Chapter XXXVII: Appendix: Sierra Leone (2)
[112] The reigning family says the _Tarik_ were white and their subjects Wakoris (Mandingoes). This strengthens the Fulani argument, the complexion of the pure-blood Fulani inclining to white by comparison with their neighbours. In his “Notice Géographique sur la Région du Sahel” (which includes Bakunu, the former Baghena), Commandant Lartigue says of the Fulani still inhabiting that district, “Quelques-uns sont presque blancs; leur cheveux sont à peine crépus, et ils ont les traits fins et réguliers des Européens de bonne race.”
[113] The language of the Fulani.
[114] The Empire which, as we have observed, was raised upon the ruins of Ghanata by the Mandingoes, the subject race at the time of the latter’s foundation.
[115] D’Eichtal’s assertion (“Les Foulahs.” Paris: 1842), that the Fulani “to this day” call the whole of Senegambia “Melli,” I do not find confirmed, but it is worth mentioning, nevertheless.
[116] The first map in which Melle figures is a Spanish one (1375 A.D.). In the map of Mathias de Villadestes, the Venetian (1413 A.D.), the word “Toucuzor” is written by the side of that of the King of Melli, “Mussa.” For “Toucuzor” read “Toukulor” (Tukulor), the cross race of Fulani-Joloff and Fulani-Mandingo.—“Considérations sur la Priorité des Découvertes Maritimes sur la Côte Occidentale d’Afrique.”—Binger.
[117] Barth’s chronological table of the Songhay.
[118] Marmol—born in Granada, 1580—translated by Nicholas Perot d’Ablancourt.
[119] The _Tarik’s_ statement that Salta Tayenda fled into “Futa” affords substantial indication of the presence of Fulani in that country at a previous date, which we know, of course, from other sources.
[120] This tradition obviously refers to Fulani pressure—the root of the word (Pul, or Ful) signifying red, or reddish.
[121] A correspondent of a Paris paper, _La Dépêche Coloniale_, writing from Kunde, on the Sangha River, on December 10, 1901, says: “Our clothes, which are ragged from bush travelling, do not convey a great idea of our influence, especially when compared to the Fulbes (Fulani) in their embroidered cloths and leather riding-boots. They are all on horseback and we are on foot. _There are thousands of them_, and all are armed.”
[122] Their presence in Omdurman—that is to say, in the heart of the Eastern Sudan in the Nile valley—has already been noted by Father Ohrwalder. On page 300 of “Ten Years’ Captivity in the Mahdi’s Camp” (Major Wingate, R.A. London: 1895), we read, “Several of the Fellata, who came from distant parts of Bornu, Wadai, &c., were stopped at Omdurman on their way to Mecca”; and again, on page 305, “The inhabitants of Omdurman are a conglomeration of every race and nationality in the Sudan—Fellata, Takruris, natives of Bornu, &c.”
[123] Dr. Barth’s estimate as to the date of the foundation of Ghanata is certainly not exaggerated, in view of the _Tarik’s_ statement that twenty-two kings had reigned before the Hejira.
[124] Ernest Flammarion, Paris. English edition: W. Heinemann.
[125] Toledo was wrested from the Moors in 1085; Saragossa in 1118; Valencia, 1238; Seville, 1248; the Beni-Nasr held Granada until 1492.
[126] De Barros, Barth, _Tarik_.
[127] Makrizi, de Barros, Barth.
[128] _L’Anthropologie_ (Tome x., No. 6), of which Dr. Verneau is one of the editors.
[129] In plain language, a prominence of the jaws—one of the characteristics of the Negro type.
[130] Dr. Randle MacIver and Anthony Wilkin, in “Libyan Notes.” Macmillan & Co. 1901.
[131] Concubinage with negresses being the natural explanation.
[132] Other authorities, basing their arguments, _inter alia_, upon the assumption that the wild people “covered with hair” encountered by the Carthaginian colonists were none other than the gorillas which Du Chaillu, more than two thousand years afterwards, brought to the knowledge of an incredulous world, and upon the unlikelihood of any of those animals being in Hanno’s day so far north, maintain that the expedition reached the Gaboon estuary, or even the mouth of the Congo. The point is never likely to be cleared up. The two sides are stated with great clearness by the late Miss Kingsley in “West African Studies.” (Macmillan & Co.)
[133] Lest it be supposed that I am appropriating other people’s ideas without acknowledgment, I hasten to add that Major Rennel, in his notes on Park’s travels (“Travels in the Interior of Africa.” London: 1799) hazards the same suggestion, and Barth and Frey follow suit. But I think that, in the light of our further knowledge of the peoples and history of Western Africa, the identification of the “Leucæthiopes” with the Fulani becomes a good deal more than a suggestion.
[134] The cattle possessed by the Fulani—who are the herdsmen of West Africa—are the hump-backed Asiatic kind (_Bos indicus_). That was a great point with Faidherbe in favour of the Eastern theory. The Abyssinians’ cattle, it may be observed, belong to the same breed.
[135] “Then Joseph came and told Pharaoh, and said: ‘My father and my brethren, and their flocks, and their herds, and all that they have, are come out of the land of Canaan, and, behold, they are in the land of Goshen.’”
[136] Cattle-rearer.
[137] “An Account of the Native Africans in the Neighbourhood of Sierra Leone.” By Thomas Winterbottom, D.D., Physician to the Colony of Sierra Leone. 1803.
[138] The Joloffs (Senegal) declare that the Fulani converse habitually with their cattle.
[139] Moore, writing of the Gambia Fulani in the eighteenth century, says, they manage cattle so well that the Mandingoes give them their own to look after.
[140] Native cavalry soldier.
[141] Related in the French African Committee’s journal.
[142] De Guiraudon was, apparently, unaware of this passage, which has an important bearing upon his statements.
[143] Not pear-shaped, as with the negress.
[144] Barth, Baikie, Gray, Monteil, Mollien, De Giraudon, Callié, &c., vie with one another in their enthusiasm over the beauty of the Fulani woman of pure blood, which is all the more pronounced in view of their ethnic surroundings. Barth speaks of young Fulani girls whose forms “recall the finest Grecian sculptury.” “The women are very beautiful, and possess strange powers of fascination in their large deep eyes,” says Monteil. “The women in particular,” remarks Gray, “might vie in point of figure with the finest forms in Europe, and their walk is particularly majestic.” “The Fulani women, many of whose countenances are resplendent with a veritable beauty” (Reclus).
[145] “West Africa.”
[146] _Ibid._
[147] Witness, for example, the admirable work on land tenure on the Ivory Coast just published by Administrator Clozel; also that gentleman’s article in the _Journal of the African Society_ for July.
[148] I have not yet heard of any departure from the rule.
[149] “Modern ideas and legislation,” says Dr. Alfred Zimmerman, “forbid violent proceedings. The natives should be taught to work by cultivating the sentiment in them that it is their interest to do so. _Experience proves that protection of property is the surest means to attain that end._”
[150] Paul Kollmann’s “The Victoria Nyanza” may be consulted in this connection with advantage. The illustrations of domestic ornaments, of flasks, bark-boxes, drums, &c., constructed by the natives of Usukama and Ukerewe show real beauty of design.
[151] Sir Marshall Clarke’s recent report is instructive. Speaking of the natives of Rhodesia, he says: “They work in the mines either from direct pressure brought to bear upon them by the administration, a pressure only short of force, or the necessity of earning enough to pay their taxes.... This,” continues Sir Marshall Clarke, “does not tend to make industry attractive”; and, he adds, “At present there is undoubtedly discontent among the natives.”
[152] “The evidence available seems to indicate that the labour difficulty on the Gold Coast may probably be overcome without the importation of labourers from other countries, and that success or failure in the matter is largely dependent on the person in charge of the undertaking. It is very desirable that the persons in charge should be gentlemen and men of education, as it is found that such are more likely to be able to deal satisfactorily with the natives, who generally require to be handled with much tact and judgment.”—Par. 9, “Labour Ordinance”: issued by Colonial Office.
[153] “According to native ideas there is no land without owners. What is now a forest or unused land will, as years go on, come under cultivation by the subjects of the Stool, or members of the village community, or other members of the family” (“Fanti Customary Law,” J. M. Sarbah). What holds good in the Gold Coast is equally applicable to the rivers and to Lagos, indeed throughout West Africa, wherever Negro culture is met with.
[154] In order, of course, to do away with the idea that there is any wish or desire on the part of the Government to alienate the land from the rightful owners thereof.
[155] The amended Lagos Bill exempts from its operation native customary rights and defers to the authority of the Native Councils of the hinterland. Its working depends largely, therefore, upon the interpretation placed by the Colony’s Governor for the time being on the nature of the relationship between those Councils and the Administration. Sir W. MacGregor has passed a Bill (the Native Councils Bill) which, he thinks, will strengthen the position of the Councils. But it is safe to say that, in all matters affecting land legislation in West Africa, the procedure for safeguarding native rights, and in their main lines those rights themselves, should be laid down as clearly as possible in the Act itself.
[156] For an intelligent native view on the subject the reader is referred to the speeches of Dr. O. Johnson, Member of the Legislative Council of Lagos, in moving the rejection of the Amended Forest Ordinance (May 1902). Dr. Johnson’s status in the Colony may be estimated from the fact that the extraordinarily able historical address on the native history of Lagos, delivered by him at the Lagos Institute last year, was published as a Government paper in the Colony.
[157] Who, for some time past, has individually done much to stimulate cotton-growing for export in West Africa.
[158] In the manifesto issued by the Association in October there figures a list of Vice-presidents, headed by Sir Alfred Jones, K.C.M.G., and including no less than twenty-two members of Parliament, among whom one notices such well-known names as Winston S. Churchill, R. Yerburgh, Alfred Emmott, Sir William Mather, Lord Stanley, the Hon. Arthur Stanley, the Hon. W. R. W. Peel, C. A. Cripps, K.C. J. H. Whitley, Sir J. Leigh, &c.
[159] Moloney.
[160] Secretary of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce.
[161] The cotton-producing capacities of Northern Nigeria have already been commented upon.
[162] The _Deutsche Togo-gesellschaft_.
[163] And as with cotton, so with rice—the Songhays were great rice-growers, and _Gao_, or Gago, their ancient capital, is said to mean rice in the Songhay language.
[164] Sir Alfred Jones has voluntarily offered to carry cotton from West Africa freight free for two years, and I understand that Mr. Woermann, of the line of that name, has agreed to ship a considerable quantity of Togo cotton free of charge.
[165] And where the enterprise has been carried out on the household labour plan, which has been compared to the peasant proprietary system.
[166] Chemical manure has been supplied free by manufacturers of the article. An exhibit of cloths manufactured with Togo cotton has been held at Dusseldorf, &c.
[167] Sir H. Johnston’s and Mr. Grogan’s discoveries have recently emphasised this fact.
[168] Now Southern Nigeria.
[169] And, say the merchants engaged in the trade, to high freights.
[170] The American demand is, I understand, increasing.
[171] C. O. Report, No. 348.
[172] For a technical explanation read the following: “The extremely high prices obtained here for figured logs have naturally excited shippers, especially native traders, and all are desirous to learn what constitutes figure.... This is a subject difficult to elucidate, but we may say that ‘roe’ may be described as the curved direction the grain of the wood takes by one ring overlapping the other; to be of any value, beyond ordinary plain wood, it must be of a very pronounced and bold character. This gives the required variation of light and shade.”
[173] The conversion of several hundred natives to Islam at Jebu-Ode, one of the large Yoruba centres in close proximity to Lagos, and where the Church has laboured for years, is a recent incident which points in the direction stated.
[174] _Tarik._
[175] Kanem at the time ruled over what was known later as Bornu.
[176] Makrizi attributes the introduction of Islam into Kanem to Hadi el Othman, who was probably of Fulani origin, although Makrizi does not say so.
[177] Timbuctoo was not founded until about seventy years after the conversion of Za Kasai.
[178] The theory which gives an Eastern origin to Mohammedan proselytism in Kanem seems unworthy of consideration.
[179] The manatee is the _ayu_ of the Fulani, and its signification—viz. that of a mythical creature living in the water and dragging any one in who sees it—seems to argue the existence of an ancient superstition. In various parts of the Niger and Binue this strange animal is still regarded with a certain awe, which, however, does not prevent it from being slaughtered, both for its flesh and skin. The Soninke legend of the water serpent, which each year claimed the handsomest girl of the village as a victim, would seem to bear a distinct relation to this, the former _ayu_ worship of the Songhays.
[180] Binger suggests that the word Mande, or Mandingo, is derived from the same root as manatus, and signifies the people of a country where the manatus is worshipped.
[181] “Mungo Park.” Joseph Thomson. The “World’s Greatest Explorers” series.
[182] Palgrave’s “Arabia,” vol. i. p. 372.
[183] “Niger and Yoruba Notes,” January 1900.
[184] A native of the Western Sudan.
[185] Blyden.
[186] It has been pointed out to me that the Muslim teachers in this mosque do not teach reading, but only the Slate-pattern. That simply shows that Islam in West Africa is capable of being much improved, and should be moulded, if possible, on Western lines of thought; but it does not affect the main argument in the least.
[187] Captain Morrison’s report, issued by the Government of the French Sudan.
[188] For instance, read the following passages in “Pilkington of Uganda” (C. F. Harford Battersby). “This is the lost truth, the loss of which gave Satan the opportunity of introducing both Mohammedanism and Popery.... They (the Waganda) have learnt to contend with the three forms of darkness which they will meet in Africa: Heathenism, Mohammedanism, and Popery.” And again: “Does it not seem as if the French Mission is just God’s appointed instrument to complete the confusion of Rome in Uganda?”
[189] Le Chatelier.
[190] The nineteenth century.
[191] The nineteenth century.
[192] It is a remarkable fact, frequently borne witness to, that an unarmed Muslim Negro can travel without molestation through vast stretches of country in Africa, a privilege denied to his Christianised compatriot.
[193] “Esclavage, Islamisme, et Christianisme.”
[194] Affecting in many parts the laws and customs of the people in respect to native land tenure.
[195] “Le Sénégal: la France dans l’Afrique Occidentale.”
[196] Negro medical men—I mean qualified medical men—of whom there are a few in West Africa, emphatically corroborate this: and they bring a great many arguments, founded upon actual experience, in support of the contention.
[197] An ecclesiastic well known in the African field, and for whose really wonderful labours I entertain the highest respect and admiration, informed me only the other day that, within his personal cognisance, over 150 couples had been married in Liberia by a certain minister, in a certain district, within a period of five years; and that the total number of births up to date was five, and the survivals two. My reverend friend found in that striking fact (for the truth of which he vouched, and he is a truthful man) a justification of his view that a large proportion of Liberians, that is to say, the descendants of the blacks from the States, led indolent and unhealthy lives. To my mind, it conveys an eloquent demonstration, that _on West African soil_ monogamy for the Negro spells race extinction. Naturally my friend would not admit the conclusion, although in his heart of hearts I believe he is rather troubled on the subject. But he recognised—and admitted—in course of conversation that polygamy was a question which the Church, in her work among tropical peoples, had now to resolutely face and earnestly discuss. There is, I fear, no doubt that the monogamist—or professing monogamist—Liberians are, like the Waganda, dying out.
[198] Politically, the same attitude is adopted by the British authorities; and in the case of the Sierra Leone Hut-tax war, and the Forest Ordinances in Lagos, it has been sought to divorce the educated—and mainly, professing Christian—element of the coast from community of thought, sympathy, and common racial feelings with the non-educated, and mainly pagan or Mohammedan, element of the interior.
[199] “As soon as half a dozen missionaries leave Liverpool,” writes the same authority, Archbishop Dobson, “no end of a stir is made about the devoted party, and so forth. I do not mean to be sarcastic about the missionaries, but it does make one a trifle ashamed at times to meet a stalwart trader hereabouts on an occasion, who has been coming here off and on for twenty years, and his chief business is palm-oil, and his best view a mangrove swamp.”
[200] It is even admitted to be harmful by Sir Alfred Jones, whose steamers carry a large proportion of this liquor to West Africa, and by a large proportion of the merchants who deal in it. The merchants are sometimes violently attacked on account of this trade. Personally, I detest the West African liquor traffic. I look upon it in the same light as the opium traffic in the Far East—a blot upon the escutcheon of Christian Europe. But those who denounce the merchants might just as well, and more logically, denounce the Governments. _Per se_ the liquor traffic is not a lucrative trade to the merchant, but to the local administrations on the coast it is the backbone of revenue. I was never able to share the late Miss Kingsley’s views on this subject, while fully agreeing with her as to the inanity of making the merchants the scapegoats of an evil the responsibility for which is, in a sense, universal. Despite anything that may be said to the contrary, I shall believe that a powerful factor in determining Miss Kingsley’s views was the knowledge that, but for the existence of the liquor traffic as a supplier of revenue, direct taxation would be substituted throughout British West Africa owing to the extravagance of the Crown Colony system; and I know that Miss Kingsley strongly objected to the introduction of European spirits into the interior regions by means of the railways. The liquor question would require a special chapter to adequately discuss.
[201] He will, no doubt, be edified to learn that the Cape Government has found it necessary to pass a law imposing a severe term of imprisonment upon white _women_ convicted of sexual intercourse with the natives—a circumstance not precisely calculated to increase his respect for our Christian civilisation.
[202] Captain—now Commandant—Binger has for some little time past been in charge of the African Department of the French Colonial Office. His travels, books, and pamphlets are familiar to every student of Western Africa.
[203] It would seem now that they have temporarily prevailed with the Government.
[204] In the Sokoto Empire (Hausa States) more particularly.
[205] They did it so well that, after the failure of their attack upon the French camp, they denuded the country of supplies and reduced the expedition to terrible straits for a time.
[206] The fall predicted, and officially foreseen, in 1901 has come about, owing to the rubber crisis. The measures taken during the last fifteen months to stimulate fresh industries in the country, and the advance of the railway, will, no doubt, make themselves felt in the next two or three years.
[207] For the Lagos exports and expenditure, see Appendix.
[208] C.O. Report. 1900.
[209] “Rapport d’ensemble.” Dahomey, 1900.
[210] For 1902, on a total estimated expenditure of £121,560, Dahomey provides £32,000 for the railway and £11,911 for public works ordinary or, say, a total of £43,911 for railway and public works.
[211] The following statistics of the export trade of Dahomey, compiled from figures recently obtained, are interesting:
QUANTITIES IN KILOS.
(1015 kilos to the ton.)
Palm-kernels. Palm-oil.
1898 18,091,312 6,059,539
1899 21,850,982 9,650,081
1900 21,986,043 8,920,359
1901 24,211,614 11,290,658
First quarter 1902 6,972,297 3,488,766
_Ibid._ 1901 4,768,050 1,993,520
[212] See Appendix.
[213] It is worthy of note that the French Government authorises the Administration of the several West African colonies to make their own agreements for railway construction.
[214] So far as the heavier duties charged on spirits in Lagos are concerned, the fact is distinctly to the credit of Lagos.
[215] There is a very curious circumstance connected with the ground-nut trade. All the ground-nuts go to the Continent—both from Senegal and Gambia—the oil extracted, therefrom, or the bulk of it, is used in making margarine, which is subsequently consumed, to a very large extent, by the English people! Why have we not our own crushing-mills? Is it because we are short of milk? It cannot but strike one as peculiar and unfortunate that we should send our West African ground-nuts to France, and afterwards buy from the French the oil the nuts yield for our own consumption! Ground-nuts will grow anywhere in West Africa, and the labour involved in cultivating them is very small.
[216] Belgian syndicates have been trying, and are still trying, to get hold of the French Ivory Coast goldfields. Hitherto they have been defeated by the vigilance of the French merchants; but there is no knowing what may happen in view of the extraordinary influence which King Leopold appears to wield over the French official world.
[217] “Sur des traces probables de civilisation Egyptienne et d’hommes de race blanche à la Côte d’Ivoire.” Masson & Cie., Paris. A pamphlet which ought to be read by all students of West Africa.
[218] Specie is usually included in the trade figures—a very misleading practice.
[219] Sir David Chalmers’ report, p. 169.
[220] Like the Susus, for example, who are very numerous in French Guinea, but of whom a few only have settled in the British Protectorate adjoining.
[221] Let it not be imagined that the contrast here made between French political action in Dahomey and British political action in Ashanti implies approval of direct taxation _per se_. It is ever a dangerous experiment in West Africa, especially with pagans, even if conquest has supervened. If the system under which the taxes are collected is not carefully watched, grave abuses are almost certain to follow. Quite recently rumours of oppression in the taxation of the natives in Upper Dahomey have appeared in the French Press. What truth there may be in them I do not know. But it is true, I believe, that the excellent staff whom Governor Ballot gathered round him has left the Colony since Ballot left it, and has been replaced by less experienced and less competent material.
[222] Last Ashanti Blue Book, 1902.
[223] See Note in Appendix.
[224] See the evidence of Lieutenant-Colonel Gore, Colonial Secretary for Sierra Leone. Sir David Chalmers’ report.
[225] Between July 1894 and February 1898 no fewer than sixty-two convictions—admittedly representing a small proportion of offences actually committed—were recorded against them for flogging, plundering, and generally maltreating the natives.
[226] One of the pet arguments of the authorities consists in invoking the benefits which have accrued to the people of the Protectorate since the passing of the Protectorate Ordinance in the matter of putting down the slave trade. For these benefits the natives, says officialdom, ought to be delighted to pay a tax. Possibly they would have paid it in time, more or less willingly, had they been approached in a different spirit. But, so far as the slave trade is concerned, the argument is singularly weakened by the circumstance that Sir F. Cardew publicly declared in 1895 that the slave traffic had “practically disappeared within the Protectorate.”
[227] The French West African Company, _Cie française de l’Afrique Occidentale_, is the largest French firm of African merchants in West Africa. Founded in 1887 with a capital of 7,000,000 francs; total turn-over in 1899, 22,000,000 francs; factories in Senegal, French and Portuguese Guinea, Gambia, Sierra Leone, Lagos, and Ivory Coast.
[228] In 1900, 39,874,005 francs; in 1901, 43,965,950 francs.
[229] The same game was tried with the Germans in Cameroons. To quote from an article in the _National Zeitung_, which, as I have reason to know, may be accepted as authorised: “If in the Congo State itself the Berlin Act could be disregarded in this way, and the natives obliged to bring in the produce against their will, why could it not also be done in other places? And as the Congo State was itself making the best use of its monopoly, and only gave concessions to others at high prices, the monopolists tried, and not without result, to obtain the same state of affairs both in France and in Germany. In Germany, the German Colonial Society at once protested against this state of affairs. In spite of this, however, several of the Belgian capitalists were able to obtain the help of influential German persons, who obtained from the Government the concession of South Cameroon. This company had obtained the assistance of Colonel Thys for its operations on the Brussels Stock Exchange, and immediately after the flotation of the company the shares were driven up to two or three times their value. Further concessions in the free-trade zone were not conceded, and, with the exception of the North-West Cameroon concession, in consequence of the energetic opposition in colonial circles, no further concessions were, or will be, made in the German territories. The German Government has entirely abandoned this policy of concessions.”
[230] It is, of course, no easy matter to get at the precise constitution of these companies, but the following example of one of the “groups” is typical of the majority of them. _Comptoir Colonial français._ Parent company: head offices, Paris; has founded at least six Concessionnaire Companies, of a total capital of 9,650,000 francs; Board of Administration numbers six directors, of whom three are Belgians; two-thirds of the shares held in Belgium; two of the Belgian directors are directors of the four _Domaine Privé_ Companies in the Congo State, whose profits are shared by the State (read the King); the third also belongs to the Congo clique; among the Belgian shareholders are other directors of these same _Domaine Privé_ Companies, all men enjoying the confidence of, and closely connected with, the Sovereign of the Congo State. One of the six Concessionnaire Companies of this “group” has specially distinguished itself in the persecution to which British merchants have been subjected—discussed in the next chapter.
[231] Some light has been thrown upon its African chapters by Mr. R. E. Dennett, an Englishman in French Congo, and a recognised authority on the Fjort peoples, in “West Africa.”
[232] I should say now, ex-Deputy.
[233] “Une idée domine l’ensemble du système, tous les produits du territoire, concédé quels qu’ils soient, sont la propriété de la Société Concessionnaire. Seuls les agents de cette Société ont le droit de les recueillir ou de les acheter des indigènes qui les ont récoltés; ces derniers ne pouvant disposer librement que des produits des reserves qui leur ont été spécialement attribuées et sur lesquelles je reviendrai, et devant en thèse générale, lorsqu’ils s’emparent d’un produit quelconque du sol en dehors de ces reserves, les remettre aux concessionnaires dont l’intérêt bien entendu, est de remunérer ensuite leur travail.”
[234] “Les indigènes ont droit aux superficies qui leur sont nécessaires pour les cultures vivrières correspondantes aux besoins de leur alimentation. On peut leur attribuer une certaine étendue de forêt nécessaire à leurs besoins de chauffage et de construction, mais ils n’ont pas droit a réclamer des forêts domaniales _dans le but de faire commerce de leurs produits naturels_ et de constituer ainsi une concurrence ruineuse pour le concessionnaire” (Art. 18).
[235] The French Government has recently voted De Brazza an annual pension of 10,000 francs.
[236] “Concessions Congolaises.” By Albert Cousin, Membre du Conseil Supérieur des Colonies. Paris: Augustin Chalamel.
[237] An English trader, Mr. Walker, was the first to do so. He is admitted by French writers to have discovered the Ogowe.
[238] Messrs. John Holt & Co. and Messrs. Hatton & Cookson, both of Liverpool, and both connected with the West African Trade for upwards of half a century. Mr. John Holt is probably the most enterprising pioneer of Britain’s trade in West Africa, possessing trading stations in most of the British and Foreign West African Colonies. He is the vice-chairman of the African Trade Section of the Liverpool Chamber of Commerce, and very few men living have so wide a grasp of West African questions or so profound a knowledge of West African problems.
[239] Whose existence was unknown in England until towards the end of last year.
[240] Seizure of British goods on public roads; breaking open of British factories; flogging of British native agents, &c.
[241] Notably that most excellent monthly, _Le Bulletin du Comité de l’Afrique française_, through the instrumentality of the two distinguished thinkers and writers who dictate its policy, Count Robert de Caix and M. Auguste Terrier.
[242] Forty tons of ebony, bought in the usual way by a British firm on the Congo and shipped to Havre in a French ship, were seized at that port (1902) on a mandate of a Concessionnaire Company. This produce has, however, now been restored.
[243] The Foreign Office was warned as far back as the beginning of 1898 by the Manchester Chamber of Commerce of the danger of the possible inauguration of a system of territorial monopolies. Lord Salisbury said it would receive “our most earnest attention,” and admitted inferentially that in fiscal questions England had, as a free-trade country, “inferior” means of influencing other countries; “with the occasional exception,” added his lordship, “of territorial concessions, we have no means whatever of persuasion.” Nevertheless, in the purely fiscal question which formed the principal object of the Deputation of Chambers of Commerce to Lord Salisbury on this occasion, that of the differential tariff in the French possessions, Lord Salisbury was able to get his own way, simply by persuasion, by “influencing France’s ideas.” Yet in this matter of the French Congo Concessions, in which the purely fiscal question does not enter at all, and where we have an international treaty to work on, Lord Lansdowne has been unable to prevent the expulsion of British merchants from an internationally free-trade zone!
[244] The _Morning Post_, the _Manchester Guardian_, the _Liverpool Daily Post_, and _West Africa_.
[245] The German merchants, despairing of obtaining even the most elementary justice, have evacuated the territory. Our merchants have chosen the nobler part of making a stand for their rights, guaranteed under international law.
[246] To which must now be added the somewhat similar Rabinek affair—an Austrian subject arrested and “removed” by the Congo State in the Katanga district under circumstances analogous, in some measure, to the case of Mr. Stokes.
[247] The other day the then French Parliamentary representative of Senegal, in a speech to his constituents at St. Louis, warned them that the greatest danger threatening their hinterland, the French Sudan, was King Leopold of Belgium and his monopolist gang.
[248] At the great “Colonial Congress” held in Berlin on October 11, Consul Vohsen moved a resolution, unanimously carried, calling upon the Powers to institute proceedings for the revision of the Berlin Act. Consul Vohsen said: “From the very first the Congo State, and recently France in the French Colony of French Congo, have acted against the principles laid down in the Congo Act.” ... Referring to the Congo State, he continued: “All so-called countries ‘not occupied by natives’ situated in the Free Trade zone were, as far back as July 1885, declared the property of the State, and in the year 1892 heavy taxes were imposed upon the rubber trade, which was entirely prohibited in parts of the Free Trade zone. The consequence was that the freedom of trade and commerce guaranteed by the Congo Act was practically abolished. The first condition of freedom of trade for the nations is freedom to the natives, in such a way as to leave them free to dispose of the natural products of the soil and of the chase; which state of affairs existed before the passing of the Act in all French, English, and German colonies in West Africa, and exists to-day, with the exception of the territories of the Congo State and the French Congo, the very colonies where, strange to say, free trade is insisted upon by Articles I. and V. of the Act.”
[249] Among the supporters of the Mansion House meeting of May 15 (held under the auspices of the Aborigines Protection Society) were Mr. John Morley, Sir J. Kennaway, Earl Spencer, the Marquis of Ripon, Lord Avebury, Mr. Lecky, M.P., Sir Edward Clarke, K.C., Sir W. Brampton Gurdon, M.P., K.C.M.G., Sir Charles Dilke, M.P., Sir Mark J. Stewart, M.P., Mr. James Bryce, M.P., Mr. W. S. Robson, M.P., and other politicians of both parties. Five Chambers of Commerce, the African Society, and the German Colonial Society were represented, and Dr. Alfred Zimmermann, _attaché_ to the German Embassy in London, also attended.
[250] Commandant Binger’s views are well known. M. Cousturier (Governor of French Guinea), in his report on French Guinea for 1901, does not conceal his adverse opinion of Belgian methods of collecting rubber in the Congo State.
The author could produce documentary evidence showing that similar opinions are held by other well-known French officials in West Africa.
[251] Belgium, Great Britain, France, Germany, Austria-Hungary, Italy and Russia sent delegates to the conference.
[252] This was done with the exception of England.
[253] Diego Cam.
[254] The original title had by this time been changed to that of “International Congo Association.”
[255] The point is brought out very clearly by Mr. Dennet, our only authority on the Fjort Kingdom of Congo, and the author of several books concerning the Fjort, in a series of interesting letters published last year in “West Africa.” Mr. Dennet, who has lived twenty-two years consecutively in the Lower Congo, positively declares that the treaties made by the Association, and referred to by General Sandford, had no validity whatever in native law.
[256] In his report on the Congo State for 1898, Consul Pickersgill concludes a long enumeration of the taxes levied upon independent trade by the following humorous passage:
“I may sum up this portion of my remarks by quoting the jocose observations of the English and American missionaries, who declared to me that there is nothing free in the Independent State, except fevers; while a Belgian Father with whom I had some conversation on the subject, remarked: ‘The Government taxes even the civilisation we bring.’”
[257] Who held the monopoly of the ivory trade in the Upper Congo, which the Congo State, by exterminating them with the aid of its cannibal soldiery (see Hinde’s “Fall of the Congo Arabs”), became possessed of.
[258] See Mr. Herbert Ward’s “Five Years with the Congo Cannibals,” p. 297.
[259] The whole paragraph might have been written a few weeks, instead of eleven years, ago. The state of affairs pictured by Colonel Williams has worsened instead of bettered. The evil is more widespread and the means of perpetuating it more extensive and more powerful. Read in this connection the latest revelations by Mr. Canisius and Captain Burrows.
[260] The importance of the 10 per cent. import duty was purposely exaggerated. The amount derived therefrom was trifling. The merchants objected to it on principle. As Sir Albert Rollit justly remarked, “The reason for our opposition is only that they (the import duties) would infringe the great principle of freedom of commerce, which was the very basis of the programme of the Berlin Conference.” It is quite clear, however, that the majority of the merchants also opposed the import duties from a vague distrust of the king’s ultimate intentions, a distrust which events proved to be only too well founded.
[261] The map published by the African Society in the May (1902) issue of its Journal may be consulted with advantage in this respect.
[262] Among whom might be mentioned Augouard, Hinde, Glave, Morrison, Hawkins, Sheppard, Andrew, Sjöblom, Alfred Parminter, De Mandat-Grancy, Rankin, Murphy, Lloyd, Grogan, and many others, without counting Belgian authorities—more numerous than all foreigners put together.
[263] At the present moment heavy fighting is going on in the Welle district, due, as I have reason to know, to the usual rubber taxes. The facts as to this particular rising may, happily, have been made public before the publication of the present volume.
[264] The regular army—_Force Publique_—of the Congo State is admitted officially (Bulletin, July 1900) to be 15,000, but we know that in addition to this regular force—15,000 cannibals armed with Albinis, sections of whom are continually revolting—the State habitually arms, whenever it deems necessary, thousands of irregulars, cannibals for choice (see the letter written in October 1899 to the king by the acting head of the American Presbyterian Mission in the Kassai district). There is also a large reserve corps, but the extent of it is not known.
[265] It may be usefully noted here that the _impôts de nature_ are applied by the Congo State in the so-called Free Trade Zone as well as in the _Domaine Privé_, and until the Kassai district was incorporated in the _Domaine Privé_ many and bitter were the complaints by companies operating in the former zone of the unfair competition to which they were subjected by the levying of this tribute. Instances have been given by some of these irate traders where the State’s officials have threatened the natives with condign punishment if they did not hand over all their rubber to the said officials. An arrangement has recently been concluded between the State and the Kassai companies—the Kassai district was the only portion of the Upper Congo where independent trade had been allowed—whereby the Kassai companies have amalgamated into a syndicate _in which the State holds one half the interest_. To all intents and purposes, therefore, the Kassai has now been incorporated in the _Domaine Privé_, WHICH HENCEFORTH EMBRACES THE WHOLE OF THE CONGO STATE NORTH OF STANLEY POOL.
[266] Both these facts have been repeatedly asserted. They were proved beyond manner of doubt last year by the disclosures attendant upon the Mongolla scandals, in which agents of the _Société Anversoise_ were involved.
[267] Seven, if we include the Kassai Trust recently formed.
[268] Baron A. Goffinet is “Conseiller de Légation, Secrétaire des Commandements de leurs MM. le Roi et la Reine, Major de l’Etat, Major de la Garde Civique, Aide-de-camp, Ministre Résident.” Baron C. Goffinet is “Conseiller de Légation, Intendant de la Liste Civile du Roi, Ministre Résident, Major de la Garde Civique.”
[269] I have quite recently received from another correspondent in the Congo the photograph here reproduced.
[270] “Abir (Société à responsabilité limitée) Statuts.” Anvers: Imprimerie Ratinckx Frères, Grand Place, 40-42.
[271] “Comptoir Commercial Congolais (Société à responsabilité limitée) Statuts.” Anvers: Imprimerie Ratinckx.
[272] “Compagnie du Lomami (Société Anonyme) Statuts.” Bruxelles: P. Weissenbruch, Imprimerie du Roi, 45 rue du Poincon.
[273] In chapter xxviii. I referred to the constitution of the _Comptoir Colonial français_, which has managed to secure for its subsidiaries such a respectable slice of French Congo. Well, Alexis Mols is one of the Administrators, and so is A. Osterrieth, a shareholder in the _Abir_, and so is A. Lambrechts, also a shareholder in the _Abir_, &c. &c.
[274] I am afraid Sir H. M. Stanley was somewhat premature when, in 1884, he told the London Chamber of Commerce that people “could not appreciate rightly” King Leopold’s philanthropy, because there were “no dividends attaching to it.”
[275] Whip made out of hippo hide—the Congo _sjambok_.
[276] Or was until quite recently.
[277] In Congo circles in Belgium it is suggested that to guard against “attacks which might become too threatening” (by “attacks” is meant exposures in the public Press, and on public platforms in England and Germany) the Congo State should largely increase its standing army.
[278] The author, who may claim to have brought the Rabinek affair to light, is able to state that the British Government is causing specific inquiries to be made through its representatives in Central Africa in connection with the matter. See Appendix.
[279] The trade of the Lower Congo has sensibly diminished since the Congo State came into existence. On August 10 of last year the merchants established in the Lower Congo (of whom there remain a few) petitioned the king to reduce taxation. After pointing out the heavy import and export duty on goods and produce (20_s._ per ton on palm-oil, for instance) and showing how small the existing export trade already was, owing to the taxes and emigration of native labour, due to “the means employed in raising native levies,” the petitioners went on to say: “We do not disguise from ourselves that business in the Lower Congo is practically _nil_.... Each of us,” continues the petition, “consistently hopes for an increase in trade; but these hopes appear to us more and more unreliable, and the Government of the Congo State, instead of coming to aid us, imposes increased and too onerous taxes.”
[280] The figures for 1900 are based upon the known sale on the Antwerp market by the State brokers in 1900 of 1828 tons of rubber and 153,445 kilos. of ivory, worked out at an average of 6 francs per kilo. for rubber (1115 kilos, to the ton) and 18 francs per kilo, for ivory. I believe a proportion of the produce imported was held in stock on account of the poor state of the rubber market.
[281] “There is no trade, properly so called,” says Mr. Codrington, “on the Congo coast of Tanganyika, but all rubber and ivory is regarded as the property of the State, and has to be surrendered by the natives in fixed quantities annually. The natives are, however, continually in rebellion, and the country is unsafe, except in the immediate vicinity of the military garrisons, and within the sphere of influence of the missionaries.”
[282] As was anticipated, the acquirement from Spain for purposes of exploitation of a portion of the Muni territory (which was recently handed over to Spain by France) by the Belgian “clique” has been followed by the usual results. A correspondent, whose name commands universal respect, and who is in a position to speak _de visu_ on the subject, wrote to an English friend recently that “atrocities” were going merrily on; natives being shot down, and villages burnt in the course of “ivory collecting” by the Belgian concessionnaires; “outrages on the villagers are indiscriminate,” the writer adds. The same “clique” is threatening Fernando Po.
[283] Apart from the large quantities of rifles, cap-guns, and ammunition imported into the Congo State for the arming and equipment of the soldiers, regular and irregular, it is morally certain, although not easy to prove, that the agents of the State and the agents of the _Domaine Privé_ Companies encourage some of the biggest and most powerful chiefs of the Upper Congo to obtain ivory for them by presents of repeating-rifles and ammunition. In this connection a M. Léon. C. Berthier, writing from the French Upper Congo to the Paris organ _La Dépêche Coloniale_ (issue July 16, 1902), says: “The M’Bomu (a branch of the Upper Ubanghi, which forms the frontier between the French and Congolese possessions, and which pursues its course to the Bahr-el-Ghazal), here very wide, forms the southern base of the square; this is the route where the ivory passes _sous notre barbe_ to be sold to the Belgians on the other bank, _who pay for it in Albini rifles_, notwithstanding all the Acts of Berlin and Brussels, which forbid even the sale of percussion-cap guns!” The writer goes on to assert that he has documents to prove his statements.
[284] Mary Kingsley, in the “Story of West Africa.”
[285] Excluding specie. The figures are taken from the Parliamentary Report, June 1902.
[286] _Sierra Leone Royal Gazette_, April 18th, 1902.
[287] Estimated. Appropriation Ordinance, 1902.
[288] “Railways and Telegraphs,” Appropriation Ordinance, 1902.
[289] Colonial Office Report, No. 324. On page 8 of the same Report the figures a given as £29,126 18s. 7d. I cannot explain the difference.
[290] _Sierra Leone Royal Gazette_, April 18th, 1902.
[291] _Idem._
[292] Estimated.
[293] The figures for 1900 do not include the expenses of the Ashanti expedition.
[294] Including exports of specie.
[295] Ordinary for 1897, 1898, 1899 and 1900; extraordinary for 1897, 1898 and 1899.
[296] Sir Matthew Nathan’s report on the Northern Territories (No. 357—issued July 1902) says: “The expenditure in 1901 has not yet been completely estimated.” Farther on he estimates the expenditure for 1902 at £52,381 11s. 7d. The expenditure is, therefore, largely increasing. The above amount includes £23,038 11s. 7d. or military purposes.
[297] According to Lieutenant-Colonel Morris (C.O. Report, No. 35) the revenue in 1901 was £7415 4s. 3d. It was estimated at £8000; and the estimate for 1902 is also £8000.
[298] Including £97,769 paid back to the Imperial Government for cost of expenditure on Ashanti expedition.
[299] Official statement, dated March 1902:—1st section, 39¼ miles long, open to traffic; and section, of 9¾ miles, “approaching completion.”
[300] Colonial Office Report, No. 344:—Sum borrowed to end 1900, apparently £798,000 (£220,000, 1898; £578,000, 1899).
[301] _Idem._
[302] Railway development, £578,000; harbour works at Accra, £98,000.
[303] Estimated.
[304] Colonial Office Report, No. 348.
[305] _Idem._
[306] If for re-sale.
[307] _Idem._
[308] One mile—1609 metres.
[309] In 1901 there was an increase of 4600 tons of palm oil and kernels exported compared with the previous year.
[310] Wallach.
[311] Late Lieutenant-Colonel Northcote’s estimate. It does not include the portion of the Anglo-German neutral territory, which is eventually to be incorporated within the British sphere, according to the Anglo-German Convention of November 1899.
[312] The principal towns of the Protectorate are Ibadan (population 180,000), Abbeokuta (population 150,000), Oyo (population 50,000).
[313] If we assume the population of Northern Nigeria to be 30 millions, this gives us a rough total, exclusive of Ashanti, of 33,218,324 inhabitants to 645,000 square miles of territory; or not far short of the population of France, in a territory as large as France and Germany, with a good half of Austria-Hungary thrown in.
INDEX
Abbeokuta, 199
Abderrahman ben Abdallah ben Imran ben Amir Es-Sa’di, 130
_Abir_, _see_ Congo State
Aborigines Protection Society, 185
Abutshi, 119
Abyssinia, _see_ Christianity
Adamawa, 57, 61, 95, 128, 180
African Association, 28, 38
African Oil Mills Co., 79
Agoult, Comte d’, 290
Agricultural Committee, _see_ German
Ahmed-Baba, 55, 130
Air, 53, 54
Akassa, 56, 75
Allen, Commander, 94, 103
Alvensleben, Count, 176
Amageddi, 111
Anglo-French Convention, _see_ Treaties
-German Convention, _see_ Treaties
-Portuguese Convention, _see_ Treaties
Angola, 193, 241
Ansorge, Dr., 181
Anton, Dr., 344
_Anversoise_, _see_ Congo State
Apis, 146
Ashanti, 14, 19, 68, 104, 135, 205, 280, 281
Assay, 76
Assinie, 204, 271
Atani, 75
Axim, 204
Baghena, 131, 132
Baghirmi, 57, 258, 259, 262
Bakundi, Lake, 111
Bakunu, 130
Ballay, Dr., 87, 114, 274
Ballot, Governor, 280
Bambarras, 53, 129, 180, 215
Bamboo-palm, 116, 117
Bambuk, 133
Bangalas, 330, 339
Banyo, 111
Baobab, 116
Barbot, 271
Barros, de, 133
Barth, Dr., 40, 44, 52, 54, 55, 59, 60, 62, 70, 71, 72, 118, 126,
131, 133, 136, 209, 214, 221
Basset, Serge, 290
Bathurst, 162
Earl, 39
Battel, Andrew, 241
Bayol, Dr., 139
Belgian policy in West Africa, 176, 307, 311, _see also_ Congo State
Belgians in French Congo, 288, 307
on Muni River, 307, 350
Belgium, King Leopold of, _see_ Congo State
Bello, Emir, 36, 46, 49, 50, 51, 53, 59, 150
Benin, 68, 105, 204
Berlin, Act of, _see_ Treaties
Béthancourt, De, 239
Bilma, 42, 58, 67
Binger, Commandant, 133, 211, 220, 239, 240, 249, 271, 309
Binue, 109, 111, 113, 118, 119, 148, 211, 257
Biru, _see_ Walata
Bismarck, 250, 317
Blyden, Dr., 130, 139, 149, 213, 214, 222, 226, 227, 245, 276
Bohn, M., 173, 247, _see also_ French West African Co.
Bondu, 133, 180
Bonny, 79
Borgu, 9, 49, 251
Bornu, 40, 41, 43, 45, 50, 57, 58, 63, 85, 87, 113, 209, 259
Brass, 79, 80
Brazza, De, 251, 289, 293, 315-316
Bretonnet, Lieut., 259, 260
British Cotton Growing Association, 188, 189, 190
Brown, Dr. Robert, 131
Brüe, Sieur de, 134, 251, 274
Brussels, Act of, _see_ Treaties
Burutu, 64, 75, 76, 86
Bussa, 49, 50
Butter-tree, 114, 115
Ca-de-Mosto, 133
Caix, Count Robert de, 302
Cambyses, 76
Cameroon, 14, 177, 201, 287, 308
Caravan traffic, 41, 62-65
Cardew, Sir F., 283
Cardi, Count de, 80
Cattier, M., 313, 343, 344, 350
Chad, Lake, 38, 41, 42, 43, 48, 58, 63, 67, 70, 118, 136, 256, 259,
260, 262
Chalmers, Sir David, 281, 282
Chama, 204
Chamberlain, Right Hon. Joseph, 12, 25, 59, 169, 278, _see also_
Colonial Office
Christianity, in Abyssinia, 237
in Uganda, 227, 228, 229
in West Africa, 208-37, 256
Clapperton, 35-51, 53, 103, 126, 147, 150
Clarke, Sir Andrew, 83, 258
Clarke, Sir Marshall, 182
Clozel, M., 171, 173, 273
Codrington, Mr. Robert, 349
Colonial Office, 165, 169, 183, 184, 281, 283, _see also_ Chamberlain
_Comptoir Colonial français_, 288, 336
Conakry, 20, 114, 274
Concessions _régime_, _see_ French Congo
Congo State, history of, 312-326
“trade of,” 286, 343-53
taxation in, 327-29, 330, 339, 340, 347, 348
native policy of, 287, 292, 319, 328-29, 337, 345, 352
land policy, 323, 324
commercial policy of, 319, 323, 325, 330, 344, 345
traffic in arms, 351
_Force publique_, 329, 330
_Domaine Privé_, 327-42, 343, 347, 351
privileged Companies in, 330-38
Stokes’ affair, 306
Rabinek affair, 306, 344-49, _see also_ Appendix
and Belgian Parliament, 333-334
on Tanganyika, 349
in Nile Valley, 349
slavery in, 296
influence in France, 271, 287, 288, 289, 310
Copal, _see_ Trade in Gums
Copra, 80
Copts, _see_ Gober
Cotton, 59, 117, 180, 181-200, _see also under_ Trade
Cousin, M. Albert, 294
Cousturier, M., 115, 309
Crampbel, Paul, 259
Crown Agents, _see_ Crown Colony System
Crown Colony system, 12, 13, 16, 17, 22, 31, 32, 33, 85, 87, 89, 92,
93, 184, 186, 235, 269, 281
Crowther, Bishop, 97
Currency, 60, 101
Dahomey, _see under_ French
Dakar, 270
Daw, Mr., J. A., 170, 183
Décrais, M., 285, 291, 302
Degama, 75
Delafosse, 173, 273
Denham, 35-51
Dennett, Mr., 289, 317
Denton, Sir George, 194
Desert, the, 38, 41, 64, 70, 111, 209, 253
Dilke, Sir Charles, 276
Dobson, Archbishop, 233
Donovan, Captain, 170
Dubois, M. Félix, 131, 137, 138
Dufferin, Marquis of, 252
Dybowski, M., 259
Ebony, 117, _see also_ Timber
Edrizi, 55
Egga, 76
Eichtal, M. d’, 132, 140
El Bekri, 55, 209
El-Haji-Omar, 129, 223, 252, 261
El-Kuti, 259
Ellis, A. B., 171
Etienne, Eugène, 250-63
Faidherbe, 143, 226, 243, 250, 252, 263
Fans, 293
Ferry, Jules, 243, 244, 249
Finances of British West Africa, 17, 18; _see also_ Appendix
of Nigeria, 17, 89, 93; _see also_ Appendix
Finances of Lagos, 267; _see also_ Appendix
of Sierra Leone, 274, 275, 284; _see also_ Appendix
of French Colonies, 266, 275; _see also_ Appendix
Flatters, 259
Fondère, M., 294
Forcados, 204
Foreign Office, 14, 26, 303
Foureau, M., 254, 259, 261
Freeman, R. Austin, 104, 201, 271
French, exploration and discovery, 238-48
trade, 4, 5, 265-75
policy, 18, 64, 249-84
in French Guinea, 81, 111, 114, 266, 274, 275, 281-84
in Dahomey, 177, 266, 267, 268, 269
in Chad region, 64, 254, 256, 257, 259, 260-64
in Western Sudan, 196, 251, 256, 257
in Senegal, 76, 81, 266, 269, 270
in French Congo, 177, 201, 263, 285-304
in Ivory Coast, 177, 266, 270, 271, 272, 273
and British, 238-48, _see also under_ Nigeria, French policy, and
French in French Congo
West African Company, 285, _see also_ Bohn
Frey, Colonel, 55
Fulani, origin of, 136-52
history of, 125-29, 130-135
in Yoruba, 125, 126, 135
in Hausa States, 47, 60, 85, 102, 125-30
in Gambia, 130, 134, 141
in Futa-Jallon, 128, 130, 133, 139, 140, 180
in Senegal, 127, 128, 132, 133, 134, 136, 252
in Western Sudan, 128, 147, 148, 253
in Gurma, 134
in Adamawa, 128
in Baghirmi, 262
in Congo Basin, 135
in Segu, 129
in Baghena, 131, 132, 133
in Bornu, 40, 128, 138
in Melle, 131, 132, 133
in Omdurman, 135
in Massina, 129, 134, 214
and Portuguese, 133
and British, 46-50, 152
and French, 134, 147, 148, 152, 252
and Hebrews, 145, 152
characteristics of, 47, 134, 146, 148
religion of, 55, 56, 127, 216, 254
language of, 70, 71, 72, 132
Fula, _see_ Fulani
Fulbe, _see_ Fulani
Fulfalde, _see_ Fulani
Futa-Jallon, 9, 14, 20, 66, 139, 245, 274
Gaboon, 298, 299
Gambia, 19, 134, 194, 196, 197, 242, 269, 278
Gambetta, 243, 244
Gando, 57, 95
Gao, 197, 210
Geary, Sir William, 280
_Générale Africaine, Société_, _see_ Congo State
Gentil, Lieut., 254, 258, 259, 260
German, trade, 4, 5, 74, 75, 193, 196, 199
agricultural committee, 23, 24, 196
Colonial advisory board, 23, 24
German Colonial Society, 29, 308
Ghana, 131
Ghanata, _see_ Walata
Gober, 53, 54, 55, 59, 125, 129
Gold Coast, 12, 13, 18, 25, 57, 183, 194, 204, 245
Gold, _see_ Mining Industry; _also under_ Trade
Goldie, Sir George, 9, 39, 68, 104
Grand Bassam, 204, 273
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Affairs of West AfricaChapter XXXVII: Appendix: Sierra Leone (2)
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