Chapter XVI: Jaurès

Battles are being fought under our eyes in which thousands of men are dying, yet the sacrifice of their lives does not always influence the issue of the combat. In other cases the death of a single man may be a great battle lost for the whole of humanity. The murder of Jaurès was such a disaster.

Whole centuries were needed to produce such a life; rich civilizations of North and South, of past and present, spread out on the good soil of France, matured beneath our Western skies. The mysterious chance which combines elements and forces will not easily produce a noble spirit like his a second time.

Jaurès is a type, almost unique in modern times, of the great political orator who is also a great thinker, and who combines vast culture with penetrating observation, and moral grandeur with energetic activity. We must go back to antiquity to find one who, like him, could stir the crowd and give pleasure to the few; pour out his overflowing genius not only in his speeches and social treatises, but also in his philosophical and historical works;[40] and leave on all things the impress of his personality, the furrow of his robust labor, the seeds of his progressive mind. I have listened to him often in the Chamber, at socialist congresses, at meetings held on behalf of oppressed nations; he even did me the honor of presenting my _Danton_ to the people of Paris. Again I see his full face, calm and happy like that of a kindly, bearded ogre; his small eyes, bright and smiling; eyes as quick to follow the flight of ideas as to observe human nature. I see him pacing up and down the platform, walking with heavy steps like a bear, his arms crossed behind his back, and turning sharply to hurl at the crowd, in his monotonous, metallic voice, words like the call of a trumpet, which reached the farthest seats in the vast amphitheatre, and went straight to the heart, making the soul of the whole multitude leap in one united emotion. What beauty there was in the sight of these proletarian masses stirred by the visions which Jaurès evoked from distant horizons, imbibing the thought of Greece through the voice of their tribune!

Of all this man's gifts the most fundamental was to be essentially a _man_--not the man of a single profession, or class, or party, or idea--but a complete, harmonious, and free man. His all-comprehensive nature could be the slave of nothing. The highest manifestations of life flowed together and met in him. His intelligence demanded unity,[41] his heart was full of a passion for liberty,[42] and this twofold instinct protected him alike from party despotism and anarchy. His spirit sought to encompass all things, not in order to do violence to them, but to bring them into harmony. Above all, he had the power of seeing the _human_ element in all things, and this universal sympathy was equally averse to narrow negation and fanatical affirmation. All intolerance inspired him with horror.[43]

He had put himself at the head of a great revolutionary party, but it was with the desire "of saving the great work of democratic revolution from the sickening and brutal odor of blood, murder, and hatred which still clings to the memory of the middle-class Revolution." In his own name, and in the name of his party, he demanded "with regard to all doctrines, respect for the human personality and for the spirit which is manifested in each." The mere feeling of the moral antagonism which exists between man and man, even when there is no open conflict, the sense of the invisible barriers which render human brotherhood impossible, was painful to him. He could not read those words of Cardinal Newman in which he speaks of the gulf of damnation, which, even in this life, is fixed between men, without having "a sort of nightmare.... He saw the abyss ready to gape beneath the feet of fragile and unhappy human beings who think themselves bound together by a community of sympathy and suffering"--the sadness of this thought obsessed him.

To fill in this abyss of misunderstanding was his life-work. Herein lay the originality of his standpoint, that although he was the spokesman of the most advanced parties, he became the continual mediator between conflicting ideas. He sought to unite them all in the service of progress and of the common good. In philosophy he united idealism and realism--in history, the past and the present--in politics, the love of his own country and a respect for other countries.[44] He refrained from denouncing that which has been, in the name of that which is to be, as many so-called free-thinkers have done; and far from condemning, he upheld the theories of all those who had been fighters in past centuries, to whatever party they might have belonged. "We reverence the past," he said. "Not in vain have blazed the hearths of all the generations of mankind--but it is we who are advancing, who are fighting for a new ideal, it is we who are the true inheritors of the hearth of our ancestors. We have taken the flame thereof, you have preserved only the ashes." (January, 1909.) In his Introduction to _l'Histoire socialiste de la Révolution_, in which he attempts to reconcile Plutarch, Michelet, and Karl Marx, he writes: "We hail with equal respect all men of heroic will. History, even when conceived as a study of economic forms, will never dispense with individual valor and nobility. The moral level of society tomorrow will be determined by the standard of morality of conscience today. So that, to offer the examples of all the heroic fighters who for the past century have been inspired by an ideal and held death in sublime contempt, is to do revolutionary work." In everything he touches he achieves a generous synthesis of life; he imposes his grand panoramic conception of the universe, the sense of the manifold and moving unity of all things. This admirable equilibrium of countless elements presupposes in the man who achieves it magnificent health of body and of mind, a mastery of his whole being. And Jaurès possessed this mastery, and because of it he was the pilot of European democracy.

How clear and far reaching was his foresight! In years to come, when the record of the war of today is set down, he will appear therein as a terrible witness. Was there anything he did not foresee? One needs only to read through his speeches during the last ten years.[45] It is yet too early, in the midst of the conflict, to quote freely his predictions concerning the coming retribution. Let us recall only his agonized presentiment, ever since the year 1905, of the monstrous war which was imminent;[46] his consciousness "of the antagonism, now muffled, now acute, but always profound and terrible, between Germany and England" (November 18, 1909);[47] his denunciation of the secret dealings of European finance and diplomacy, dealings which are encouraged by the "torpor of public spirit"; his cry of alarm at "the sensational lies of the press, actuated by the rotten system of capitalism, sowing panic and hatred, and playing cynically with the lives of millions of men, through mere financial considerations or delirious pride"; his contemptuous words for those whom he calls "the jockeys of his country"; his clear perception of all responsibilities;[48] his foreknowledge of the domesticated attitude which would be adopted in case of war by the Social-democratic party of Germany, to whom he showed, as in a mirror (at the Amsterdam Congress in 1904) their haughty weakness, their lack of revolutionary tradition, their want of parliamentary strength, their "formidable powerlessness";[49] of the attitude which certain leaders of French Socialism, too, and amongst others Jules Guesde, would maintain in the conflict between the great States of Europe;[50] and, looking even beyond the war, his premonition of the consequences, near and remote, national and international, of this conflict of nations.

How would he have acted had he lived? The proletariat of Europe looked to him for guidance, and had faith in him--Camille Huysmans has said so in the speech delivered at his grave in the name of the Workers' International.[51] There can be no doubt that when he had fought against the war until all hope of preventing it was gone, he would have yielded loyally to the common duty of national defense and taken part in it with all his might. He had announced this point of view at the Congress in Stuttgart, in 1907, in full agreement therein with Vandervelde and Bebel: "If, whatever the circumstances, a nation were to refuse from the outset to defend itself, it would be entirely at the mercy of the Governments of violence, barbarism, and reaction.... A unity of mankind which was the result of the absorption of conquered nations by one dominating nation would be a unity realized in slavery." On his return to Paris, in giving an account of the Congress to French Socialists (September 7, 1907, at the Tivoli Vaux-Hall), he impressed upon them their double duty--war against war, so long as it is only a menace upon the horizon, and in the hour of danger war in defense of national independence. For this great European was also a great Frenchman.[52] Yet it is certain, too, that the firm accomplishment of his patriotic duty would not have prevented him from maintaining his human ideals, and watching with untiring eyes for every opportunity of reconstructing the shattered unity. Certainly he would not have allowed the vessel of socialism to drift, as his feeble successors have done.

* * * * *

He has passed from us. But the reflection of his luminous genius, his kindness in the bitter struggle, his indestructible optimism even in the midst of disaster, shine above the carnage of Europe, over which the dusk is gathering, like the splendor of the setting sun.

There is one page which he wrote, which cannot be read without emotion--an immortal page in which he represents the noble Herakles, resting after his labors on the maternal earth:

"There are hours," he says, "when in feeling the earth beneath our feet, we experience a joy deep and tranquil as the earth herself. How often on my journey along footpaths and across fields I have realized suddenly that it was indeed the earth on which I trod, that I belonged to her, as she belonged to me! Then without thinking I went more slowly, because it was not worth while to hasten across her surface, because I was conscious of her and possessed her at each step I took, and my soul was moving within her depths. How many times at the fall of day, as I lay by the side of a ditch, my eyes turned towards the faint blue of the eastern sky, I have suddenly realized that the earth was speeding on her journey hastening from the fatigues of the day and the limited horizons which the sun illumines, and rushing with prodigious force towards the serenity of night and unlimited horizons, and bearing me with her. I felt in my body as in my soul, and in the earth herself as in my body, the thrill of this journey, and a strange sweetness in those blue spaces which opened out before us, without a shock, without a fold, without a murmur. Oh! how much deeper and more intense is this kinship of our flesh with the earth, than the vague and wandering kinship of our eyes with the starry heavens. How much less beautiful the night with its stars would be to us, did we not feel ourselves at the same time bound to the earth."

He has returned to the earth--that earth which belonged to him, that earth to which he belonged. They have again taken possession of each other, and his spirit is even now warming and humanizing her. Beneath the torrents of blood shed upon his tomb the new life and the peace of tomorrow are already springing. It was a favorite and often repeated thought of Jaurès, as of Heraclitus of old, that nothing can interrupt the flow of things, that "peace is only a form or aspect of war, war only a form or aspect of peace, and what is conflict today is the beginning of the reconciliation of tomorrow."

R. R.

_Journal de Genève_, August 2, 1915.

NOTES

TO PAGE 19 ("LETTER TO GERHART HAUPTMANN")

The letter to Gerhart Hauptmann, written after the destruction of Louvain, and in the stress of the emotion aroused by the first news, was provoked by a high-sounding article of Hauptmann which appeared a few days previously. In that letter he rebutted the accusation of barbarism hurled against Germany, and returned it ... against Belgium. The article ended as follows:

" ... I assure M. Maeterlinck that no one in Germany thinks of imitating the act of his 'civilized nation.' We prefer to be and to remain the German barbarians for whom the women and the children of our enemies are sacred. I can assure him that we never thoughtlessly massacre and make martyrs of Belgian women and children. Our witnesses are on our frontiers; the socialist beside the bourgeois, the peasant beside the savant, and the prince beside the workman: and all fight with a full realization of the object, for a noble and rich national treasure, for internal and external goods which aid the progress and the ascent of humanity."

TO PAGE 41 ("ABOVE THE BATTLE")

My enemies have not failed to make use of this passage to attribute to me sentiments of contempt with regard to the peoples of Asia and Africa. This charge is all the less justified in that I have precious friendships amongst the intellectuals of Asia, with whom I have remained in correspondence during this war. These friends have been so little misled as to my real thought that one of them, a leading Hindu writer, Ananda Coomaraswamy, has dedicated to me an admirable essay which appeared in the _New Age_ (December 1914), entitled "A World Policy for India," but--

1. Asiatic troops, recruited amongst races of professional warriors, in no way represent the thought of Asia, as Coomaraswamy agrees.

2. The heroism of the troops of Africa and Asia is not under discussion. There was no need for the hecatombs, which have been made during the past year, to evoke admiration for their splendid devotion.

3. As regards barbarism, I am glad to confess that now the "white-skins" can no longer reproach "skins, black, red, or yellow" in this respect.

4. It is not the latter but the former whom I blame. I denounce today once more with as much vigor as fourteen months ago, the short-sighted policy which has introduced Africa and Asia[53] into the quarrels of Europe. The future will justify my indictment.

R. R.

* * * * *

PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

INDEX

Abattoir of Ypres and Dixmude, the, 103.

Absurdity, a ferocious, 47.

Academicians and Professoren, the voice of, 153.

Academy of moral science, the, 44.

Address to the Civilized Nations, 60.

Ador, M. Gustave, 83.

Adversary, A Frenchman does not judge his, unheard, 17, 31.

_Agence internationale des prisonniers de guerre_, 83.

Ajax, the madness of, 78.

Albert, King, 93.

Allies, the, 73, 98.

Allophyles, 44.

Angell, Norman, 137.

Apostles, rival, 45.

Architecture like Rheims, a piece of, 24.

Archbishop of Canterbury, 12, 145.

Arguments, furious, 119.

Armies of the Marne and Meuse, 40.

Art, 16.

Aryan race, 44.

Asia and Africa, forces of, 99;
ethnological signification of the terms of, 194.

Atrocities committed in Flanders, 25;
in Russia, 70.

Attila, 21.

_Auskunfts- und Hilfsstelle für Deutsche im Ausland und Ausländer
in Deutschland_, 146.

Austerlitz, 45.

Austria, 50.

Authors of these wars, criminal, 42.

Babut, C. E., 76.

Bach, 44, 163.

Baker, M. P., J. Allen-, 145.

Banking and war, the justification of, 110.

Baptism of blood, 152.

Barbarians from the poles and those from the equator, 41, 44.

Barrès, 44.

Baumgarten, D., 146.

Bebel, 189.

Bees of Holy Writ, the, 91.

Beethoven, 58.

Behring, 61.

Belgium, the neutrality of noble, 20, 87, 93, 94.

Bennett, E. K., 12.

Bergson, 43.

Bishops, 46.

Bismarck, Prince, 45.

Blind loyalty, 26.

Bloody soil, 18.

Bonfire, stirring up the, 42.

Books of every kind and of every color, 77.

Boris Godunov, 59.

Brotherhood, 16, 101.

Brueghel, the stumbling blind men of, 30.

Bucher, Dr., of Strasbourg, 104.

Bull in the arena, a, 28.

Cæsar, 121.

_Cambridge Magazine, The_, 11.

Cardinals, 46.

Caste, a military and feudal, 50.

Catalonia, the thinkers of, 122.

Catechism of Force, 139.

Censor, the German, 163.

Central Bureau, the, 146.

Chamberlain, H. S., 28.

Chauvinism, 38, 147, 160.

Christianity and socialism, 45.

Christians of today, 48.

Cingalese, 41.

City of God, 54.

Civilization, the common trunk of our, 16, 41.

Civil war, a, 123.

Combatants, compassion and kindness between the, 101.

Combats, strange, 43.

Comparisons between the two nations, 167.

Congress in Stuttgart in 1907, the, 189.

Contagion, can we not resist this, 47.

Coomaraswamy, Ananda, 194.

Cornélienne, 100.

Correvon, Rev. Ch., 110.

Cosmic force, 11.

Cossack avalanche, the, 37, 41.

Coster, Charles de, 95.

Courtney, Lord and Lady, of Penwith, 145.

Cubism, 160.

Cyclone, the, 46.

Czarism, the ravenous greed of, 50, 60.

Danger for Europe, grave, 99.

D'Annunzio, 44.

Dante, 25.

Dehmel, 44, 61, 154.

"_Der neue Geist_," 163.

Destiny of nations, 10.

De Unamuno, Miguel, 29.

_Deutschland Über Alles_, 44.

Dickinson, Lowes, 10.

Dickinson, Right-Hon. W. H., 145.

Dilettantism, neronian, 47.

Dogs of war, the, 2.

Dollfus, M. Max., 83.

Don Quixote, 95.

Dostoievsky, 59, 61.

Dryander, Dr. Ernst, 76.

Dunois, Amédée, 14.

Dürer, 163.

Dutch Anti-War Council, 127.

Duty, to seek truth in the midst of error, 26, 169.

Eagles, the three rapacious, 50.

Eckehart, Meister, 165.

Egyptians, 41.

Elite of the World, the, 23.

Emergency committee for the assistance of Germans, Austrians, 144.

Emerson's, a saying of, 117.

Enemies, "for a year I (Rolland) have been rich in," 18.

England, all the hatred is turned against, 102, 145.

Enthusiasm, heroic, earnest, and even religious, 38.

Ephebi of old calmly going to sacrifice, the, 39.

Epic, this monstrous, 43.

Epidemic of homicidal fury, an, 43.

Esthonian nations, 66.

Eucken, 43.

Europe, a mutilated, 43, 123.

Eycks, Van, 95.

Faith in the virtues of one's own nation, 133.

Fatality, 20; of war, 42.

Father, all men are sons of the same, 106.

Fatherland, our earthly, 54.

Finns, the, 67.

Ferrière, M. Adolphe, 89, 168.

Flogged, the privilege of being, 70.

Foerster, Professor W., 146.

Fram, Andrea, 156.

France is ruined, if, 20;
the true, 98;
sublime history, 166.

Frank, 45.

Fratricidal struggle, 90.

Fried, Dr. Alfred H., 171.

Friendly relations exist between the prisoners and their guards, 81.

Fry, Mr. Roger, 11.

Funeral pyre, Europe ascending its, 41.

Galilean barque, the, 143.

George, Stefan, 159, 170.

German prisoners concentrated in France, 81;
my, friends, 99.

Germany, 19;
intellectual élite of, 25;
Kultur, 28;
great minds of, 30, 31;
and England, 187.

God, the great captain, 46.

Goethe, our, 19, 58.

Gondolf, Friedr., 29.

Good and evil, the eternal struggle between, 78.

Gorki, 61.

Greatness, intellectual and moral, 19.

Grodtken, 58.

Grünwald, 163.

Guesde, Jules, 188.

Guilbeaux, Henri, 14.

Haeckel, Professor Ernst, 61, 113, 160.

Hague Court, the, 52.

Hallucinations, passionate, 26.

Hangmen, the people will learn how to deliver themselves from their, 180.

Harden, Maximilian, 115.

Harmony of races, a, 55.

Harrach, Helene Græfin, 146.

Hatred, the wounds of, 91, 100.

Hauptmann, 19, 43, 61, 98, 155.

Herakles, 190.

Hercules, 41.

Heretics, 56.

Hervé, 45.

Herzog, Wilhelm, 57, 163, 170.

Hesse, Hermann, 157.

High Court, a moral, 51.

Hildebrand, 61.

History will pass judgment on each of the nations at war, 15.

Holy Guillotine, 110.

Holy War against Russia, a, 65.

Holz, Arno, 155.

Honor of their state, to defend the, 26.

Hugo, Victor, 120.

Human Mind, the force of, 2.

Humanity is a symphony of great collective souls, 54.

Humperdinck, 61.

Hungarians in distress, 145.

Huns, the, 22.

Huysmans, Camille, 188.

Idealism and German force, 35.

Ideas have no existence in themselves, 118.

Idols, the history of humanity is the history of, 108.

Imperialism, military, financial, feudal, republican, social
or intellectual, 50, 98.

Imperial Rome, 48.

Insulted without even a hearing, 16.

Intellectual élite of Russia, the, 60.

Intellectual leaders, Europe's, 8.

Intellectuals, guilty, 26;
of Germany, 22;
the criminal determination of ninety-three, 28;
provide terrible examples of hatred, 82;
French, 116;
the furious, 151.

Intelligence of the mind, 120.

Intelligent few, the, 109.

Internationalism, intellectual, 111.

International union of women suffrage societies, 146.

Invisible tribunal of humanity, 53.

Ideologues, 2.

Invocation to Peace, 158.

Islam, threats of disturbance in the world of, 99.

Japanese, 41.

Jaurès, 11;
a favorite thought of, 192;
democracy, 186;
the murder of, 181.

Jean-Christophe, 8.

Jena, the bells of, 33.

Jesuits, 46.

Jesus, 15.

Journalists, 162.

Jupiter of the Vatican, 48.

Justice to small nations, 74.

Kalish, 58.

Kant, sons of, 31, 37.

Kill! Kill! I hate the war, 79.

Kipling, 44.

Klein, Dr. Albert, 173.

Klemm, Wilhelm, 159.

Klinger, 61.

Knights-errant of the world, the, 39.

Kock, Hans, 159.

Kolb, Annette, 162, 163.

Kropotkin, 61.

Krupp, 109.

Kultur, 28.

Kulturträger, 67.

Labor parties did not desire war, 42.

_Lamm, der_, 155.

Lamprecht, Karl, 44.

_La Patrie_, 23.

Lasson, 164.

Law is the friend of the weak, 28.

Laws of Nations, the, 52.

Lawyers, 7.

Lee, Vernon, 137.

Legand, René, 187.

Leibnitz, 58.

Leonhard, Rudolf, 156.

_Le Paquet du prisonnier de guerre_, 149.

Letter to Romain Rolland, 64.

Letts, the, 66.

Levites, 46.

Liberator, men make a master of every, 108.

Liberty against barbarism, 57.

Liberty, fighting for the awakening of, 38;
of the world, 64;
the wild violet of, 119.

Liebermann, 61.

Liebknecht, 45.

Life Force, the, 9.

Life, the value of, 53.

Lissauer, 155.

Lithuanians, 66.

Louvain, 21.

Love of our country, 47.

Luzzatti, 47.

Maeterlinck, 95, 193.

Mahler, 59.

Maladresse, 29.

Malines, 21.

Manifesto of Intellectuals, 27.

Mann, Thomas, 28, 113, 163.

Marck, Ludwig, 156.

Marx, Karl, 186.

Maury, M. Lucien, 168.

Medicines for the soul, 91.

Mesnil, Jacques, 14.

Meyer, M. Arthur, 46.

Michelet, 186.

Middle Ages, the great monasteries of the early, 55.

Militarization of the intellect, 63.

Minds, the effort of great, 107.

Minority vitally interested in maintaining these hatreds, 49.

Miracle, men call the sudden appearance of a hidden reality a, 94.

Mobilization of the forces of the pen, this, 60.

Modernism, the noble chimera of, 49.

Moerlins, Frau Marie von Bülow-, 146.

Molière, 113.

Moloch, 48, 108.

Moral epidemic, 11.

Moral triumph, France has won in this war a prodigious, 100.

Moroccans, 41.

Mozart, 163.

Nations subject to Russia are asking agonized questions, 73.

Natorp, Paul, 146.

"Necessity knows no law," 31.

_Nederlandsche Anti-Oorlog Raad_, 127.

Neutral countries are too much effaced, 52.

Neutrality, Belgium's, 34.

Newman, Cardinal, 184.

Newspaper-press of the warring nations, 133.

Newspapers, of both countries give publicity only to prejudiced stories
unfavorable to the enemy, 81;
jests in, 170;
those who behind the line ring the bells, make speeches, and write, 175;
they lie--consciously or unconsciously, 178.

Nietzsche, 58.

Nivernais, my own little town in the, 89.

Nordhausen, Richard, 155.

_Notre-Dame la Misère_, 91.

Ode to a Howitzer, an, 155.

Official agencies, 29.

Officialdom, heroes of, 91.

Omega workshops, the, 12.

Organization, 111.

Ostwald, 28, 111, 164.

Paladins of God, the, 39.

Pamphleteer, a maladroit, 17.

Pangermanism, 68.

Panslavism, 68, 71.

Passion, the language of, 143.

Patrimony of the human race, the, 21.

Patriotism, the true formula of, 185.

Peace, man deteriorates in, 28;
armed, 39;
of Europe, the, 137.

Pedants of Barbarism, 29.

Pedants, the megalomania of, 167.

Péguy, Charles, 31, 32, 37.

Pen dipped in blood, a, 79;
armies of the, 144.

Perrier, E., 44.

Perrette of the fable, 113.

Petzold, 155.

Pioch, Georges, 14.

Plutarch, 186.

Polemics is like a theft from these unfortunates, time devoted to, 98.

Policy, German, 20.

Pontiff, the new, 49.

Pope Pius X died of grief to see the outbreak of this war, 48.

Prelude to the great war of the nations, 2.

Prenant, Mr., 52.

Press, the war-preaching French, English and German, 49;
an unscrupulous, 80;
bullies of the, 91.

Prisoner, the moral situation of the military, 82.

Prisoners, civil, 85;
of war, 97;
Agency, 177.

Priests are marching with the colors, 46.

Problem of freedom, the, 7.

Protest, the poverty of, 17.

Proudhon, 2.

Prussian Imperialism, 26, 50, 57.

Psychologic necessity, 131.

Public opinion, 53.

Public safety, the famous doctrine of, 31.

Publicists trying to rouse the energies of the nation, 102.

Questions which divided you, the, 41.

Race, the idol of, 108.

Racial frenzy, 48.

Rade, Martin, 146.

Rappoport, Charles, 187.

Reason, the unity of, 16.

Red Cross, the, 82, 88.

Redeemer, the, 33.

Reger, 59.

Régnier, de, 44.

Renaitour, J. M., 14.

Renan, 53.

Repatriation, 90.

Reprisals, a desire for, 100.

Responsible for the longer duration of this horrible war? who are, 134.

Retaliation, 51.

Revolution, an internal, 73.

Rheims, 9;
Cathedral, 23, 24.

Rhine, your neighbors across the, 105.

Riga, 66.

Rivalry, the world-wide tragedy of, 128.

Rodin, 17.

Roentgen, 61.

Rolland, Romain, 8;
letters to, 64;
attacks against, 97.

Roman Empire at the time of the Tetrarchy, the, 41.

Rotten, Dr. Elizabeth, 146.

Rouanet, 14.

Rubens, 21.

Rulers, 42.

Rumors circulate only too easily, 80.

Russia, our alliance with, 57;
nations subject to, 73;
generous promises of, 140.

Russian, autocracy, the, 50;
writers have been our guides for the last forty years, 59;
the hand of the, Government, 70;
evils of, Government, 71;
domination very oppressive, 73.

Sacrifice, the ecstasy of, 32.

Sacrilegious conflict, a, 40.

Sancho Panza, 95.

Savageries, 21.

Scheler, Max, 162.

Schickele, René, 160.

Schleinitz, Nora Freiin von, 146.

Schneeli, Dr., 81.

Schrenck, 110.

Schultze, Siegmund-, 146.

Seeherrschaft of Britain, 145.

Seippel, M. Paul, 52.

Senegalese, 41.

Sepoys, 41.

Sermon on the Mount, the, 110.

Shaw, Bernard, 43.

Shameful record, a, 17.

Sikhs, 41.

Silence itself is an act, at such a time, 22;
the heroic discipline of France in, 170.

Sin, the unpardonable, 32.

Socialism, the leaders of, 40;
drifting, 190.

Socialists, German, 45;
Italian, 46;
unite and attack both Kaiser and Czar, 49.

Society of friends of foreigners in distress, 146.

Sons of sorrow, geniuses are, 34.

Soudanese, 41.

Spirit above flesh, put, 24;
is the light, the, 54.

Spiritual forces, 10;
guides of the human race, 151.

Sport, this bloody and puerile, 42.

Stepping-stone, a human, 10.

Stern, Josef Luitpol, 155.

Sterheim, Carl, 161.

Strauss, 53;
Richard, neurotic jugglers with orchestral effects, 59.

Strawinsky, 59.

Sudermann, 61.

Switzerland, 49;
the generous heart of, 54.

Tenderness is wisdom, 157.

Teutonic colossus, the, 47.

Thermopylæ of Liège, the, 93.

Thiesson, Gaston, 14.

Thoma, Hans, 29.

Till Ulenspiegel, 95.

Tillys, modern, 51.

Tokio, 43.

Tolstoi, 16, 59.

Trakl, George, 165.

Trustfulness, culpable, 26.

Turks, 41.

Uebervolk, 78.

Unamuno, Miguel de, 111.

Underhand means, 42.

Unified Europe, a, 125.

Union of Democratic Control, 137.

United States of Europe, a, 112.

Unity of European Future, 152.

Valmy, a hero of, 48.

Vandervelde, 189.

Verdict of history, the, 132.

Verhaeren, 95.

Vices which are profitable, 109.

Victory below means defeat above, 33.

Vierordt, Heinrich, 160.

Voltaire, the motto of, 51.

Von Biberstein, Baron Marschall, 171.

Von Unruh, Fritz, 155, 172.

Wagner, 58.

War, that lies behind the present conflict, the greater, 10;
as a fatality, 20;
is war, 30;
international, 47;
between the Western nations, no reason for, 49;
the delightful promise of a perpetual, 105;
of the pen, 131.

Warsaw, 54.

Wedekind, Franz, 155.

Weingartner, 61.

Wells, 43.

Werfel, Franz, 156.

Whitman, Walt, 7;
and Tolstoi, 16.

William II, 46.

Wolff's Agency, 27.

Wood, James, 12.

Workers' International, the, 188.

Wound will heal, a good open clean, 105;
wounded of both countries are living in terms of friendship, in
Germany and France alike, 82.

Writers, German, 154.

Wundt, 44, 61.

Zangwill, Israel, 137.

Zorothowo, 58.

Zweig, Stefan, 165.

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FOOTNOTES:

[1] For translating "The Murder of the Elite."

[2] One article only, "The Idols," may, I think, have been published in its entirety in _La Bataille syndicaliste_.

[3] I leave my articles in their chronological order. I have changed nothing in them. The reader will notice, in the stress of events, certain contradictions and hasty judgments which I would modify today.... In general, the sentiments expressed have arisen out of indignation and pity. In proportion as the immensity of the ruin extends one feels the poverty of protest, as before an earthquake. "There is more than one war," wrote the aged Rodin to me on the 1st of October, 1914. "What is happening is like a punishment which falls on the world."

[4] A telegram from Berlin (Wolff's Agency), reproduced by the _Gazette de Lousanne_, August 29, 1914, has just announced that "the old town of Louvain, rich in works of art, exists no more to-day."

[5] Written after the bombardment of Rheims Cathedral.

[6] When I wrote this, I had not yet seen the monstrous article by Thomas Mann (in the _Neue Rundschau_ of November 1914), where, in a fit of fury and injured pride, he savagely claimed for Germany, as a title to glory, all the crimes of which her adversaries accuse her. He dared to write that the present war was a war of German Kultur "against Civilization," proclaiming that German thought had no other ideal than militarism, and inscribes on his banner the following lines, the apology of force oppressing weakness:

"_Den der Mensch verkümmert im Frieden,_
_Müssige Ruh ist das Grab des Muts._
_Das Gesetz ist der Freund des Schwachen,_
_Alles will es nur eben machen._
_Möchte gern die Welt verflachen,_
_Aber der Krieg lässt die Kraft erscheinen...._"

(_Man deteriorates in peace. Idle rest is the tomb of courage. Law is the friend of the weak, it aims at levelling all; it would reduce the world to a level. War brings out strength._)

Even so a bull in the arena, mad with rage, rushes with lowered head on the matador's sword, and impales himself.

[7] As one of these 'pedants of barbarism' (so Miguel de Unamuno rightly describes them) writes, "one has the right to destroy; if one has the force to create" (Wer stark ist zu schaffen, der darf auch zerstören).--Friedr Gundolf: _Tat und Wort im Krieg_, published in the _Frankfurter Zeitung_, October 11th. Cf. the article of the aged Hans Thoma, in the _Leipziger Illustrierte Zeitung_ of October 1st.

[8] _Jean-Christophe_, part V, "La Foire sur la Place." In vol. III of the English version.--TRANS.

[9] At the very hour I wrote these lines, Charles Péguy died.

[10] Alludes to a Viennese writer who had told me, a few weeks before the declaration of war, that a disaster for France would be a disaster for the liberal thinkers of Germany too.

[11] See note, p. 193.

[12] Liebknecht has since gloriously cleared his honor of the compromises of his party. I here express admiration of his attitude. (R. R., January 1915.)

[13] Recently published in the _Corriere della Sera_ and translated by the _Journal de Genève_, September 1914.

[14] _Le Temps_, September 4, 1914.

[15] Issues of September 16 and 17, 1914: _La Guerre et le Droit_.

[16] Letter dated September 15, 1871, published in _Réforme intellectuelle et morale_.

[17] Open letter of Dr. Ernst Dryander, the First Court Preacher and Vice-President of the Higher Ecclesiastical Council, to C. E. Babut, Pastor of Nimes, September 15, 1914 (published in _l'Essor_ for the 10th October and the _Journal de Genève_, 18th October).

[18] The newspapers of both countries give publicity only to prejudiced stories unfavorable to the enemy. One would imagine that they devote themselves to collecting only the worst cases, in order to preserve the atmosphere of hatred; and those to which they give predominance are often doubtful and always exceptional. No mention is made of anything that would tell in a contrary direction of prisoners who are grateful for their treatment, as in the letters which we have to transmit to their families--in which, for example, a German civil prisoner speaks of a pleasant walk, or of sea bathing, he has been allowed to enjoy. I have even come across the case of an entomologist who is peacefully absorbed in his researches, and profiting by his enforced sojourn in the South of France to complete his collection of insects.

[19] On this point, I would echo the appeal in the article cited above, from the _Neue Zürcher Zeitung_.

[20] Published by the _Daily Telegraph_, London, 1914.

[21] The Editor of a great Paris paper having offered to publish my reply to those who attacked me, I sent him this article, which never appeared.

[22] Paul Bourget.

[23] The Evangelical pastor Schrenck in an article on "War and the New Testament," quoted with approval by the Rev. Ch. Correvon in the _Journal religieus_ of Neuchatel, November 14th.

[24] In a declaration to the editor of the Swedish paper _Dagen_.

[25] The famous "Appeal to the Civilized Nations" had been sent out shortly before this by the ninety-three German intellectuals.

[26] Holland.

[27] "To let a people," he said, "or still more a fraction of a people, decide international questions, for instance, which state shall control them, is as good as making the children of a house vote for their father. It is the most ridiculous fallacy that human wit has ever invented."

[28] The _Svenska Dagbladet_ sent to the principal intellectuals of Europe an inquiry on the subject of the results which the war would have, "for international collaboration, in the domain of the spirit." It asked "with anxiety, to what extent it would be possible, once peace was concluded, to establish relations between the scientists, writers, and artists of the different nations."

[29] The literary appreciation of the work cited is here treated as of secondary importance, in order that evidence may be discovered with regard to the thought of Germany.

[30] See the article of Josef Luitpol Stern, "Dichter," in _Die Weissen Blätter_, March 1915.

[31] Hohe Gemeinschaft.

[32] Fremde sind wir auf der Erde alle.

[33] _Die Ueberschätzung der Kunst_ (December 1914).

[34] _Von der Vaterlandsliebe_ (January 1915).

[35] December 1914.

[36] _Hymne auf den Schmerz_ (January 1915).--It is to be noted that the _Forum_ is read in the trenches, and that it has received many letters of approval from the front. (_Der Phrasenrausch und seine Bekaempfer_, February 1915.)

[37] I take the phrase from M. Lucien Maury in an article written before the war: (_Journal de Genève_) March 30, 1914. This is quoted recently by M. Adolphe Ferrière who, in his remarkable Doctor's thesis, _La loi du Progrès_ attempts to solve the tragic problem of the part played by the élite.

[38] The review _Die Tat_, published by Eug. Diederichs at Jena, prints long extracts from them in its issue for May 1915.

[39] With an introduction by C. E. Babut.

[40] His principal philosophical work is his Doctor's thesis: _La réalité du monde sensible_ (1891). Another thesis (in Latin) dates from the same year: _Des origines du socialisme allemand_, in which he goes back to the Christian socialism of Luther.

His great historical work is his _Histoire sociale de la Révolution_. Very interesting is his discussion with Paul Lafargue on _l'Idéalisme et le matérialisme dans la conception de l'histoire_.

[41] "The need of unity is the profoundest and noblest of the human mind" (_La réalité du monde sensible_).

[42] "This young democracy must be given a taste for liberty. It has a passion for equality; it has not in the same degree an idea of liberty, which is acquired much more slowly and with greater difficulty. We must give the children of the people, by means of a sufficiently lofty exercise of their powers of thinking, a sense of the value of man and consequently of the value of liberty, without which man does not exist." (To the teachers, January 15, 1888.)

[43] "As for myself, I have never made use of violence to attack beliefs, whatever they may be; nay, more, I have always abstained even from that form of violence which consists in insult. Insult expresses a weak and feverish revolt, rather than the liberty of reason." (1901.)

[44] "The true formula of patriotism is the equal right of all countries to liberty and justice; it is the duty of every citizen to increase in his own country the forces of liberty and justice. Those are but sorry patriots who in order to love and serve one country, find it necessary to decry the others, the other great moral forces of humanity." (1905.)

[45] Or the extracts given by Charles Rappoport in his excellent book _Jean Jaurès, l'homme, le penseur, le socialiste_ (1915, Paris, _l'Emancipatrice_), with an introduction by Anatole France. From this book are quoted the passages referred to in the notes which follow. _Jean Jaurès_, a brochure by René Legand, should also be read.

[46] Rappoport, _op. cit._, pp. 70-77.

[47] Rappoport, p. 234.

[48] In his speech at Vaise, near Lyon, July 25, 1914, six days before his death, he said: "Every people appears throughout the streets of Europe carrying its little torch; and now comes the conflagration."

[49] Rappoport, p. 61.

[50] Rappoport p. 369-70.

[51] "Throughout the world there are six millions of us, organized workmen, for whom the name of Jaurès was the incarnation of the noblest and most complete aspiration.... I remember what he was for the workmen of other countries. I see still the foreign delegates who awaited his words before forming their final opinions; even when they were not in agreement with him they were glad to approach his point of view. He was more than the Word: he was the Conscience."

[52] Who has spoken more nobly than he of the eternal France, "the true France, that is not summed up by an epoch or by a day, neither by the day of long ago, nor the day that has just passed, but the whole of France complete in the succession of her days, of her nights, of her dawns, of her shadows, of her heights and of her depths; of France, who, across all these mingled shades, all these half-lights and all these vicissitudes, goes forward towards a brilliance which she has not yet attained, but which is foreshadowed in her thought!" (1910.)

See his masterly picture of French history, and his magnificent eulogy of France, at the Conference of 1905, which he was prevented from delivering in Berlin, and which Robert Fischer read in his place.

[53] The terms Asia and Africa have not, of course, a geographical but an ethnological signification. Turkey is not, and never has been, European; and it is difficult to decide up to what points certain of the Balkan Powers are European.

* * * * *

Corrections of typographical erros made by the etext transcriber:

Tolstoï=>Tolstoi

Auslænder, Auslander=>Ausländer

Deutschland Uber Alles=>Deutschland Über Alles

Amédee=>Amédée

Rene Schickele=>René Schickele

René Legan=>René Legand

Barrés=>Barrès

Caesar=>Cæsar

Cornelienne=>Cornélienne

Ferriere=>Ferrière

Hervè=>Hervé

Kulturtrager=>Kulturträger

Léonhard=>Leonhard

Liége=>Liège

Peguy=>Péguy

Regnier=>Régnier

Thermopylae=>Thermopylæ

Zorothowa=>Zorothowo

Graefin=>Græfin

Notre-Dame la Misere=>Notre-Dame la Misère

Moliere=>Molière

Jaurés=>Jaurès

èlan=>élan

dènouement=>dénouement

Dr. Ernst Drylander=>Dr. Ernst Dryander

Idealogues=>Ideologues

NEDERLANDSCHE ANTI-OORLOGRAAD=>NEDERLANDSCHE ANTI-OORLOG RAAD

Sterheim=>Sternheim