Chapter V: Part 5

This animal indeed does not want a certain degree of instinct: for example, it evacuates much blood, and it is asserted that it often bleeds itself; for this purpose it looks out for a sharp point of rock, which is not rare on the banks of rivers, and against this it rubs itself quickly till the friction produces an aperture capable of admitting the passage of the blood; and it is said to observe the discharge with attention and pleasure, and even to agitate itself when the stream is not sufficiently copious; but when it thinks that enough has been emitted, it goes to lie down in the mud, and thus closes up the wound.

The Negroes of Angola, Congo, and the eastern coasts of Africa, consider the river-horse, which they call _Fetiso_, as a diminutive of some divinity, notwithstanding which they eat it. The other Negroes also think the flesh excellent. The Portuguese, who are rigid observers of Lent and fast days, pretend that it is a fish, and as such they eat it. They are doubtless in the right, as they find it very palatable. Europeans, on the contrary, have much difficulty in accommodating themselves to such a repast, as they find it to possess a gross taste and strong smell.

The skin and teeth of the river-horse are objects of commerce: of the former, when dried and stretched, they make shields and bucklers, which are proof against arrows and bullets; while the teeth fetch a greater price than those of elephants. The dentists buy them up with avidity, as they have found that teeth made of this substance do not turn yellow like those of ivory; besides which they are much harder. It is also asserted that little plates made of these bones, and fixed by a riband round such parts of the limbs as are attacked by cramp and sciatica, prevent the exacerbation of those disorders, as long as they remain on the skin. This is a recipe which I do not guarantee; but it may be easily tried.

CHAP. X.

RIVER OF SIERRA LEONE, ITS DISCOVERY &c. — EXPEDITIONS OF THE EUROPEANS, THEIR PARTIAL ESTABLISHMENTS, AND PROJECTS OF COLONISATION. — REVIEW OF THEIR RESOURCES AND PROJECTS. — GENERAL REMARKS ON THE ESTABLISHMENTS WHICH MIGHT BE FORMED, AND THE MEASURES TO BE TAKEN FOR PROMOTING THE PROSPERITY OF COMMERCE IN THAT PART OF THE WORLD.

THE last French establishment on the western coast of Africa is on the river of Sierra Leone, so named on account of the mountains and lions which are found in the country. The river is situated in 8°. 30′. lat. and 15°. 7′. long.; it was first discovered by the French, who were succeeded by the Portuguese; and these people formed several factories upon it, of which there now remain only the ruins, though a great number of their descendants may be found on both their banks, where they are naturalised, and are scarcely distinguishable from the natives.

The other Europeans have confined themselves for a length of time to the making of separate expeditions for the trade of slaves, and this is the market to which the Americans still resort for the same traffic.

Several individuals have established themselves in this quarter, and have resided here for various periods; they all succeeded more or less, and have left striking traits of their industry as well as of their crimes; amongst the rest was an Englishman, named Ormond, who was employed as a cabin-boy about thirty years ago in a ship engaged in the trade, and contrived to remain as an assistant in the factory on the river of Sierra Leone: here he afterwards formed an establishment on his own account in a district more to the northward; and though he could neither read nor write, he became so clever in his own way, that he amassed a fortune of about £30,000 sterling.

This example clearly proves the consequences of private industry; but the history of the man in question shews how dangerous it is to abandon it to itself: for the cruelties which he committed exceed all belief. It is asserted, that to get rid of his slaves for whom he could not find a sale, he tied stones to their necks, and threw them at night into the river. At another time he caused one of his servants to be tied, and gave him with his own hand four hundred lashes, of which the unfortunate creature died a few days after. He also, on detecting a criminal intercourse between one of his slaves and a Negress, fastened them to a barrel of pitch and set it on fire.

Ormond was as superstitious as he was cruel: he believed, like the Africans, in sorcery. But nothing could prevent the blows with which Providence, after permitting him to continue in his career of wickedness, attacked him. His health declined, and he retired to the isles of Los, leaving the management of his affairs to a mulatto, who was his son. A horde of the Bagos, with whom he had had a quarrel, took that opportunity to avenge themselves, and plundered his factory, in which they were assisted by his slaves. All the buildings were burnt, and twelve or fifteen hundred slaves, worth 30,000l. were set at liberty. Young Ormond was put to death on this occasion, and the father was so afflicted at the news, that he survived only a month.

The French received their possessions on the river of Sierra Leone in consequence of a treaty with Panabouri, proprietor of Gambia, which was signed between the Negro king and M. de Lajaille on the 14th January, 1785. The king gave his son, named Pedro, as a hostage for his performance of the contract; and the youth was conveyed to France, where he received a pension of 1200 livres per annum for two years. On returning to Africa, his father sent him back to France to finish his education. The king himself not being able to read or write, made a cross as his signature to the treaty.

M. de Lajaille has not given us a description of the island in the Gambia which was ceded to the French by this treaty, nor has he said any thing of the manners and religion of the people. From the accounts, however, which I procured, it appears that the island is very small and unhealthy: there are scarcely six acres of soil capable of cultivation; all the rest is a vast swamp. The trade which we carry on consists in slaves and wax. The position of the port was badly chosen; and though water abounds in the place, the garrison have to go a considerable distance to obtain it; in short, the establishment is of trivial advantage. The French who were left on the isle of Gambia, were neglected and abandoned by their countrymen; and after experiencing all the horrors of want, they almost all perished in the month of August, 1793. Two or three individuals only returned, in a state of irritation against the government which ought to have protected them, and so ill in health, that they did not long survive. Notwithstanding this failure, the river of Sierra Leone abounds in favourable spots both for culture and commerce, on which the French or any other nation might establish powerful colonies. The English, who about fifteen years ago had fixed them in various parts near this river, have since formed settlements far greater and important than those of the French. The latter in their attempts were too parsimonious; while the former were prodigal in their gold.

In the month of May, 1788, Mr. Granville Sharp sent off a vessel laden with provisions, different materials, and about thirty-nine artificers, to establish a colony at Sierra Leone. This colony, whose principal settlement was afterwards at Free-town, had for its basis principles entirely philanthropic. The colonists were to employ themselves in the cultivation of the lands and the civilization of the Africans, while the slave trade was to be totally renounced amongst them.

The fortune of an individual was of course insufficient for such an undertaking. Mr. Sharp, therefore, in 1790 formed a society of twenty-one persons, which in a few months became still more numerous; and an act of parliament was passed, authorising them to make a company, and to enjoy for thirty-one years the privileges granted to them by the act. Messrs. Thornton and Wilberforce were then the directors, and the members who had most influence over the company. The first regulation which it made, excluded every individual who was interested in the slave trade; and it was not only agreed that they should for ever abandon that traffic, but that there should never be slaves in the colony.

In the month of March, 1791, the company caused 1131 Blacks to be brought from Nova Scotia to Sierra Leone: they were engaged for a certain time, and were to be free when their period of servitude expired. Portions of soil were given to them to cultivate for their own advantage; but it was impossible to keep them to the spots which had been assigned to them. Being influenced by a commercial spirit, and wishing to obtain a portion of the money which the company had imprudently introduced into the colony, these new settlers abandoned their fields, and all came to reside in the chief place, called Free-town.

The subscription was closed on the 1st of June, 1792; and the capital of the company then amounted to the vast sum of 242,899l. sterling. This sum was employed in the following manner:

The first expences of the establishment amounted to £82,620

The dead stock, that is to say, the ships, soil,
and articles relative to the defence of the
colony, to 24,685

Capital employed in commerce 27,400

Capital placed at interest in the public funds 108,194
--------
£242,899
--------

These expences, however, greatly exceeded the idea which had been formed by the company; they were occasioned by a concurrence of circumstances which it was impossible to foresee, but which are all properly explained in the different statements that have been published by the directors.

The colonists arrived in the rainy season, which occasioned a general sickness and many deaths. Several of the principal officers were taken ill, and obliged to return to England; and a great many of the subordinate agents fell sacrifices to the additional labour which they in consequence had to perform. It appeared that the air of Free-town, like that of all the positions on the coast, is bad, and even dangerous during the rainy and stormy season; but that it is good and agreeable for the rest of the year.

The cultivation went on slowly, and experienced many difficulties; nevertheless the directors were of opinion that the soil of Africa might be managed by its native inhabitants. They were of this opinion from the apparent success of the plantations, which they had undertaken; but they adhered to their system of making the future progress of such plantations depend on the abolition of the slave trade.

Under the article of civilization, the directors comprised a form of government for the colony: it is founded on the principles of the English constitution. The trial by jury perfectly succeeded; and the Africans appeared to incline to the measures adopted in the colony to introduce Christianity and civil regulations. But the success of the enterprize was a subordinate consideration compared with the grand object, the abolition of the slave trade. Yet to overcome the first difficulties was far more easy, than what they had afterwards to encounter: for they had some severe misfortunes to try their constancy.

On the 27th of November, 1794, a French squadron entered the river of Sierre Leone, and fired on Free-town. The inhabitants conceiving all resistance useless, begged to capitulate, but in vain: the French landed, plundered the houses and magazines, and conducted themselves with extreme rigour. They were encouraged in their excesses by the captains of two American ships employed in the slave trade. It was impossible to check the animosity of Arnaud, the commander of the expedition: he protested that he would burn all the houses belonging to the English; and he kept his word. The books of the company were seized and destroyed, and all the bibles and prayer-books were trampled under foot. The collection of the botanist Afzelius was ravaged; his plants, seeds, birds, insects, drawings, and memoranda were dispersed and spoiled, and his mathematical instruments and machines broken to pieces. Even the church was plundered, and the sacred books consumed; nor did the invaders spare the drugs and medicines for the use of the colony. The loss to the company on this occasion was estimated at 40,000l. sterling.

This expedition was condemned by all rational Frenchmen, and was disowned by the government, who caused the commander of the squadron to be thrown into prison. His punishment would have been exemplary, if it had not clearly appeared that he was ignorant of the injury he had committed. It was proved from his journal, that he had been led into the error by two American Negroes, and that he thought he was doing a patriotic action by destroying an _establishment of Pitt, for furnishing slaves_. It was evident that he had no other motives for his conduct; but this did not diminish the evil, and the company immediately employed themselves in repairing the injuries which the colony had sustained, with the resources that remained amongst them. It is remarkable that the turbulent colonists were the very Negroes who had been transported from Nova Scotia to Africa, and whom no inducement could attach to the establishment. Although they were free, they complained that they were oppressed; and it is probable that if these refractory beings had found the planters and the remainder of the inhabitants inclined to take part in their project, they would have infallibly attained their object, which was that of a revolution: for the chief officers of the society had neither power nor other means sufficient to keep them in subjection.

To obviate this inconvenience, the directors of the company obtained in 1799 from the British government a letter of licence, on the plan of those which had been granted to the India company at the time of its institution; to which was added a corps of fifty men taken from the garrison of Goree; and the sum of 7,000l. which parliament allowed for the construction of a fort.

In the month of February, 1800, a quarrel broke out between king Tom, who lived in the vicinity of Free-town, and the captain of a slave-ship belonging to Liverpool, relative to certain rights of anchorage which this king had received, from vessels that entered St. George’s bay, and which the English captain refused to pay. The affair was laid before the governor and council; but the discontented persons, and such of the colonists as were in the interest of Tom, would not abide by the decision of the tribunal; but demanded, on the contrary, that the captain should be delivered up to them, or pay a heavy sum as a ransom. The governor and council endeavouring to oppose the violence of the discontented, who appeared determined to support their pretensions, condemned the captain to pay the sum required; promising him, however, a reimbursement from the company.

The affair was thus determined: but the condescension of the council seemed to pave the way for the ruin of the colony; for from this instant the discontented, led by the chiefs of their districts, who were called _Hundreders_, committed the greatest excesses, refused to submit to any authority, and on the 25th of September, 1800, issued a formal proclamation, in which they forbade the inhabitants, under a penalty of 20l. sterling, from obeying any orders of the governor and council. They then published a new constitution, which vested all the authority in the hands of the hundreders, and established a maximum for the sale of articles of sustenance. Certain crimes, such as the stealing of cattle, adultery, defamation, disobedience towards parents, the destruction of fences, &c. were punished by fines; and the debts contracted by the inhabitants towards the company, were left to the decision of the hundreders, who interdicted not only every kind of reimbursement, but even the paying of the interest, under pain of banishment from the colony.

The revolters, whose numbers amounted to about fifty, were headed by three fellows named Robinson, Anderson, and Zirier. The colony then had at its disposal eighty Negroes and twelve Europeans, who were determined to defend it. Nevertheless, though their force was so much superior, they made no attempts to subdue the insurgents; but chance threw in their way a great assistance: for at this very time a large English ship arrived from Nova Scotia, having on board, under the command of Lieutenants Smith and Tolley, forty-five soldiers, and five hundred and fifty Maroons, besides a number of other men, women, and children. The revolters were therefore attacked on the 2d of October, and easily overcome; thirty-five were made prisoners, three of whom were found guilty of various crimes, and condemned to death; and seven were sent as malefactors to Goree: the remainder were transported to Bulam, on the northern coast of Sierra Leone.

The Maroons who came from Nova Scotia, have assigned to them the town of Granville, where the government watches attentively over them. This measure, however, is unnecessary: for as late as the month of May, 1801, they had not shewn any disposition to offend the laws; and it is expected that great advantages may be derived from their industry.

Hitherto the commerce of the company has not been attended with much success; it has lost one after another, four large ships, the cargoes of which were worth upwards of 30,000l. The French have also taken two other vessels belonging to this establishment, worth about 7,000l. The company has received from the British government a grant of 21,000l.; and at the end of 1799, its capital consisted of about 82,332l. while in December, 1800, it amounted to 122,563l.; and its debts at the last mentioned period were 26,995l. It therefore possessed at that time a capital of 95,567l.

This company sustained a great loss by the death of an alderman of Free-town, named Thomas Cooper, who was of the African race: the Blacks considered him as their common father, and still weep after him.

Every means is adopted to enlarge and accomplish the expectations of the colonists; and with this view different kinds of instruction are given. Amongst other efforts towards civilization, may be mentioned a printing-office, at which is published once a fortnight a newspaper, called the Sierra Leone Gazette.

The principal productions of this colony are sugar-canes, Cayenne pepper, cotton, ginger, and coffee; the last of which is as good as that from the Levant. The animals which they endeavour principally to breed are asses and cows; but there is much difficulty to extend the race of those useful quadrupeds.

Such is the present state of the English company: it has experienced misfortunes foreign and domestic, which have threatened its existence; and it has encountered enormous losses, which have consumed great parts of its fund. From a comparison of the sums already mentioned, it will appear that the money which has been employed or lost amounts to 175,352l. The company, nevertheless, is powerful; its means are more proportionate than its wants, and its enterprise is too great to be ruined by a few injuries; while by gradually proceeding with firmness, it will attain its objects.

All the institutions of this company, and its great exertions to promote the happiness of the Africans, are founded on the abolition of the slave trade. It is evident that without this praise-worthy resource, it promises itself nothing from all the undertakings and sacrifices which it makes to support them; but notwithstanding its wishes, it is surrounded with several establishments entirely devoted to the slave trade, and vessels are continually arriving for the same purpose: so that this trade is carried on under the very eyes of the company, with the same ardour as ever. Yet this society is equally as sanguine as it was at first, respecting the abolition of the slave trade, which it hopes to see accomplished; and therefore continues its labours with unshaken fortitude, and the resolution to do nothing but what it pledged itself to perform. It has, however, shewn us that it cannot attach to the soil the Negroes which have been brought from Nova Scotia, and they have retired to Free-town for the purposes of traffic. Hence the question naturally presents itself—by whom can the company have its grounds cultivated? On this subject it is silent; but I think I can give an answer.

I have said that the population of Africa is composed of one-fourth free men and three-fourths slaves. It is an admitted fact, that the free Negroes never work; it is therefore necessary to employ slaves, and to pay their masters for their hire. If, however, the company were to employ them, it would depart from its primitive regulations, which positively stipulate that there shall never be any slaves in the colony. If it were to buy them in order to render them free, and employ them in cultivation, I would ask if it could then be satisfied with their labour, or could hope to attach them to the soil? I should wish that this important question were ascertained beyond all doubt; but I must confess my doubts of its success; and I fear that the Negroes whom the company may render free, will imitate all other Negroes that are their own masters, and who will do nothing, or in other words, that they will prefer slavery to labour. This apprehension is founded on the knowledge which I posses of their natural and invincible indolence. I must, therefore, repeat with freedom my opinion of the rigorous conditions which the company has imposed on itself; and I really think that there will always be an obstacle to the accomplishment of its views. But to attain its wishes, I would propose an opposite mode, which I will point out in a few words.

I would make use of the Africans in their present state, that is to say, slaves, and would pay their masters the price of their labour; I would render them subservient to mild, humane, and benevolent laws; and I would incite them to work, and to like the place of their residence, by the inducement of property and land. Having thus prepared them for the charms of liberty, I should hasten to purchase them and make them free, that they might enjoy it. This method would, in my opinion, produce many cultivators: for even those who have been of no advantage during several years, might be thus dismissed and sent home. In short, I would leave off exactly where the company began; and I should thus hope to see my colony composed of industrious and experienced men. Hence, like the company, I should not only renounce the slave trade, but should deliver the Africans from bondage. I should buy them as formerly, only under the sacred condition of having them for a certain time to cultivate our American colonies, which it is impolitic to abandon; and under a condition equally sacred of making them proprietors at the expiration of their servitude, provided they would reside on the spot. Should they, however, be disinclined to stay in the colonies, I would comply with their wishes, and convey them back to Africa. Those who might turn out bad, or be guilty of crimes, ought to be banished from the colonies, but scrupulously restored to their own countries.

With respect to laws, I think that the colonies ought to be governed not only by a particular code, but that certain regulations should be adopted by each of them; as it appears impossible to me, that general laws can insure the prosperity of all such establishments.

I shall add another reflection, of public utility. The Blacks are a kind of men destined by Nature to inhabit Africa and America; she has created them for burning regions: let us, therefore, take care not to oppose her views, or overthrow the barriers which she has established; but let us preserve their races in their natural purity, and not permit the Negroes to inhabit Europe. This mixture of black and white is dangerous to our population, and in time it may change, corrupt, and even destroy it.

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CHAP. XI.

* * * * *

PRODUCTIONS OF THE BANKS OF SIERRA LEONE. — ACCOUNT OF THE PEOPLE AND THEIR FORMS OF GOVERNMENT, WITH SOME PARTICULARS OF THEIR MANNERS AND CUSTOMS BOTH CIVIL AND MILITARY. — CEREMONIES ATTENDING CIRCUMCISION. — LAWS OF THE DIFFERENT TRIBES. — PRIVILEGES OF THE KINGS, WITH RESPECT TO THEIR SUCCESSORS. — ACCOUNT OF THE PURRAH, A SORT OF SECRET TRIBUNAL. — EFFECT OF COMMERCE UPON THE NEGROES. — CHARACTER OF THEIR WOMEN.

THE English in their choice of Sierra Leone, on which to form permanent establishments, acted wisely, particularly as to their object of civilizing the Africans: for every thing in this quarter concurs to favour such an undertaking. Nature has here produced in such profusion every thing which is necessary, useful, or agreeable to man, and the most perfect state of refinement could scarcely add any thing to such kinds of riches.

The natives cultivate both rice and manioc, with the utmost attention; and the former, which is the principal article of commerce, succeeds wonderfully in humid parts; while it grows to considerable perfection upon the heights, only that on the latter it is not so strong, though the grain is better. The second plant only thrives in sandy or open spots; and here the inhabitants sow it in vast quantities, as it forms their ordinary food. They likewise cultivate for themselves and their cattle, Jerusalem artichokes, turnips, and a species of potatoe peculiar to the country, as well as cabbages and peas: they likewise sow maize, of which they obtain several harvests in a year, for it always comes to maturity in three months. They have two species of millet, both of which are very common in these parts, and are used for feeding poultry. The stalk of the larger kind contains a very refreshing juice.

Banian, orange, and lemon-trees grow in great abundance, and bear fruit the whole year. The oranges are of an exquisite taste, and are larger than those of Europe; while the lemon-trees, which have for a long time been imported by the Portuguese, have so much degenerated, that the fruit is very small. The ananas, on the contrary, have a much better taste than those of our continent; and they are found throughout the year in the woods and on such soils as are inclined towards the water. The natives also cultivate them to some extent.

Amongst the common fruit trees are the cocoa-tree, which is found in the greatest abundance on the river of Sherbro; the butter-tree, which grows in every part; the tamarind, of which there are several varieties; and also a species of fruit which is hard and insipid, and which is eaten by the natives of the country, who call it _massino_. There is likewise the European fig-tree, which bears fruit no larger than a walnut; it has an agreeable taste, but is not eaten, because it is filled with insects. There is a tree of this genius peculiar to the country, which does not resemble the fig-tree in any respect except in its gravelly seed, and the fruit of which, the size of an ordinary pear, is almost round, and very agreeable. The apricot-tree of the Antilles is here of a particular species, but is not inferior in taste to that in the West Indies. A sort of gooseberry called _antedesma_ is very abundant, and its taste is exactly similar to that of our red gooseberry. The cherries of this country surpass in flavour all the other fruits, and can only be compared to that of the finest nectarine.

Besides these, we find at Sierra Leone the bread-fruit tree, which at a distance has the appearance of an old pear-tree, and grows abundantly in the low and sandy quarters. Its fruit is nearly the size of an apple. When fresh it is very nutritious, and its taste is similar to that of gingerbread; but it loses its odour on getting old; the vine is also met with in these climates; but its fruit, which is round, black, and acid, in no respect resembles the grapes of Europe; the tree being of a species totally different. It is, however, supposed, that it might be ameliorated by culture.

The leguminous productions are not so numerous; and yet of these there are many varieties. A kind of sorrel, which is very common here, contains an acid similar to that of the ordinary species, without resembling it in any other respect. The purslain which rises three days after sowing, is commonly found on the hillocks near the shore: it is said, that the leaves of this plant are a specific by simple application for wounds of all kinds. The leaves of the _gombo_ are used as spinach; and the _calalou_ may likewise be substituted for that plant. This vegetable is indigenous; and by springing from soils newly ploughed, indicates their fertility.

To all the natural advantages of the soil in question may be added, that of its being proper for the cultivation of every thing which contributes to the riches of our American colonies. Sugar-canes would succeed perfectly well upon it; and the coffee-tree already grows there, of two different species; both of which, however, are unknown in Europe. Nevertheless, that of the West India islands is also cultivated; and its fruit is said to be of as a good quality as that in the Levant. Tobacco of the common kind likewise thrives amazingly; but the natives do not cultivate it; and the cotton-tree is to be met with in every part of this country in the greatest abundance, as well as the kind of the tree which affords silk.

This country is also enriched by peculiar kinds of spices. There are several species of pepper, nutmeg, and thyme, as well as others of uncommon fine flavour, which the natives use for different physical purposes, notwithstanding there is a variety of physical plants. There has been discovered at Sierra Leone a new kind of Peruvian bark; and commerce may hereafter make it of much importance, as its virtue has been ascertained not only by the use which the natives make of it, but from the experiments to which it has been submitted at London. The _cola_ is a fruit celebrated in the country both by the natives and the Portuguese, as a substitute for the Peruvian bark. The latter people even send ships along the coast to collect it in great quantities. The nut that contains castor-oil, grows in every part of these districts.

Nature, indeed, has not confined herself to this variety of productions, but has placed at the disposition of man those objects which afford him the greatest pleasure. At Sierra Leone the substances used for dying are found in abundance. A yellow colour is extracted from the butter-tree; and the indigo, which grows spontaneously in every part, affords the finest blue. From many other vegetables may be obtained black and red colours.

The different species of the mineral kingdom, in the neighbourhood of Sierra Leone, are as yet but little known; a search, however, will soon be made, and we shall know the result. This country is equally rich in animals. Cattle of all kinds succeed in it and fatten, though not so easily as in Europe. The wool of sheep undergoes a change in consequence of the heat, and becomes thin; but goats and hogs breed amazingly, and prove as fat as in other countries. The wild hogs, squirrels, and antelopes may likewise be reckoned amongst the animals at Sierra Leone, which are proper for the food of man. They raise there all kinds of poultry known in Europe, which breed uncommonly fast. There is a species of heron, which is easily tamed, and is very good to eat. The wild ducks and pigeons are delicious; but geese and turkeys become emaciated.

There is likewise a vast quantity of sea and river fish: the spermaceti whale is sometimes found at Sierra Leone, but more frequently on the northern coasts. There are also sharks, thorn-backs, porpoises, eels, mackarel, and mullet, all of which are eaten, except the eels. Oysters and the other kinds of shell-fish are likewise very plentiful, and serve as food for the natives.

Green turtle are very common here, and are often of an inconceivable size. Land and river tortoises are also to be met with; the former in great numbers: they are used by the people, and might be sent to Europe with advantage.

Amongst the zoophites, none deserve greater attention than the common spunge, which covers the sandy shores, and with which a considerable trade might be carried on.

The beasts of prey are lions, leopards, hyænas, civet cats, and several species of weazles. The last mentioned animals are great enemies of poultry. There are likewise apes of various species. The chimpanzee is common on the mountains of Sierra Leone, and resembles a man more than the ourang-outang: its greatest height is nearly five feet, and it is covered with long and thick hair down the back, but short and light on the breast and belly. Its face is without hair, and the hands and head are similar to those of an old Negro, except that the hair of the head is not curly. It eats, drinks, sleeps, and sits at table like a human being. When young, it walks on all fours; but treads on the back of its hands: when grown up, it moves erect by the aid of a stick. This animal is always gentle and good natured.

A species of crocodiles and caymans is to be seen here, which has never been described by naturalists: they are ten or twelve feet long.

There are six known species of lizards, amongst which are the guarra and the cameleon. Serpents are innumerable: they enter the houses during the night for the purpose of catching the poultry: the largest which was ever known here, was eighteen feet long; but it was found not to be venemous.

Insects are innumerable in this part of the world. The most remarkable are the _termites_, or white ants, which eat and even destroy hedges and houses that are built of wood; while the common ants only devour provisions. The grasshoppers and crickets consume clothes, linen, and leather; and there are mosquitoes, flies, scorpions, and centipedes, as well as wild bees, the last of which furnish wax and honey in abundance. Worms are little known; but the barnacles are large, and do much injury to the ships that are not covered with copper.

The same advantages for the commercial or philanthropic spirit of Europeans prevails amongst the population of the shores of Sierra Leone, whether the inhabitants are considered with respect to their natural state, or the imperfect degree of sociability in which they exist. Amongst these people may particularly be distinguished the Suzees, the Bulams, the Bagos, the Tommanies, and the Mandingos. The Mandingos are Mahometans, as I have already observed more than once. Here, as elsewhere, they strictly observe, to outward appearance, the precepts of the alcoran, which they propagate with the utmost zeal. Being strongly impressed with the importance of governing the conscience, there is no means which they do not employ to make proselytes. If they be powerful, they resort to force; on the other hand, they call to their aid all the resources of address. They teach any one gratis to read and write the Arabian language. When they meet with clever men, they affect and imitate the weaknesses and follies of other people, though they pretend to the austere manners and authority of servants of God: in particular they attribute to themselves a supremacy over all sorcerers, and sell talismans. In short, they know so well how to acquire the confidence of the principal persons and chiefs of hordes, that they reign almost every where, and govern the estates under the title of the supreme ministers of the _Bookman_; their advice is always resorted to.

The circumcision of male subjects is generally practised by the Mahometans throughout Africa. At Sierra Leone the girls are not exempted from this religious and political institution. Amongst the Mandingos and the Suzees, it is performed upon them by the excision of the external end of the clitoris. The ceremonies which accompany this operation deserve to be known.

Every year in the fine season, and with a new moon, all the young girls of the village, who are marriageable, are assembled. The night preceding the day of the ceremony, they are conducted by the women of the place to the most secret part of a wood, at each avenue to which amulets are scattered, the object of which is to keep off every curious person, who might profane with his presence the scene of action. The seclusion of the girls lasts for upwards of a month, during which time no human being perceives them, except the old woman who performs the solemn rite, and who every morning brings them their food. If from decease or any other obstacle, her return should be prevented, the person who succeeds her, as she approaches the spot, calls with a loud voice, deposits the victuals at a certain place, and then hastens back without either seeing or being observed by the patients: for whether by chance or inclination, whoever violates this sanctuary, is punished with death.

It is at this period only, when the body is subdued by the austerities which it has suffered, and the mind prepared by the religious obscurity and silence of the forest, that these girls are taught the customs and superstitions of their country: for till that grand period, they are not considered capable of understanding or practising them. At length the period of their retreat expires, and by this time the wound caused by the operation is nearly healed. They are taken back to the village at night, with the same secrecy as they were brought out: they are received by the young and old women entirely naked. In this state, forming an irregular kind of procession, and followed by persons with musical instruments, they parade through the streets by day-light. If during this ceremony a man be found looking at them, he is immediately put to death, unless he can furnish a slave. Their return from the wood is succeeded by a month of probation, during which time they are each day conducted in procession, accompanied by music and covered from head to foot, to the houses of the principal people, before which they sing and dance till the owner of each makes them a trifling present. When the month has expired they are liberated from all these ceremonies, and handed over to the men intended for their husbands.

Neither the origin nor the motives of this ludicrous ceremony are known: but the women have such a veneration for it, that the most shocking of all insults is to reproach them for not having done it honour; and this reproach is even lavished on strangers, who may not have arrived amongst the tribe till after the period appointed for the operation.

The other people, namely the Suzees, Bulams, Bagos, and Tommanies, are idolaters. It is impossible to form an accurate idea of their religion: they have no fixed object of adoration to which a religion that may be called natural, may be applied. Every man forms gods according to his inclination; and the ridiculous, rude, and numerous figures which they worship, are beyond all conception.

The principal articles of their faith are, that there is a god who lives over their heads, governs all, and through whom every thing exists. Whatever happens to them, whether good or bad, is ordained by the deity, unless they attribute the events to magic; but this idea of an omnipresent providence is not accompanied by any return on their part, either of gratitude for its benefits, or of submission to allay its wrath by prayer.

They consider devils to be the ministers of God, and make them offerings: these devils, the most powerful sovereigns of the earth, are represented by little statues of clay, which are often renewed, and made nearly to resemble man. They place them at the root of a tree in a niche covered with dry leaves, and decorate their altars with pieces of linen, cups, plates, pots, or bottles, copper-rings, necklace beads, or other trifles, none of them of any value. When the Negroes wish to gain favour in the sight of these idols, they provide themselves with a quantity of brandy, of which they pour out a small portion for the devil, and drink the rest before him in large quantities.

Their favourite idols are made of wood, are from eight to ten inches high, and painted black: they are considered as the _Penates_ of the hut; but the people pay them little attention, because they suppose them not to want their assistance.

On any event which may happen, these Negroes make an offering to their genii, whom they suppose to have the same power in the air, as the devils have on earth. The offering is always of little value; but they have the most implicit reliance on its efficacy. It is a crime to carry away one of these idols, even unknowingly: the offender is always brought to justice, and woe to him, if he be poor, of his prosecutor powerful; for it is sure to cost him the loss of his liberty. Such are the peculiarities of a religion in which it is difficult to distinguish, whether superstition or absurdity be more predominant.

I have already spoken of the government of the Mandingos. They have proceeded from a republican state, and have every where formed monarchies; but in this part of Africa they are elective and very limited. In all of them the authority of the chief greatly resembles that of the father of a family, and each district of this nation has a regulating king or chief of its own.

The Mandingos and the Suzees, the most powerful and populous nations of the coast, acknowledge the supremacy of the king of the Foulhas, though they never see nor consult him: they speak of him, however, with respect, and consider him as the potentate of the great empire which extends from Gambia to Cape Monte. The Bulams, the Tommanies, and the Bagos admit of no other authority than that of the chief of their tribe.

Excepting amongst the Mandingos and the Suzees, few of the kings belong to the countries which they govern, but are almost always foreigners, that is, from different nations of the continent. The reigning prince may chuse himself a lieutenant, who at his death succeeds to his honours and governs in his name, as long as he may be suffered to retain his situation; and if he be clever and powerful he never fails to get possession of the hereditary property of the deceased, which he keeps till the election of a new king; and it is not rare to see the lieutenant either invested with the royal dignity, or continue to exercise it all his life, under the modest title with which he assumed it.

In 1787 the chief of Sierra Leone had no other title than the one last mentioned. He, however, reigned more than ten years: his subjects, who loved him, wished to proclaim him king; but the wise Negro refused that honour, and contented himself with power without ostentation.

The revenues of such a king consist in certain duties and in presents, which he receives from all who apply to him on subjects that come under his authority. These presents are proportionate to the means of the supplicant and the importance of the affair: the poor man gives but little; when, however, the subject is serious, a rich individual must not offer less than the value of a slave. His income also consists in the customs which foreigners pay for permission to trade, and these are often considerable.

The marks and attributes of royalty are elephants’ tails, carried before the sovereigns, who generally walk with gold or silver-headed canes, and gold-laced hats, which they procure from the Europeans.

The executive power and the right of passing a final judgment are vested in the king; nevertheless the chief of each village considers himself as its master and only magistrate. The king merely invites these chiefs together, and decides in full council on such points as have been separately determined.

The parents of a deceased king or chief do not enjoy the privilege of being distinguished from their countrymen. Each of them exercises his own profession; and it is not rare to see the son of a king reduced, after the death of his father, to hire himself to Europeans as a common sailor, in order to procure the means of subsistence.

The Negroes have no other claim to the lands than present possession. When a cultivator quits any spot, the first comer establishes himself upon it; his only qualification being, that he belongs to the same tribe. This is a point of which they are extremely jealous, as they will not suffer a stranger to settle amongst them without their consent. Their laws, which are transmitted merely by tradition, are nothing but the ancient customs of the country, and differ slightly in various states. The king, assisted by the chiefs, decides on every thing in a _Burree_, or public audience, which is attended by people called _palaver-talkers_, who act as counsellors, and discuss the claims of the parties.

Their debates are in general determined equitably, according to the proofs which are brought forward; particularly when the case is between persons of equal station. But here, as elsewhere, the weaker is often the victim of the stronger party; and he who loses the cause pays the expences, for which he gives security before leaving the council.

Their rules of justice are not, however, so particularly observed in their intercourse with the Whites. It is of no use for the latter to gain the cause, as they never derive any advantage from their success; for they never grant them their expences whether they be in the right or wrong. On asking them their motives for such conduct, they answer, “the white men gain plenty of money, and therefore cannot want it.”

A capital crime is punished either by death or slavery, though the former mode is scarcely at all resorted to, except by the Mandingos, who follow the Mussulman laws, and whose proceedings are very short. Murder, however, is an exception.—The punishment for sorcery is slavery; but for adultery or any other crime, a pecuniary recompence is sufficient.

The manner of causing debts to be paid, is founded on the earliest notions of equity. Debts are ordinarily contracted for a certain time; if, when it has expired, the debtor hesitate or refuse to pay it, the creditor has recourse to the king or chief, who tells the defaulter to perform his promise; but if the advice be not followed, the king permits the creditor to seize the debtor or some of his slaves; and if he live in another town, so that this measure cannot be resorted to, then the creditor arrests the first countryman of the debtor with whom he meets, and detains him till the debt is discharged; an act which the debtor is soon obliged to perform by the inhabitants of the town. The person who has been so detained never fails to obtain damages for his imprisonment.

A law peculiar to Sherbro, and known through all the country by the name of _Purrah_, is the most singular of all the laws established in Africa: this wise and politic institution took its origin from a view to terminate the incessant wars which arose amongst the inhabitants, from their pride, jealousy, and irritability. Every free man thirty years of age, may become a member of the purrah: at the time of his admission he undergoes various ceremonies, conformably to the secret law; and on this point they are as scrupulous as are the Free-masons of Europe, with regard to their mysteries. Both these institutions have indeed many instances of resemblance, such in particular, as the ordination of a grand master, and the exclusion of women. It is only at the last extremity that this institution is resorted to; but it has the right of punishing murderers and magicians.

When two nations, which are at war, become tired of hostilities and wish for peace, though each party be too proud to ask it of the other, they apply to a neighbouring king to get him to act as mediator. When he consents, and he seldom refuses, he informs the two parties that he is about to become their arbiter; that he cannot longer see friends destroy one another; and that if they refuse his interference, he will send the purrah to them. If the combatants do not accept this invitation, the dreadful purrah is solemnly ordained.

As soon as the institution is assembled, and until it has broken up, there must be no more blood spilt, and all the enemies may return, without alarm, to their ordinary occupations. If it should happen that, notwithstanding this decree of terror, the Negro, thirsting for vengeance, avails himself of an opportunity to take it, the purrah, on the news of this event, breaks up, and a body of forty or fifty warriors, armed and disguised, go in search of the aggressors. Every man, whatever may be his station, flees from their presence; and if any one be rash enough to look at them outside his house, they cut him to pieces, and disperse the fragments in every direction. The same fate is reserved for those who have transgressed the decrees of the purrahs, wherever they are met with.

It is impossible to describe the alarm with which this institution inspires the great mass of the people, who believe that its members are influenced by devils, and that they can do all the ill they wish, without receiving any injury in return. They carry off provisions or whatever takes their fancy, without meeting the least resistance. In every part, and amongst all nations, terror is known to produce the same effect. Amongst the Africans it is justified by powerful motives, namely, the re-establishment of peace, and the preservation of man. When the former takes place, the institution breaks up, and each man retires to his home.

A thirst after vengeance, that sovereign passion of the Africans, is the principal cause of their frequent wars. When the nation decrees them, they are general, and each member of a horde sees an enemy in every individual of the other. When they are private, the quarrel only prevails between the two towns, and the expeditions of each are confined to plunder; the highest of their ambition being to surprise and burn a few villages, and take some prisoners.

The inhabitants of the coast have abandoned their national arms for the sabre and musket; but those of the inland parts make use of lances, darts, and poisoned arrows. It is evident the commerce with the Europeans has had a great influence on the morals of the Negroes; it has given them a relish for society, industry, the arts, and domestic virtues. Those who live far inland, are still savages. It is remarked that the inhabitants of the coast or neighbouring isles, are much more vigorous, better shaped, braver, more active, and less superstitious than those of the country parts: this difference must be attributed to their connection with Europeans, to their food, and the salubrious air which they respire.

The Bulams, Tommanies, and Bagos are strong, of a good countenance, and of a fine black colour; their limbs are strait and muscular, their features agreeable, and they are above the middle size. The Tommanies in particular have an open and ingenuous physiognomy, and the women are generally handsome. The Suzees have a yellow complexion; their shape and height are inferior to those of the Tommanies, and they have thick lips and pug noses. The Mandingos seem to be, and in fact are, a separate race: they are tall, but thin, and of a dull black colour; their eyes are small, and they wear their beards like the Jews of Europe. The Bulams, Suzees, and several others shave themselves when they are young; and when they begin to turn grey, they let their beards grow, as they consider white hair to be indicative of wisdom.

The difference of features between the free Blacks and the slaves is so striking, that an eye of the least penetration immediately distinguishes their condition. The former exhibits a noble dignity and pride in his whole person, and his looks are confident and commanding. The slave, on the contrary, depressed by his unfortunate situation, has a servile gait, and neither speaks nor walks without casting down his eyes. The slaves which are brought from the interior, are smaller, less robust, and worse shaped than the free Negroes. Those who live near the sea, are of the same size as their masters.