Chapter XII: The Character of Admiral Farragut (1)

The brilliant and victorious career which has secured for Farragut a leading place among the successful naval commanders of all time was of brief duration, and began at an age when men generally are thinking rather of relaxing their efforts than of undertaking new and extraordinary labors. The two great leaders of the United States armies during the civil war--Grant and Sherman--were not over forty-five when the return of peace released them from their cares; while Nelson and Napoleon were but a year older than these when Trafalgar and Waterloo terminated their long careers. Farragut was nearly sixty-one at the time of passing the Mississippi forts, and his command of the Western Gulf Squadron lasted not quite three years, or rather less than the ordinary duration of a naval cruise in times of peace. Though not unprecedented, the display of activity and of sustained energy made by him at such an advanced period of life is unusual; and the severity of the strain upon the mental and physical powers at that age is evidenced by the prostration of Farragut himself, a man of exceptional vigor of body and of a mental tone which did not increase his burdens by an imaginative exaggeration of difficulties. He never committed the error, against which Napoleon cautioned his generals, "_de se faire un tableau_." On the other hand, the study of his operations shows that, while always sanguine and ready to take great risks for the sake of accomplishing a great result, he had a clear appreciation of the conditions necessary to success and did not confound the impracticable with the merely hazardous. Of this, his reluctance to ascend the Mississippi in 1862, and his insistence in 1864 upon the necessity of ironclads, despite his instinctive dislike to that class of vessel, before undertaking the entrance to Mobile Bay, are conspicuous illustrations; and must be carefully kept in view by any one desirous of adequately appreciating his military character.

As in the case of Nelson, there is a disposition to attribute Farragut's successes simply to dash--to going straight at the enemy regardless of method and of consequences. In the case of the great British admiral the tendency of this view, which has been reproduced in successive biographies down to the latest, is to sink one of the first of naval commanders beneath the level of the pugilist, who in his fighting does not disdain science, to that of the game-cock; and it is doubtless to be attributed to the emphasis he himself laid upon that direct, rapid, and vigorous action without which no military operations, however wisely planned, can succeed. In the want of this, rather than of great professional acquirements, will be most frequently found the difference between the successful and the unsuccessful general; and consequently Nelson, who had seen so much of failure arising from slowness and over-caution, placed, and rightly placed, more stress upon vigor and rapidity, in which most are found deficient, than upon the methods which many understand, however ill they may apply them. Like the distinguished Frenchman, Suffren, who is said to have stigmatized tactics as "the veil of timidity," yet illustrated in his headlong dashes the leading principles of all sound tactics, Nelson carefully planned the chief outlines of operations, in the execution of which he manifested the extremes of daring and of unyielding firmness. There was in him no failure to comprehend that right direction, as well as vigor and weight, is necessary to a blow that would tell; but experience had taught him that the average man wants to be much too sure of success before venturing to move, and hence the insistence upon that one among the features of his military character which to the superficial observer has gradually obscured all others. Vigor even to desperateness of action both Nelson and Farragut on occasion showed--recklessness never. Neither fought as one who beateth the air; and while for neither can be claimed an entire exemption from mistakes, the great outlines of their action can safely challenge hostile criticism.

While, however, both in their respective spheres illustrated the great leading principles of war, the circumstances under which they were called to practice them were too diverse to permit any close comparison, or parallel, to be instituted between their actions. Nelson, for the most part, shone upon the battle-field--by his tactical combinations, by the rapidity and boldness with which he carried out plans previously laid, or, on occasion, by the astonishing _coup d'oeil_ and daring with which, in unforeseen crises, he snatched and secured escaping victory. Farragut in actual battle showed that careful adaptation of means to ends which has a just claim to be considered tactical science; but his great merit was in the clearness with which he recognized the decisive point of a campaign, or of a particular operation, and threw upon it the force under his direction. Nelson acted chiefly against ships, against forces of a type essentially the same as his own, and accessible in all parts to his attack, because belonging to the same element; he might therefore hope to overcome them by the superior quality of his crews or by his better tactical dispositions. Farragut contended with fortifications, whose military powers, offensive and defensive, were essentially different from those of a fleet. Their endurance so greatly exceeded that of his ships as to exclude any hope of reducing them by direct attack; and their advantages of position, deliberately chosen and difficult of approach, could not be outweighed by any tactical arrangement open to him to adopt. He was therefore compelled to seek their fall by indirect means, by turning and isolating them, by acting against their communications--a conception not tactical, but strategic.

It is not meant to imply that the military talents of either admiral were confined to the particular field ascribed to him, but simply that in general they were led by circumstances to illustrate that chiefly. Nelson in his fine campaign in the Baltic evinced his profound intuitions in the science of strategy; and Farragut, as has been said, showed no mean tactical ability in the provisions made for his several battles. The dispositions to be adopted were with him the subject of very careful consideration; and before Mobile he spent hours with his flag lieutenant studying, by the aid of little wooden models, the different positions in which the ships might be placed. Afterward he had the squadron get under way several times to practice keeping close order, and changing formation and course.

Like all men who have achieved eminence, the secret of Admiral Farragut's success is to be found in natural aptitudes carefully improved, and in a corresponding opportunity for action. How much he was indebted to the latter, is evident from the fact that he had passed his sixtieth year before his great qualities were manifested to the world. He was fortunate also, as was Nelson, in the conditions which he was called to meet. Great as were the difficulties confronting each, and brilliantly as they rose to the demand made upon their energies, it may safely be said that more perfect preparation upon the part of their enemies would either have detracted from the completeness of their victories; or else, by imposing greater deliberation and more methodical execution, would have robbed their exploits of that thunderbolt character which imparts such dramatic brilliancy to the Nile and Trafalgar, to New Orleans and Mobile Bay. A modern torpedo line would not leave the gap by which Farragut first meant to profit, nor would it be crossed with the impunity he found; nor could Nelson in his day, without courting destruction, have used against a thoroughly efficient enemy the tactics that admirably suited the conditions in Aboukir Bay and off Cape Trafalgar. But these considerations do not diminish the credit of either admiral, though they help to explain the fullness of their success, and justify proceedings which under different circumstances would be unjustifiable. Rather, it may be said that, in the adaptation of their measures to the conditions opposed to them, what would otherwise invite condemnation as rashness, demands recognition as genius.

For Farragut had a natural genius for war, to which scarcely any opening had been offered before the unexpected calamity of the great civil strife burst upon the country. In estimating his military character and rightly apportioning the credit due to his great achievements, much stress must be laid upon the constant effort for professional improvement made by him from his early life. "Without the opportunity and the environment which enabled him to develop himself," writes one who knew him for over forty years, "Farragut might have gone to his rest comparatively unknown; yet among his comrades and contemporaries in the navy he would have been recognized as no ordinary man, no merely routine naval officer, who kept his watch and passed through life as easily as he could." "He told me," writes another, who first met him after his flag was flying, "that there are comparatively few men from whom one could not learn something, and that a naval officer should always be adding to his knowledge; it might enable him to be more useful some day; that it was hard to say what a naval officer might not have to do." Even after the war, when his reputation was at its height, in visiting European ports he never for a moment lost sight of this duty of professional acquirement. Not a harbor was visited that he did not observe critically its chances for defense by sea or land. "Who knows," said he, "but that my services may be needed here some day?" "Ah, Mr. Tucker," said Earl St. Vincent to his secretary when planning an attack upon Brest, "had Captain Jervis[Z] surveyed Brest when he visited it in 1774, in 1800 Lord St. Vincent would not have been in want of his information."

[Footnote Z: Captain Jervis and Earl St. Vincent were the same
officer under different appellations.]

It was not merely in the acquisition of knowledge, commonly so called, that this practice contributed to prepare Farragut for his great mission as a naval commander-in-chief, but also in the discipline of character and in the development of natural capacities admirably suited for that position. It should not be overlooked that before the war, and now again in our own day, the idea of professional improvement in the United States Navy has fastened for its fitting subject upon the development of the material of war, to the comparative exclusion of the study of naval warfare. This naturally results from the national policy, which does not propose to put afloat a fleet in the proper sense of the word; and whose ideal is a number, more or less small, of cruisers neither fitted nor intended for combined action. Under these circumstances, the details of the internal economy of the single ship usurp in the professional mind an undue proportion of the attention which, in a rightly constituted navy, might far better be applied to the study of naval tactics, in the higher sense of that word, and of naval campaigns. Farragut could not but feel the influence of this tendency, so strongly marked in the service to which he belonged; the more so, as it is a thoroughly good tendency when not pushed to an exclusive extent. But here the habit of study, and stretching in every direction his interest in matters professional, stood him in good stead, and prepared him unconsciously for destinies that could not have been foreseen. The custom of reading had made him familiar with the biography and history of his profession, the school to which the great Napoleon recommended all who would fit themselves for high military command; and of which a recent distinguished authority has said that it may be questioned whether a formulated art of war can be said to exist, except as the embodiment of the practice of great captains illustrated in their campaigns.

From these, with his great natural aptitudes for war, Farragut quickly assimilated its leading principles, which he afterward so signally illustrated in act and embodied in maxims of his own that have already been quoted. He did not employ the terminology of the art, which, though possibly pedantic in sound, is invaluable for purposes of discussion; but he expressed its leading principles in pithy, homely phrases of his own, which showed how accurate his grasp of it was. "If once you get in a soldier's rear, he is gone," was probably in part a bit of good-natured chaff at the sister profession; but it sums up in a few words the significance and strategic importance of his course in passing the batteries of the river forts, of Port Hudson and of Mobile, and brings those brilliant actions into strict conformity with the soundest principles of war. The phrases, whose frequent repetition shows how deep a hold they had taken upon him--"The more you hurt the enemy the less he will hurt you"--"The _best_ protection against the enemy's fire is a well-directed fire from our own guns"--sum up one of the profoundest of all military truths, easily confessed but with difficulty lived up to, and which in these days of armor protection needs to be diligently recalled as a qualifying consideration. It is, in fact, a restatement of the oft-admitted, readily-forgotten maxim that offense is the best defense. "I believe in celerity," said he, when announcing his determination soon to pass the Mississippi forts; and good reason had he to congratulate himself that this faith showed itself in his works below New Orleans, and to lament before Mobile the failure of his Government to observe the maxim which all acknowledge. "Five minutes," said Nelson, "may make the difference between victory and defeat." "False (circuitous) routes and lost moments," wrote Napoleon, "are the determining elements of naval campaigns." All admit the value of time; but with what apathetic deliberation is often watched the flight of hours which are measuring the race between two enemies!

The personal character of Admiral Farragut afforded the firm natural foundation upon which alone a great military character can be built; for while no toleration should be shown to the absurd belief that military eminence leaps fully grown into the arena, like Minerva from the head of Jupiter--that, unlike every other kind of perfection, it grows wild and owes nothing to care, to arduous study, to constant preparation--it is still true that it can be developed only upon great natural aptitudes. The distinction conveyed by a phrase of Jomini, applied to Carnot, the great war minister of the French Revolution, is one that it is well for military and naval officers to bear constantly in mind. "Carnot," he says, although a soldier by profession, "was rather a man with a natural genius for war than an accomplished (_instruit_) officer;" and to the lack of that studious preparation which marked Napoleon he attributes the mistakes which characterized some of Carnot's projects, although as a whole his career showed profound intuitions in the conduct of war. It is open to many able men to be accomplished and valuable officers; a few only--how few, the annals of the past show--receive the rare natural gifts which in their perfect combination make the great captain the highest manifestation of power attainable by human faculties.

The acquirements of the accomplished officer may enable him to see the right thing to be done under given conditions, and yet fail to lift him to the height of due performance. It is in the strength of purpose, in the power of rapid decision, of instant action, and, if need be, of strenuous endurance through a period of danger or of responsibility, when the terrifying alternatives of war are vibrating in the balance, that the power of a great captain mainly lies. It is in the courage to apply knowledge under conditions of exceptional danger; not merely to see the true direction for effort to take, but to dare to follow it, accepting all the risks and all the chances inseparable from war, facing all that defeat means in order thereby to secure victory if it may be had. It was upon these inborn moral qualities that reposed the conduct which led Farragut to fame. He had a clear eye for the true key of a military situation, a quick and accurate perception of the right thing to do at a critical moment, a firm grip upon the leading principles of war; but he might have had all these and yet miserably failed. He was a man of most determined will and character, ready to tread down or fight through any obstacles which stood in the path he saw fit to follow. Of this a conspicuous instance was given in the firmness with which he withstood the secession clamor of Norfolk, his outspoken defense of the unpopular Government measures, and the promptitude with which he left the place, sundering so many associations at the call of duty; and to this exhibition of strength of purpose, through the impression made upon Mr. Fox, was largely due his selection for command in the Gulf.

One of the greatest of naval commanders, whose experience of men extended through an unusually long and varied career--Earl St. Vincent--has declared that the true test of a man's courage is his power to bear responsibility; and Farragut's fearlessness of responsibility in order to accomplish necessary ends, while yet captain of a single ship, was the subject of admiring comment among his subordinates, who are not usually prone to recognize that quality in their commanders. "I have as much pleasure in running into port in a gale of wind," he wrote, "as ever a boy did in a feat of skill." The same characteristic was markedly shown under the weight of far greater issues in his determination to pass the river forts, in spite of remonstrances from his most able lieutenant, of cautious suggestions from other commanding officers, and with only the ambiguous instructions of the Navy Department to justify his action. It was not that the objections raised were trivial. They were of the most weighty and valid character, and in disregarding them Farragut showed not only the admirable insight which fastened upon the true military solution, but also the courage which dared to accept on his sole responsibility the immense risks of disaster which had to be taken.

The same moral force showed itself again, in combination with the most rapid decision and strength of purpose, when his ship was nearly thrown on shore under the batteries of Port Hudson; and yet more in the highest degree at that supreme moment of his life when, headed off from the path he had himself laid down, he led his fleet across the torpedo line in Mobile Bay. To the same quality must also be attributed the resolution to take his ships above Port Hudson, without orders, at the critical period of the campaign of 1863; and it is to be regretted in the interest of his renown that the merit of that fine decision, both in its military correctness and in the responsibility assumed, has not been more adequately appreciated. For the power to take these momentous decisions, Farragut was indebted to nature. He indeed justified them and his general course of action by good and sufficient reasons, but the reasons carried instant conviction to him because they struck a kindred chord in his breast. Speaking on one occasion of his gallant and accomplished fleet captain, Percival Drayton, he said: "Drayton does not know fear, and would fight the devil himself, but he believes in acting as if the enemy can never be caught unprepared; whereas I believe in judging him by ourselves, and my motto in action," he continued, quoting the celebrated words of Danton, "is, 'L'audace, et encore de l'audace, et toujours de l'audace.'"

With all his fearlessness and determination, severity was not one of Admiral Farragut's characteristics. He was easily approachable, entering readily into conversation with all; and added much to the labors of his position as commanding officer by his great patience in listening to matters to which a subordinate might have attended. "His kindness was what most impressed me," says one officer who was a very young man when first reporting to him for duty. Another, who as a midshipman saw much of him, writes: "He had a winning smile and a most charming manner, and was jovial and talkative. If any officer or man had not spontaneous enthusiasm, he certainly infused it into him." Captain Drayton, who had many opportunities of observing, once said of him: "I did not believe any man could be great if he did not know how to say 'No,' but I see he can; for certainly here is a great man, and he is too kind-hearted to say 'No' in some cases where it should be said."

In person, Admiral Farragut was not above the medium size--about five feet six and a half inches high, upright in carriage, well-proportioned, alert and graceful in his movements. In early and middle life he was rather slight than heavy in frame; and it was not until the war, with the prolonged physical inactivity entailed by the river and blockade service, that he took on flesh. Up to that time his weight was not over one hundred and fifty pounds. He was very expert in all physical exercises, and retained his activity to the verge of old age. Even after his fiftieth year it was no unusual thing for him to call up some of the crew of the ship under his command and have a bout with the single-sticks. He felt great confidence in his mastery of his sword, which he invariably wore ashore; and when returning to the wharves at night, through low parts of a town where there was danger of molestation, he relied upon it to defend himself. "Any one wearing a sword," he used to say, "ought to be ashamed not to be proficient in its use."

For many years it was his habit on his birthday to go through certain physical exercises, or, as he worded it to a young officer of the fleet shortly before passing the river forts, to take a handspring; until he failed in doing this he should not, he said, feel that he was growing old. This practice he did not discontinue till after he was sixty. A junior officer of the Hartford writes: "When some of us youngsters were going through some gymnastic exercises (which he encouraged), he smilingly took hold of his left foot, by the toe of the shoe, with his right hand, and hopped his right foot through the bight without letting go." The lightness with which he clambered up the rigging of the flag-ship when entering Mobile Bay, and again over the side to see the extent of injury inflicted by the collision with the Lackawanna, sufficiently prove that up to the age of sixty-three he was capable of showing upon occasion the agility of a young man. This bodily vigor powerfully supported the energy of his mind, and carried him from daylight to dark, and from vessel to vessel of his fleet, in seasons of emergency, to see for himself that necessary work was being done without slackness; illustrating the saying attributed to Wellington, that a general was not too old when he could visit the outposts in person and on horseback.

The features of the admiral can best be realized from the admirable frontispiece. As a young man he had the sallow, swarthy complexion usually associated with his Spanish blood. His hair at the same period was dark brown, becoming in middle life almost black. In his later years he was partially bald--a misfortune attributed by him to the sunstroke from which he suffered in Tunis, and which he to some extent concealed by the arrangement of the hair. The contour of the face was oval, the cheek-bones rather prominent, until the cheeks filled out as he became fleshier during the war; the eyes hazel, nose aquiline, lips small and compressed. At no time could he have been called handsome; but his face always possessed the attraction given by animation of expression and by the ready sympathy which vividly reflected his emotions, easily stirred by whatever excited his amusement, anger, or sorrow. To conceal his feelings was to him always difficult, and, when deeply moved, impossible. The old quartermaster who lashed him in the rigging at Mobile Bay told afterward how the admiral came on deck again as the poor fellows who had been killed were being laid out on the port side of the quarter-deck. "It was the only time I ever saw the old gentleman cry," he said, "but the tears came in his eyes like a little child." A casual but close observer, who visited him on board the flag-ship in New Orleans, wrote thus: "His manners are mild and prepossessing, but there is nothing striking in his presence, and the most astute physiognomist would scarcely suspect the heroic qualities that lay concealed beneath so simple and unpretending an exterior; unless, indeed, one might chance to see him, as we did shortly afterward, just on receipt of the news from Galveston, or again on the eve of battle at Port Hudson. On such occasions the flashing eye and passionate energy of his manner revealed the spirit of the ancient vikings."

Throughout his life, from the time that as a lad still in his teens he showed to Mr. Folsom his eagerness to learn, Farragut was ever diligent in the work of self-improvement, both professional and general. His eyes were weak from youth, but he to some extent remedied this disability by employing readers in the different ships on board which he sailed; and to the day of his death he always had some book on hand. Having an excellent memory, he thus accumulated a great deal of information besides that gained from observation and intercourse with the world. Hobart Pasha, a British officer in the Turkish Navy and an accomplished seaman, wrote: "Admiral Farragut, with whom I had many conversations, was one of the most intelligent naval officers of my acquaintance." He loved an argument, and, though always good-tempered in it, was tenacious of his own convictions when he thought the facts bore out his way of interpreting their significance. When told by a phrenologist that he had an unusual amount of self-esteem, he replied: "It is true, I have; I have full confidence in myself and in my judgment"--a trait of supreme importance to a man called to high command. But against the defects of this quality he was guarded by the openness of mind which results from the effort to improve and to keep abreast of the times in which one lives.

Farragut was naturally conservative, as seamen generally tend to be; but while averse to sudden changes, and prone to look with some distrust upon new and untried weapons of war, he did not refuse them, nor did they find in him that prejudice which forbids a fair trial and rejects reasonable proof. Of ironclads and rifled guns, both which in his day were still in their infancy, he at times spoke disparagingly; but his objection appears to have arisen not from a doubt of their efficacy--the one for protection, the other for length of range--but from an opinion as to their effect upon the spirit of the service. In this there is an element of truth as well as of prejudice; for the natural tendency of the extreme effort for protection undoubtedly is to obscure the fundamental truth, which he constantly preached, that the best protection is to injure the enemy. Nor was his instinct more at fault in recognizing that the rage for material advance, though a good thing, carries with it the countervailing disposition to rely upon perfected material rather than upon accomplished warriors to decide the issue of battle. To express a fear such as Farragut's, that a particular development of the material of war would injure the tone of the service, sounds to some as the mere echo of Lever's commissary, who reasoned that the abolition of pig-tails would sap the military spirit of the nation--only that, and nothing more. It was, on the contrary, the accurate intuition of a born master of war, who feels, even without reasoning, that men are always prone to rely upon instruments rather than upon living agents--to think the armor greater than the man.

The self-confidence which Farragut exhibited in his military undertakings was not only a natural trait; it rested also upon a reasonable conviction of his mastery of his profession, resulting from long years of exclusive and sustained devotion. He did not carry the same feeling into other matters with which he had no familiarity; and he was jealously careful not to hazard the good name, which was the honor of his country as well as of himself, by attaching it to enterprises whose character he did not understand, or to duties for which he did not feel fitted. Accordingly, he refused a request made to him to allow his name to be used as director of a company, accompanied by an intimation that stock representing one hundred thousand dollars had been placed in his name on the books. "I have determined," he replied, "to decline entering into any business which I have neither the time nor perhaps the ability to attend to." In like manner he refused to allow his name to be proposed for nomination as a presidential candidate. "My entire life has been spent in the navy; by a steady perseverance and devotion to it I have been favored with success in my profession, and to risk that reputation by entering a new career at my advanced age, and that career one of which I have little or no knowledge, is more than any one has a right to expect of me."

Farragut was essentially and unaffectedly a religious man. The thoughtfulness and care with which he prepared for his greater undertakings, the courage and fixed determination to succeed with which he went into battle, were tempered and graced by a profound submission to the Almighty will. Though not obtruded on the public, his home letters evince how constantly the sense of this dependence was present to his thoughts; and he has left on record that, in the moment of greatest danger to his career, his spirit turned instinctively to God before gathering up its energies into that sublime impulse, whose lustre, as the years go by, will more and more outshine his other deeds as the crowning glory of them all--when the fiery admiral rallied his staggered column, and led it past the hostile guns and the lost Tecumseh into the harbor of Mobile.

INDEX.

Anecdotes of Admiral Farragut, 11, 12, 22, 26, 35, 45-49, 58, 92,
112, 124, 168-170, 267, 281, 286, 288, 292, 297, 306, 313,
318, 319, 321, 322, 323, 325;
lashed in rigging at Mobile, 272;
visit to Ciudadela, his father's birthplace, 300.

Arkansas, Confederate ironclad, description of, 189;
dash through United States fleet at Vicksburg, 191;
destruction of, 193.

Bailey, Captain Theodorus, U. S. N., leads the fleet at the passage of
Mississippi forts, 149, 151-155;
demands surrender of New Orleans, 168 _et seq._

Banks, General Nathaniel P., relieves Butler in command in the
Southwest, 201;
movement in support of Farragut's passage of Port Hudson, 211;
operations west of the Mississippi, 229, 232;
Port Hudson surrenders to, 235.

Barnard, Major J. G., U. S. Engineers, opinion as to effect of passing
Mississippi forts, 121.

Battles:
Essex with Phoebe and Cherub, 38-44;
passage of New Orleans forts, 149 _et seq._;
passage of batteries at Vicksburg, 187, 192;
Port Hudson, 211 _et seq._;
Mobile Bay, 269 _et seq._

Baudin, French admiral, sketch of, 77;
attack on Vera Cruz by, 79-83.

Bell, Commodore Henry H., U. S. N., fleet captain to Farragut
in 1862, 132, 140;
breaking barrier below river forts, 132;
extract from journal of, 140;
hoists U. S. flag over New Orleans, 171;
at Galveston, 202;
at Rio Grande, 240.

Blair, Montgomery, account of interview with Farragut concerning
New Orleans expedition, 124.

Boggs, Commander Charles S., U. S. N., commands Varuna at passage of
Mississippi forts, 163, 164.

Brooklyn, U. S. steamer, Farragut commands, 1858-'60, in Gulf, 103-105.

Buchanan, Franklin, Confederate admiral, at Mobile, 244, 279, 281-288.

Butler, General Benjamin F., commands New Orleans
expedition, 164, 179, 291.

Caldwell, Lieut. C. H. B., U. S. N., commands Itasca in
Mississippi River, 132, 162;
daring action in breaking chain below forts, 133, 150;
commands ironclad Essex at Port Hudson, 220.

Craven, Commander Tunis A. M., U. S. N., commands monitor
Tecumseh at Mobile, 268;
eagerness to engage Tennessee, and consequent error, 273, 274;
goes down with his ship, 275.

Drayton, Captain Percival, U. S. N., Farragut's chief of staff
at Mobile, 98, 250, 269, 270, 272, 278, 281, 282, 292, 319, 320.

Essex, U. S. frigate, building of, 14;
armament, 15;
history of, 16;
cruise under Porter, 17-44;
capture of, by Phoebe and Cherub, 44;
fate of, 50.

Essex, U. S. ironclad, 192, 193, 211, 220, 232.

Essex Junior, prize to Essex, and equipped as a tender to her, 25;
mentioned, 26, 27, 30, 32, 33, 34, 36;
conveys to the United States the survivors of the action, 49, 50.

Farragut, Admiral David G.:
family history, 1-6, 300;
birth, 4;
appointed midshipman, 8;
joins frigate Essex, 11;
cruise in Essex, 11-50;
first battle, between Essex and two British ships, 38-44;
returns to United States, 49;
service in Mediterranean, 1815-'20, 53-62;
returns to United States, 62;
serves in Mosquito fleet in West Indies, 1823, 63-67;
first marriage, 67;
promoted to lieutenant, 71;
Brazil station, 1828-'34, 71-74;
witnesses French attack on Vera Cruz, 1838, 75-88;
death of first wife, 88;
promoted to commander, 89;
Brazil station again, 1841, 90-94;
second marriage, 94;
Mexican war, 94-97;
ordnance duties, 97-98;
commandant Mare Island yard, 99-101;
promoted to captain, 101;
commands Brooklyn in Gulf, 1858-'60, 101-105;
question of secession, 107-112;
abandons his home in Norfolk and settles in New York, 112;
chosen to command New Orleans expedition, 122-125;
appointed to command West Gulf squadron, December, 1861, 125;
assumes command at Ship Island, 127;
operations below Mississippi forts, 127-149;
passage of the forts, 149-165;
surrender of New Orleans, 166-176;
operations above New Orleans, 1862, 177-195;
promoted to rear-admiral, 197;
blockade operations, 1862-'63, 196-204;
operations above New Orleans, 1863, 203-235;
passage of batteries at Port Hudson, 211-216;
effect of this passage, 222-229;
relinquishes to Porter command above New Orleans, 235;
return North, Aug., 1863, 235;
resumes command in Gulf, Jan., 1864, 243;
blockade duties, 249-254;
battle of Mobile Bay, 268-289;
final return North, 293;
enthusiastic reception in New York, 294;
promoted to vice-admiral, 295;
temporary service in James River, 296;
promoted to admiral, 298;
commands European station, 298-304;
visit to his father's birthplace in Minorca, 299-304;
return to United States, 304;
declining health, 305;
death and obsequies, 306;
monuments of, 307;
analysis of character, 308-326.
Military characteristics:
Personal courage, 44-46, 61, 62, 161, 277, 317-319;
moral courage in assuming responsibility, 26, 60, 124-126, 135,
137-140, 144, 147, 222, 223, 276-280, 318;
hopefulness, 124, 252, 277;
strategic insight, 137, 138, 141 _et seq_., 147, 172, 178-185,
200, 207, 208, 231, 238, 311, 315;
tactical skill, 149, 150, 154, 217-220, 239, 260-263, 311;
self-reliance, 323;
comparison with Nelson, 309-312.
Personal characteristics:
Appearance and bodily strength, 51, 60, 320-322;
gratefulness, 5, 52, 60, 67;
self-improvement, 51, 57-59, 69, 71, 87, 97, 313-315, 323;
habits of observation, 57, 69, 75, 83-88, 94, 98, 99, 124, 313, 314;
thoughtfulness and decision, 54, 70, 106 _et seq_., 113, 123, 124,
139-141, 147, 208, 211, 216, 239, 260, 264, 277;
family relations, 65, 74, 88, 107-109, 227, 265-268;
kindliness, 320, 322;
religious feelings, 252, 266, 277, 292, 325.
See also "Anecdotes."

Farragut, George, father of Admiral Farragut:
birth, 1;
history, 2-5;
death, 6.

Florida, Confederate ship of war (first called Oreto), runs blockade
into Mobile, 197;
escapes, 203;
effect on Farragut, 204.

Folsom, Chaplain Charles, U. S. Navy, influence on Farragut's
early life, 57-60.

Fox, Gustavus V., assistant secretary of the navy, 1861-'65, 118;
relations to New Orleans expedition, 118-124, 318;
urges Farragut to ascend the Mississippi, 183.

Gaines, Fort, defense of Mobile Bay, 247, 259, 268;
surrender of, 290.

Garibaldi, services in war between Argentine and Uruguay, 93.

Granger, United States General, commands at siege of Forts Gaines
and Morgan, 268, 290, 291.

Grant, General Ulysses S, analogy between his turning the position
of Vicksburg and Farragut's turning the Mississippi
forts, 135-138 (and note, 137);
anxieties of, in 1862, 198;
connection between his command and Farragut's, 198, 199;
takes the line of the Mississippi, 205;
takes chief command at Vicksburg, 206;
responsibility assumed in cutting loose from his base
before Vicksburg, 223;
opinion as to importance of Farragut's passage of Port
Hudson, 224, 226;
begins turning movement against Vicksburg, 229;
views as to Red River expedition and Mobile, 1864, 245, 246;
statesmanlike regard to political conditions in military
operations, 137 (note), 251;
present at Farragut's funeral, 306.

Harrison, Lieutenant N. B., commands Cayuga, leading fleet at
passage of Mississippi forts, 159.

Hartford, U. S. steamer, Farragut's flag-ship, description of, 126.

Hillyar, James, British naval captain, commands Phoebe in battle
with Essex, 38-44;
disregard of neutral rights, 32, 39, 40;
relations with Porter, etc., 33-37.

Incident: Farragut being lashed in rigging at Mobile, 272.

Indianola, U. S. iron-clad, capture of, and effect upon Farragut's
movements, 209-211, 224.

Jackson, Fort, defense of New Orleans, mentioned, 65;
description of, 119, 127, 258;
surrender of, 171;
causes of the fall of, 141-147.

Jenkins, Rear-Admiral Thornton A., chief of staff to Farragut, 1863,
203, 208, 211, 234;
commands Richmond at battle of Mobile, 268, 269.

Jouett, Lieutenant-Commander James E. (now Rear-Admiral), commands
Metacomet at battle of Mobile Bay, 271, 272, 278;
captures Confederate gunboat Selma, 280.

Kennon, Beverley, Lieutenant, Confederate navy, commands Governor Moore
at New Orleans and sinks U. S. steamer Varuna, 158, 159, 163.

Kimberley, Lieutenant-Commander Lewis A. (now Rear-Admiral), executive
officer of Farragut's flag-ship, 281.

Lovell, Mansfield, Confederate general, opinion as to cause of fall
of Mississippi forts, 145.

Manassas, Confederate ram, description of, 156;
part at battle of New Orleans, 157, 159.

Mare Island, Farragut's command of, 1854-'58, 99-101;
visit to, 304.

Matamoras, Mexican port, importance to blockade-running, 207, 240.

McClellan, General George B., relations to New Orleans
expedition, 120, 121.

Minorca, Island of, birthplace of George Farragut, 1;
Farragut's visits to, 56, 57, 300;
enthusiastic reception given to Admiral Farragut, 300-304.

Mississippi River, importance of, in civil war, 115-117, 199, 200,
207, 222, 223, 237, 238.

Mobile, Farragut's wish to attack, in 1862, 185;
blockade of, 196, 197, 203, 204, 249, 250;
importance of, 241, 242;
description of approaches to, from the sea, and defenses of, 246-248,
258, 259, 260, 264, 265;
battle of Mobile Bay, 269-289.

Monitors, description of, 255.

Morgan, Fort, defense of Mobile Bay, 247, 258, 259, 271, 290;
surrender of, 290.

Mosquito fleet, origin and service of, 63-66.

Napoleon I, Emperor of the French, mentioned, 77, 136, 143, 308,
309, 315, 317.

Napoleon, Louis, Emperor of the French: Purpose to recognize
Confederacy, 173;
effect upon, of fall of New Orleans, 175, 176;
Farragut dines with, 298.

Navy, United States, inadequate strength of, at different
periods, 6, 13, 86, 101, 116, 117, 314;
consequent bad results, 6-8, 11, 13, 14, 16, 19, 50, 102, 223,
242, 314;
reasons for partial successes of 1812, and delayed action
in 1861, 101, 102;
character and importance of services, in civil war, 135-137,
142, 146, 171-176, 180-182, 199, 206, 207, 222-225, 231
(and note), 233-235, 238, 242, 244, 291.

Nelson, Horatio, British Admiral, mentioned, 70, 160, 240 (and
note), 266, 308;
military character contrasted with that of Farragut, 309-312.

New Orleans, expedition against, 115-176; defenses of, 127-129,
131, 136, 145, 146, 165;
scenes at surrender of, 166-172;
effect of fall of, 172-176;
Confederate demonstrations against, 1863, 233.

Oreto, see FLORIDA.

Pemberton, Confederate general, opinion as to effect of Farragut's
passage by Port Hudson, 224, 225.

Pensacola, evacuated by Confederates, 196;
importance to navy as base of operations, 196, 249, 268.

Perkins, Lieutenant-Commander George H., U. S. N., account of Cayuga
at passage of Mississippi forts, 151-155, 159;
accompanies Captain Bailey to demand surrender of New Orleans, 169;
commands Chickasaw at Mobile, 276, 285, 287, 288.

Porter, Captain David, U. S. N., commands naval station at
New Orleans, 4;
adopts David Farragut, 5;
commands frigate Essex, 11-44;
professional character, 31, 55;
battle with Phoebe and Cherub, 38-44;
navy commissioner, 63;
commands Mosquito fleet, 63-66;
court-martialed, 66;
leaves navy, 66;
Minister to Constantinople, 67;
death, 67.

Porter, Admiral David D., U. S. N., commanding mortar flotilla,
121-123, 130, 152, 171, 186, 188;
opinion on passing the Mississippi forts, 138, 139;
commanding Mississippi squadron, 206, 209, 210, 226, 229, 230, 231;
opinion on Farragut's dash past Port Hudson, 223, 224;
takes over from Farragut command of Mississippi above New
Orleans, 235;
Red River expedition, 254;
harmonious co-operation with Grant, 206, 291.

Port Hudson, position of, 195;
importance of, to Confederates, 199, 201, 207, 209, 222-225,
232, 233;
armament of, 211; passage of, by Farragut, 211-216;
surrender of, 235.

Queen of the West, U. S. ram, capture of, and effect on Farragut's
movements, 209-211.

Red River expedition, purpose of, 253;
militarily erroneous, 245, 246;
disastrous termination, 254;
consequences, 246.

River-defense fleet, Confederate, description of, 156, 158.

Rosas, Argentine Dictator, 72, 74, 91, 92.

St. Philip, Fort, defense of New Orleans, 119, 128, 148, 153, 258;
surrender of, 171, causes of fall of, 141-147.

San Juan de Ulloa, Mexican fort, description of, 79;
French attack on, 80;
Farragut's opinion as to attack on, by U. S. Navy in 1846, 95.

Sherman, General W. T., difference of opinion with Grant, 137
(and note);
attack on Vicksburg, 205;
raid upon Meridian, 253.

Smith, Martin L., Confederate general, opinion as to cause of fall
of Mississippi forts, 145.

Szymanski, Confederate colonel, opinion as to effect of Farragut's
passage of the Mississippi forts, 146.

Tecumseh, U. S. monitor, sunk at Mobile, 256, 268, 271, 273, 274, 275.

Tennessee, Confederate iron-clad, description of, 248, 256-258;
part taken by, in battle of Mobile Bay, 265, 273, 274, 275, 279-288.

Texas, importance of, to Confederacy, 207, 209, 237.

Varuna, U. S. steamer, sunk at passage of Mississippi forts, 163.

Vera Cruz, French attack on, 75-83;
Farragut's report on, 83-88.

Vicksburg, Farragut's first advance against, 181, 182;
his reluctance to a second advance, 182-184;
second advance, 186;
situation of, 186;
Farragut passes batteries, 187;
return below, 192;
importance of Vicksburg to Confederacy, 180, 187, 194, 195, 233;
Farragut's third advance to, 226;
surrender of, 235.

Warley, A. F., Lieut., Confederate navy, commands Manassas at battle
of New Orleans, 157, 158.

Watson, Lieut. John C., (now captain), U. S. N., Farragut's
flag-lieutenant, 1862-'65, 161, 260, 272.

Welles, Gideon, Secretary of the Navy, 1861-'69, 117;
connection with New Orleans expedition, 119, 120, 121, 125, 126;
impressions of Farragut, 124;
urges Farragut up the Mississippi, 177, 181;
letter of, 222 (note).

Wolseley, Lord, views as to the cause of reduction of Mississippi
forts criticised, 142-147.

THE END.

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