to the eastward of the isle of Rotterdam, about half a league; then N. W. by N. in order to pass to the southward of Horn and Harlem; then W. by N. and W. by S. to range to the northward of the isles of Amsterdam and Middelburg, upon the last of which there is a flag; then west, leaving on the starboard side a beacon, placed south of the Small Cambuis. At noon we observed in 5° 55′ of south latitude, and we were then north and south with the S. E. point of the Great Cambuis, about one mile. From thence I steered between two beacons, placed, the one to the southward of the N. W. point of the Great Cambuis, the other east and west of the isle of Anthropophagi, or Canibals, otherwise called Pulo Laki. Then you range the coast at what distance you will or can. At half past five o’clock, the currents setting us towards the shore, I let go a stream-anchor in eleven fathoms, oozy bottom, the N. W. point of the bay of Bantam bearing W. 9° N. about five leagues, and the middle of Pulo Baby, N. W. ½ W. three leagues.

In order to sail out of Batavia, there is another passage besides that which I have taken. When you leave the road, range the coast of Java, leaving on the larboard side a buoy, which serves as a beacon, about two leagues and a half from the town; then you range the isle of Kepert to the southward; you follow the direction of the coast, and pass between two beacons, situated, the one to the southward of Middelburg island, the other opposite this, on a bank which joins to the point of the main land; you then find the beacon, which lies to the southward of the small Cambuis, and then the two routes unite. The particular chart which I give of the run from Batavia, exactly points out both tracks.

[Sidenote: Clearing the straits of Sonda.]

The 18th, at two o’clock in the morning we were under sail; but we were forced to anchor again in the evening: it was not till the 19th in the afternoon that we cleared the straits of Sonda, passing to the northward of Prince’s island. At noon we observed in 6° 30′ south latitude, and at four o’clock in the afternoon, being about four leagues off the N. W. point of Prince’s island, I took my departure upon the chart of M. d’Après, in 6° 21′ south lat. and 102° east longitude, from the meridian of Paris. In general, you can anchor every where along the coast of Java. The Dutch keep some small stations on it, at short distances from each other, and every station has orders to send a soldier on board the ships which pass, with a register, on which he begs that the ship’s name, from whence she come, and whither she is bound, may be inscribed. You put into this register what you please; but I am far from blaming the custom of keeping it, as it may be the means of getting news of a ship, concerning which, one is often in great anxiety, and as the soldier who carries it on board always brings along with him fowls, turtle, and other refreshments, which he turns to good account. There was now no longer any scorbutic complaint, at least, no apparent one on board my ships; but several of the crew were ill of a bloody-flux. I therefore resolved to shape my course for the Isle of France, without waiting for the Etoile, and on the 20th I made her the signal for that purpose.

[Sidenote: Run to the isle of France.]

In this run we found nothing remarkable, except the fine weather, which has much shortened the voyage. We had constantly a very fresh wind at S. E. Indeed we stood in need of it, for the number of the diseased encreased daily, they recovered but slowly, and besides the bloody-flux, some were likewise afflicted with hot fevers, of which one of my carpenters died in the night between the 30th and the 31st. My masts likewise gave me much concern; I had reason to fear that the main-mast would break five or six feet below the cat-harpings; we fished it, and to ease it, we got down the main-top-gallant-mast, and always kept two reefs in the main-top-sail. [Sidenote: 1768. November.] [Sidenote: Sight of the isle of Rodrigue.]These precautions considerably retarded our run; yet notwithstanding this, on the 18th day after leaving Batavia, we got sight of the Isle of Rodrigue[133], and the second day after that, of the Isle of France.

The 5th of November, at four o’clock in the evening, we were north and south of the north east point of the Isle of Rodrigue, whence I concluded the following difference in, our reckoning from Prince’s island to Rodrigue. M. Pingré has there observed 60° 52′ east longitude from Paris, and at four o’clock, I was, by my reckoning, in 61° 26′. These supposing, that the observation made upon the isle at the habitation, had been taken two minutes to the westward of the point with which I bore north and south at four o’clock, my difference in a run of twelve hundred leagues, was thirty-four minutes a-stern of the ship; the difference of the observations made on the 3d, by M. Verron, gave for the same time 1° 12′ a-head of the ship.

[Sidenote: Land-fall at the Isle of France.]

We had sight of Round Island the 7th at noon; at five o’clock in the evening we bore north and south with its middle. We fired some guns at the beginning of night, hoping that the fire on the Cannoniers Point would be lighted; but this fire, which M. d’Aprés mentions in his instructions, is now never lighted; so that, after doubling the Coin de Mire, which you may range as close as you please, I was much embarrassed in order to avoid a dangerous shoal, which runs above half a league out into the sea off the Cannoniers Point. I kept plying, in order to keep to windward of the port, firing a gun from time to time; at last, between eleven and twelve o’clock at night, one of the pilots of the harbour, who are paid by the king, came on board. I then thought I was out of danger, and had given him the charge of the ship, when at half past three o’clock he run us a-ground, near the Bay of Tombs. [Sidenote: Danger which the frigate runs.] Luckily there was no swell; and the manœuvre which we quickly made, in order to endeavour to cast the ship off shore, succeeded; but it may easily be conceived, how great our grief would have been, if after happily avoiding so many dangers, we had been cast away close to our port, through the fault of an ignorant fellow, to whom we were obliged to leave the management of the ship, by the regulation of the service. We got off with the loss of only forty-five feet of our false keel, which was carried away.

[Sidenote: Nautical advice.]

This accident, of which we had like to have been the victims, gives me an opportunity of making the following reflection: When you are bound for the Isle of France, and see that it is impossible to reach the entrance of the port in day-time, prudence requires, that you must take care in time, not to be too much entangled with the land. It is necessary to keep all night on the off side, and to windward of Round-island, not lying-to, but plying to windward, under a good deal of sail, on account of the currents. Besides, there is anchorage between the little isles; we have found from thirty to twenty-five fathom there, and a sandy bottom; but one must only anchor there in an extreme case of necessity.

[Sidenote: Anchorage of the Isle of France.]

On the 8th, in the morning, we entered the port, where we moored that day. The Etoile appeared at six o’clock in the evening, but could not come in till the next morning. Here we found our reckoning was a day too late, and we again followed the date of the whole world.

[Sidenote: Particulars of our proceedings there.]

The first day of my arrival, I sent all my sick people to the hospital, I gave in an account of what I wanted in provisions and stores, and we immediately fell to work in preparing the frigate for heaving down. I took all the workmen in the port, that could be spared, and those of the Etoile, being determined to depart as soon as I should be ready. The 16th and 18th we breamed the frigate. We found her sheathing worm-eaten, but her bottom was as sound as when she came off the stocks.

We were obliged to change some of our masts here. Our main-mast had a defect in the heel, and therefore might give way there, as well as in the head, where the main-piece was broken. I got a main-mast all off one piece, two top-masts, anchors, cables, and some twine, which we were in absolute want of. I returned my old provisions into the king’s stores, and took others for five months. I likewise delivered to M. Poivre, the _intendant_ of the Isle of France, all the iron and nails embarked on board the Etoile; my alembic and recipient, many medicines, and a number of merchandises, which now became useless to us, and were wanted in this colony. I likewise gave three and twenty soldiers to the legion, as they asked my leave to be incorporated in it. Messieurs Commerçon and Verron, both consented to defer their return to France; the former, in order to enquire into the natural history of these isles, and of Madagascar; the latter, in order to be more ready to go and observe the transit of Venus in India; I was likewise desired to leave behind M. de Romainville, an engineer, some young volunteers, and some under-pilots, for the navigation in the several parts of India.

[Sidenote: Loss of two officers.]

We were happy, after so long, a voyage, to be still in a condition to enrich this colony with men and necessary goods. The joy which I felt on this occasion, was cruelly converted into grief, by the loss which we here suffered, by the death of the chevalier du Bouchage, ensign of the king’s ships, and a man of distinguished merit, who joined all the qualities of the heart and mind which endear a man to his friends, to that knowledge which forms a complete sea-officer. The friendly care and all the skill of M. de la Porte, our surgeon, could not save him. He expired in my arms, the 19th of November, of a flux, which had begun at Batavia. A few days after, a young son of M. le Moyne, _commissaire-ordonnateur_ of the marine, who embarked as a volunteer with me, and had lately been made a _garde de la marine_[134], died of a pectoral disease.

In the Isle of France I admired the forges, which have been established there by Messrs. Rosting and Hermans. There are few so fine ones in Europe, and the iron which they make is of the best kind. It is inconceiveable how much perseverance, and how great abilities have been necessary to make this undertaking more complete, and what sums it has cost. He has now nine hundred negroes, from which M. Hermans has drawn out and exercised a battalion of two hundred men, who are animated by a kind of ambition. They are very nice in the choice of their comrades, and refuse to admit all those who have been guilty of the least roguery. Thus we see sentiments of honour combined with slavery[135].

[Sidenote: 1768. December.]

During our stay here, we constantly enjoyed the fairest weather imaginable. The 5th of December, the sky began to be covered with thick clouds, the mountains were wrapt in fogs; and every thing announced the approaching season of rain, and the hurricane which is felt in these isles almost every year. [Sidenote: Departure from the Isle of France.] The 10th I was ready to set sail. The rain and the wind right on end did not allow it. I could not sail till the 12th in the morning, leaving the Etoile just when she was going to be careened. This vessel could not be fit for going out before the end of the month, and our junction was now no longer necessary. This store-ship left the isle of France towards the end of December, and arrived in France a month after me. I took my departure at noon, in the observed S. lat. of 20° 22′ and 54° 40′ east longitude from Paris.

[Sidenote: Run to the Cape of Good Hope.]

The weather was at first very cloudy, with squalls and rain. We could not see the isle of Bourbon. As we got further from the land, the weather cleared up by degrees. The wind was fair and blew fresh; but our new main-mast soon caused us as much anxiety as the first. It described so considerable an arch at the head, that I durst not make use of the top gallant-sail, nor carry the top-sails hoisted up.

[Sidenote: Bad weather which we meet with.]

From the 22d of December to the 8th of January, we had a constant head-wind, bad weather, or calms. I was told, that these west winds were quite without example at this season. They however retarded us for a fortnight successively, during which we kept trying or beating to windward with a very great sea. We got sight of the coast of Africa before we had any soundings. When we first saw this land, which we took to be the Cape of Shoals, (_Cabo dos Baxos_) we had no bottom. On the 30th we sounded 78 fathom, and from that day we kept on Bank Aguilhas, being almost constantly in sight of the land. [Sidenote: 1768. January.] We soon fell in with several Dutch ships, of the Batavia fleet; their fore-runner set sail from thence on the 20th of October, and the fleet the 6th of November; the Dutch were still more surprised than we were at the westerly winds blowing so much out of season.

At last, on the 18th of January in the morning, we had sight of Cape False, and soon after of the land of the Cape of Good Hope. [Sidenote: Nautical advice.] I must here observe, that five leagues E. S. E. of Cape False, there is a very dangerous rock under the water; that to the eastward of the Cape of Good Hope, there is a reef extending about one third of a league to the offing, and that at the foot of the Cape itself there is a rock running out to sea to the same distance. I was come up with a Dutch ship, which I had perceived in the morning, and I had shortened sail, in order not to pass by her, but to follow her if she intended to enter in the night-time. At seven o’clock in the evening, she took in her top-gallant-sails, studding-sails, and even top-sails; I then stood out to sea, and plyed all night, with a very fresh southerly wind, varying from S. S. E. to S. S. W.

At day-break, the currents had set us near nine leagues to the W. N. W. the Dutch ship was above four leagues to the leeward of us, and we were obliged to croud sail, in order to make good again what we had lost. Therefore those who must pass the night on their boards, with the intention of entering the bay of the Cape in the morning, would do well to bring-to at the eastern point of the Cape of Good Hope, keeping about three leagues off shore; being in this position, the currents will set them in a good situation for entering early in the morning. At nine o’clock in the morning we anchored in Table-bay, at the Cape, at the head of the road, and we moored N. N. E. and S. S. W. Here were fourteen ships of several nations, and several others arrived during our stay. Captain Carteret had sailed from hence on Epiphany-day. We saluted the town with fifteen guns, and they returned the salute with an equal number.

[Sidenote: We touch at the Cape of Good Hope.]

We had all possible reasons to be content with the governor and inhabitants of the Cape of Good Hope; they were desirous of procuring us all that is useful and agreeable. I shall not stop to describe this place, which every body knows. The Cape immediately depends upon Europe, and not upon Batavia, neither with regard to its civil and military administration, nor to the appointment of persons to places. It is even sufficient to have had an employment at the Cape, to exclude one from obtaining one at Batavia. However, the council of the Cape corresponds with that of Batavia, with regard to commercial affairs. It consists of eight persons, among which is the governor, who is the president. The governor does not belong to the court of justice, where the second in command presides; he only signs the sentences of death.

There is a military station at False Bay, and one at the bay of Saldagna. The latter, which forms an excellent harbour, sheltered from all winds, could not be made the chief place, because it has no water. They are now working to encrease the settlement at False Bay; there the ships anchor in winter, when they are forbid lying in the bay of the Cape. There you find the same assistance, and every thing as cheap as at the Cape itself. The distance over land of these two places, is eight leagues, and the road very bad.

[Sidenote: Particulars concerning the vineyards at Constantia.]

Nearly half way between them both is the district of Constantia, which produces the famous wine of that name. This vineyard, where they cultivate the Spanish muscade vines, is very small, but it is not true that it belongs to the company, or that it is surrounded, as people believe here, by walls, and watched. It is distinguished into High and Little Constantia, separated by a hedge, and belonging to two different proprietors. The wine which is made there is nearly alike in quality, though each of the two Constantias has its partisans. In common years they make a hundred and twenty or a hundred and thirty _barriques_ of this wine, of which the company takes a third at a stated price, and the rest is sold to every buyer that offers. The price at present is thirty piastres or dollars the barrel of seventy bottles of white wine, and thirty-five piastres for the same quantity of red wine. My officers and myself went to dine with M. Vanderspie, the proprietor of High Constantia. He treated us in the best manner possible, and we there drank a good deal of his wine, both at dinner, and in tasting the different sorts, in order to make our provision of them.

The soil of Constantia is a sandy gravel, lying on a gentle slope. They cultivate the vines without props, and leave only a small number of buds when they cut them. They make the wine by putting the grapes without their grains into the vessel. The full casks are kept in a cellar level with the ground, in which the air has a free circulation. As we returned from Constantia, we visited two country-houses belonging to the governor. The largest, named Newland, has a garden which is much larger than the company’s, at the Cape. This last we have found much inferior to the reputation it has acquired. Some long walks of very high horn-beams, give it the appearance of a garden for fryars, and it is planted with oaks, which thrive very ill there.

[Sidenote: Situation of the Dutch at the Cape.]

The Dutch plantations have spread very much on the whole coast, and plenty is every where the consequence of cultivation, because the cultivator is free, subject to the laws only, and sure of his property. There are inhabitants almost a hundred and fifty leagues off the capital; they have no other enemies to fear than the wild beasts; for the Hottentots do not molest them. One of the finest parts of the Cape is the colony, which has been called Little Rochelle. This is a settlement of French, driven out of France by the repeal of the edict of Nantes. It surpasses all the rest in the fertility of the soil, and the industry of the colonists. They have given this adopted mother the name of their old country, which they still love, though it has treated them so hardly.

The government sends caravans, out from time to time to search the interior parts of the country. One was out for eight months in 1763. This detachment advanced to the northward, and made, as I was told, some important discoveries; however, this journey had not the success which one might have expected; discontent and discord got amongst them, and forced the chief to return home, leaving his discoveries imperfect. The Dutch got sight of a yellow nation, with long hair, and seeming very ferocious to them.

On this journey they found a quadruped of seventeen feet high, of which I have given the drawing to M. de Buffon; it was a female suckling a young one, (fawn) which was only seven feet high. They killed the mother, and took the fawn alive, but it died after a few days march. M. de Buffon assured me that this is the animal which naturalists call the _giraffe_. None of them had been seen after that which was brought to Rome in the time of Cæsar, and shewn there in the amphitheatre. About three years ago they have likewise found and brought to the Cape, a quadruped of great beauty, which is related to the ox, horse, and stag, and of which the genus is entirely new. It only lived two months at the Cape; I have likewise given M. de Buffon an exact drawing of this animal, whose strength and fleetness equal its beauty. It is not without reason that Africa has been named the mother of monsters.

[Sidenote: Departure from the Cape.]

Being provided with good provisions, wines, and refreshments of all sorts, we set sail from the road of the Cape the 17th in the afternoon. We passed between the isle of Roben and the coast; at six o’clock in the evening, the middle of that isle bore S. by E. ½ E. about four leagues distant, from whence I took my departure in 33° 40′ south latitude, and 15° 48′ east longitude from Paris. I wanted to join M. Carteret, over whom I had certainly a great advantage in sailing; but he was still eleven days before me.

I directed my course so as to get sight of St. Helena, in order to make sure of putting in at Ascension island, an anchorage which I intended to make beneficial to my crew. [Sidenote: Sight of St. Helena.]Indeed we got sight of it the 29th, at two o’clock after noon, and the bearings which we set of it gave us no more than eight or ten leagues difference in our reckoning. [Sidenote: 1769. February.] In the night between the 3d to the 4th of February, being in the latitude of Ascension island, and being about eighteen leagues from it by my reckoning, I went only under the two top-sails. At day-break we saw the isle nearly nine leagues distant, and at eleven o’clock we anchored in the north west creek, or Creek of the Mountain of the Cross, in twelve fathoms, bottom of sand and coral. According to the Abbé la Caille’s observations, this anchorage is in 7° 54′ south latitude, and 16° 19′ west longitude from Paris.

[Sidenote: Stopping at Ascension.]

We had hardly cast anchor, when I hoisted out the boats, and sent out three detachments to catch turtle; the first in the N. E. creek, the second in the N. W. creek, opposite which we were; and the third in the English creek, which is in the S. W. of the island. Every thing promised a favourable capture; there was no other ship than ours, the season was advantageous, and we entered with the new moon. As soon as the detachments, were set off, I made every thing ready for fishing my two greater masts under the rigging, viz. the main mast with a fore-top-mast, the heel upwards; and the fore-mast which was split horizontally between the cheeks, with an oak fish.

In the afternoon the bottle was brought to me which contains the paper whereon the ships of every nation generally write their name, when they touch at Ascension island. This bottle is deposited in a cavity of the rocks of this bay, where it is equally sheltered from rain and the spray of the sea. In it I found written the Swallow, that English ship which captain Carteret commanded, and which I was desirous of joining. He arrived here the 31st of January, and set sail again on the first of February; thus we had already gained six days upon him, after leaving the cape of Good Hope. I inscribed the Boudeuse, and sent back the bottle.

The 5th was spent in fishing our masts under the rigging, which is a very nice operation in a road where the sea is rough; in over-hauling our rigging, and embarking the turtle. The fishery was abundant; seventy turtle had been turned in the night, but we could only take on board fifty-six, the others were set at liberty again. We observed at our anchorage 9° 45′, variation N. W. [Sidenote: Departure from Ascension.] The 6th, at three o’clock in the morning, the turtle being got on board, and the boats hoisted in, we began to weigh our anchors; at five o’clock we were under sail, happy on account of our capture, and of the hope that our next anchorage would be in our own country. Indeed, we had had a great many since our departure from Brest.

In leaving Ascension isle, I kept my wind in order to range the Cape Verd isles as close as possible. [Sidenote: Passing of the line.] The 11th in the morning we passed the line for the sixth time on this voyage, in 20° of estimated longitude. Some days after, when, notwithstanding the fish with which we had strengthened our fore-mast, it cut a very bad figure, we were obliged to support it by preventer-shrouds, getting down the fore-top-gallant-mast, and almost always keeping the fore-top-sail close reefed, and sometimes handed.

[Sidenote: Meeting with the Swallow.]

The 25th in the evening we perceived a ship to windward, and a-head of us; we kept sight of her during the night, and joined her the next morning; it was the Swallow. I offered captain Carteret all the services that one may render to another at sea. He wanted nothing, but upon his telling me that they had given him letters for France at the Cape, I sent on board for them. He presented me with an arrow which he had got in one of the isles he had found on his voyage round the world, a voyage that he was far from suspecting we had likewise made. His ship was very small, went very ill, and when we took leave of him, he remained as it were at anchor. How much he must have suffered in so bad a vessel, may well be conceived. There were eight leagues difference between his estimated longitude and ours; he reckoned himself so much more to the westward.

[Sidenote: Error in the reckoning of our course.]

We expected to pass to the eastward of the Açores, when the 4th of March in the morning we had sight of the Isle of Tercera, which we doubled in day-time, ranging very close along it. [Sidenote: 1769. March.] The sight of this isle, supposing it well placed on M. Bellin’s great chart, would give us about sixty-seven leagues of error to the westward, in the reckoning of our run; which indeed is a considerable error on so short a track as that from Ascension to the Açores. It is true that the position of these isles in longitude, is still uncertain. But I believe, that in the neighbourhood of the Cape Verd islands, there are very strong currents. However, it was essential to us to determine the longitude of the Açores by good astronomical observations, and to settle their distances and bearings among themselves. Nothing of all this is accurate on the charts of any nation. They only differ by a greater or lesser degree of error. This important task has just been executed by M. de Fleurieu, ensign of the king’s ships.

I corrected my longitude in leaving the Isle of Tercera, by that which M. de Bellin’s great chart assigns to it. [Sidenote: Sight of Ushant.] We had soundings the 13th in the afternoon, and the 14th in the morning we had sight of Ushant. As the wind was scant, and the tide contrary to double this island, we were forced to stand off, the wind blowing very fresh at west, and a very great sea. [Sidenote: Squall which damaged our rigging.] About ten o’clock in the morning, in a violent squall, the fore-yard broke between the two jear-blocks, and the main-sail at the same instant was blown out of the bolt-rope from clue to ear-ring. We immediately brought to under our main, fore, and mizen-stay-sails, and we set about repairing the damage; we bent a new main-sail, made a fore-yard with a mizen-yard, a main-top sail-yard, and a studding-sail-boom, and at four o’clock we were again enabled to make sail. We had lost sight of Ushant, and whilst we lay-to, the wind and sea drove us into the channel.

[Sidenote: Arrival at St. Maloes.]

Being determined to put into Brest, I resolved to ply with variable winds, from S. W. to N. W. when the 15th in the morning our people came to inform me, that our fore-mast was near being carried away under the rigging. The shock it had received when its yard broke, had made it worse; and though we had eased its head by lowering the yard, taking in the reefs in the fore-sail, and keeping, the fore-top-sail upon the cap close reefed, yet we found, after an attentive examination, that this mast could not long resist the pitching caused by the great sea, we being close-hauled; besides this, all our rigging and blocks were rotten, and we had none to replace them; then how was it possible in such a condition to combat the bad weather of the equinoxes between two coasts? I therefore resolved to bear away, and conduct the frigate to St. Maloes. That was then the nearest port, which could serve us as an asylum. I entered it on the 16th in the afternoon, having lost only seven men, during two years and four months, which were expired since we had left Nantes.

Puppibus & læti Nautæ imposuere Coronas. VIRG. Æneid. Lib. iv.

VOCABULARY
OF THE LANGUAGE OF
TAI TI ISLAND.

A.

Abobo[136] _Tomorrow._
Aibou _Come._
Ainé _Girl, (fille)._
Aiouta _There is some._
Aipa _The term of negation, there is
none._
Aneania _Importune, tedious._
Aouaou _Fy; term of contempt, and of
displeasure._
Aouereré _Black._
Aouero _Egg._
Aouri _Iron, gold, silver, every metal, or
instrument of metal._
Aoutti _Flying fish._
Aouira _Lightning._
Apalari _To break or destroy._,
Ari _Cocoa-nut._
Arioi _Bachelor, and a man without
children._
Ateatea _White._

_I know of no word that begins with these consonants of
ours, B, C, D._

E.