Chapter III: Part 3

It will not be improper here, to pause and observe, that there seems to be a marked difference between the agencies necessary to secure success in propagating the Gospel among an Asiatic and an African population. Both, it must be remembered, are heathen; but the minds of the one are enlightened, of the other barbarous. In Asia, where a knowledge of agriculture, manufactures, commerce, and the mechanical and fine arts prevail, the mental culture of the people renders them accessible to the Gospel. Many of them can comprehend its truths, when heard from the lips of the preacher, or when read in the printed Scriptures. For this reason, some of the prominent missions in India have relied upon the preaching of the word, as their principal agency; while circulating the Scriptures and teaching the youth, have been employed only as auxiliaries. Others have relied mainly upon the multiplication of facilities for educating the youth; while spreading the printed word, and employing the foreign preacher, have been considered as secondary matters—the chief hope being in the preparation of a _native ministry_, who should ultimately enter largely upon that work. Others, again, have combined all these agencies, as means which God has blessed in the conversion of sinful men. The whole of these systems have been successful in Asia, and their supporters, respectively, see but little cause for changing their measures.

But in Africa, and among the North American Indians, where the intellectual faculties of the population are shrouded in the darkness of barbarism,[49] the preaching of the word, in the commencement of a mission, has been but rarely successful in producing conversions; while the total ignorance of letters among these people, has rendered the circulation of the Scriptures useless. Christian missionaries, therefore, in attempting to introduce the Gospel among the Indians or Africans, have been forced to rely upon the education of youth as the means of success.

But whether in North America, Africa or Asia—whether converted while training in the schools, or under the reading or preaching of the word—the multiplication of native agents to take part in the work, greatly promotes the progress of the Gospel. So well is this now understood, that the preparation of native teachers and preachers, has become the chief aim of all missions to the heathen; and the persistence in one or the other of the systems of operations to which we have referred, is due to the importance they respectively attach to an educated ministry.

While, however, teaching, reading, and preaching, are the chief instrumentalities for the conversion of the world; the progress of the Gospel, everywhere, is greatly accelerated by the presence of a Christian population, whose example aids in overturning the customs and superstitions of the people, and commends the religion of Christ to their confidence. As a mission, then, adds to the number of its converts, or receives additions of civilized emigrants, its ability of becoming more and more aggressive is increased, and its powers of progression multiplied.

Where reliance is placed upon education, mainly, for introducing the Gospel, its progress is necessarily slow; because a generation, or two, is needed to bring forward a competent number of agents to take possession of the field. The drawbacks, too, are very great—much seed being sown, which falls upon stony ground. If schools are conducted upon a large scale, the children must be supported by their parents; and, in such cases, the superstitions and vices of heathenism have, but too often, an easy victory over the doctrines and precepts of Christianity. In this respect no new principle has been discovered. In Christian countries, where custom, law, and the example of parents, combine to give the ascendency to virtue, who can hope that his children will escape moral contamination, if they be permitted to mingle, at will, with the vicious and depraved. How much more, then, are the children of the heathen endangered, if left in the care of licentious and idolatrous parents, among a population where the laws of virtue are unknown?

To avoid these evils, Bishop Scott urges, that the native children, attending the Methodist schools in Liberia, be taken into the families of the missionaries—a system which has been pursued with success, by some of the other societies.

But we need not extend these observations. It is not difficult to comprehend the connection which exists between Colonization and the more rapid extension of the Gospel in Africa; and to see the superiority of the missions in Liberia, to those among the natives. Look but a moment at its advantages. Liberia contains a greater number of the elements of success, than are embraced in the missions to the natives, or in those of any other class; and, consequently, must be more efficient in promoting the evangelization of the African people. The overawing influence of its laws upon the natives—the permanency of its schools—the circulation of the Scriptures and religious tracts among those taught to read—the protection afforded by its government to the missionaries—the constant preaching of the word—the high morality of its Christian population—the influx of civilized emigrants who are the descendants of those cruelly torn from their shores in former years—all tend directly to promote the work of missions. Colonization, therefore, supplies to the missions in Liberia, at once, the instrumentalities which those among the natives are only able to acquire after many years of toil.

IV. _The Missions in Connection with the Colonies of White Men in South
Africa._

We must refer a moment to the civil history of South Africa, as it is essential to the proper understanding of its Missionary history.

The Dutch took possession of the Cape in 1650, and this occupancy was followed by an extensive emigration of that people to Cape Town and its vicinity. The encroachments of the emigrants upon the Hottentots, soon gave rise to wars, which resulted in the enslavement of this feeble race. The English captured Cape Town in 1795, ceded it back in 1801, retook it in 1808, and still hold it in possession.

The climate of South Africa being favorable to the health of Europeans, an English emigration to the Cape commenced soon after it became a British province. This led to further encroachments upon the native tribes, and to much disaffection upon the part of the Dutch, who were designated by the term _Boers_.[50] They remained in the Colony, however, until 1834, when the emancipation act, of the British Parliament, set the Hottentots free. This so enraged the Boers, that they emigrated in large bodies beyond the limits of Cape Colony. In seeking new homes, they came in contact with the Zulus, as already stated, and aided in the subjugation of that powerful people. Driven by the English from the Zulu country, the Boers passed on to the north-west, far into the interior, where we shall soon hear from them again.

The English, in extending their settlements to the north-east of Cape Town, soon came into collision with the Kaffirs; who, being a powerful and warlike race, made a vigorous resistance to their advances. The Kaffirs stole the cattle of the whites, and the whites retaliated on the Kaffirs. These depredations often resulted in wars, each of which gave the English government a pretext to add a portion of the Kaffir territory to its own. As war followed on war, the Kaffirs improved in the art, acquired something of the skill of their enemies, and learned the use of European weapons. Thus every Kaffir war became more formidable, requiring more troops, costing more money, and, of course, demanding more territory. In consequence of these various annexations from the Kaffirs, Zulus, and others, the English possessions in South Africa now cover a space of 282,000 square miles; 105,000 of which have been added since 1847—the year of the great failure in the cotton crop of the United States.

The Missionary History of South Africa, though of great interest, must also be very brief.

A Moravian mission, begun in 1736, among the Hottentots, was broken up at the end of six years, by the Dutch authorities, and its renewal prevented for 49 years. Having been resumed in 1792, it was again interrupted in 1795, but soon afterwards restored under British authority. Here, the hostility of the Dutch government to Christian Missions excluded the Gospel from South Africa during a period of half a century.

A mission to the Kaffirs, begun in 1799, by Dr. Vanderkemp, was abandoned in a year, on account of the jealousies of that people towards the whites, and their plots to take his life. The other missions, of various denominations, begun from time to time, in South Africa, have also been interrupted and retarded by the wars of the natives with each other, and more especially with the whites.

The pecuniary loss to the English, by the war of 1835, was $1,200,000; and by that of 1846–7, $3,425,000. This, however, was a matter of little importance, compared with the moral bearings of these conflicts. The missions suffered more or less in all the wars, either by interruptions of their labors, or in having their people pressed into the army. In that of 1846–7, the London Society had its four stations in the Kaffir country entirely ruined, and its missionaries and people compelled to seek refuge in the Colony.

But the most disastrous of all these conflicts, and that which has cast the deepest gloom over the South African Missions, was the Kaffir war of 1851–2–3. These missions, with the exception of that to the Zulus, are under the care of ten missionary societies, all of which are European. They had recovered from the shocks of the former wars, and were in an encouraging state; when, in December, 1850, the Kaffir war broke out. In consequence of that war, many of the missions have been reduced to a most deplorable condition; and afford a sad commentary on the doctrine that the white and black races, in the present moral condition of the world, can dwell together in harmony.

The missions of the Scotch Free Church were in the very seat of war, the buildings of two of them destroyed, and the missionaries forced to flee for their lives; while the third was only saved by being fortified.

The Berlin Missionary Society, had its missionaries driven from two of its stations, during the progress of the war.

The Mission of the United Presbyterian Synod of Scotland, which consisted of three stations, were all involved in ruin. The war laid waste the mission stations, scattered the missionaries and converts, suspended entirely the work of instruction, and has done an amount of evil which can scarcely be exaggerated. The Report for 1853, says, that the mission can not be resumed on its old basis, as the Kaffirs around their stations are to be driven away; and though the native converts, numbering 100, might be collected at one of the stations, it is deemed better that a delegation visit South Africa, and report to the Board a plan of future operations.

The London Missionary Society also suffered greatly, and some of their missionaries were stript of every thing they possessed. The Report, for 1853, says: “This deadly conflict has at length terminated, and terminated, as might have been foreseen, by the triumph of British arms. The principal Kaffir chiefs, with their people, have been driven out of their country; and their lands have been allotted to British soldiers and colonists. And on the widely extended frontier there will be established military posts, from which the troops and the settlers are to guard the colony against the return of the exiled natives.”

Such, indeed, was the hostility of the whites toward the missionaries themselves, at one of the Churches in the white settlements, that _bullets_ were not unfrequently dropped into the collection plates.[51]

Both Moravian and Wesleyan Missions have been destroyed. In one instance, 250 Hottentots perished by the hands of English soldiers, in the same Church where they had listened to the word of God from the Moravian missionaries; not because they were enemies, but in an attempt to disarm a peaceable population. Such are the cruelties incident to this war!

The Paris Missionary Society, has thirteen stations in South Africa. Its Report, for 1853, complains of the interruptions and injuries which its missions have suffered, in consequence of the military commotions which have prevailed in the fields occupied by its missionaries. In alluding to the obstacles to the Gospel, which everywhere exist, Dr. Grandpierre, the Director of the Society, says: “But how are these obstacles multiplied, when the missionary is obliged to encounter, in the lives of nominal Christians, that which gives the lie to his teachings. Irritated by the measures which are employed against them, may not the aborigines rightfully say to the whites, with more truth than ever, ‘You call yourselves the children of the God of peace; and yet you make war upon us. You teach justice; but you are guilty of injustice. You preach the love of God; and you take away our liberty and our property.’”

One of the Scotch Societies, near the close of the Kaffir war, when summing up the effects it had produced, draws this melancholy picture:

“All missionary operations have been suspended; the converts are either scattered or compelled, by their hostile countrymen, to take part in the revolt; the missionaries have been obliged to leave the scenes of their benevolent labors; hostile feelings have been excited between the black and white races, which it will require a long period to soothe down; and the prospects of evangelizing Kaffirland have been rendered dark and distant.”

But we are not yet done recounting the obstacles to the progress of the Gospel in South Africa, and the oppressions to which its population are subjected. Our last reference to the Boers, left them emigrating toward the interior of Africa. It appears that they have selected territory and organized themselves into a government, under the title of the “Free Republic;” and that, in the course of the last year their independence has been acknowledged by Great Britain. The Boers, although recognized as a nation, seem little disposed to peace; but have, lately, proceeded to destroy some of the stations of the London Missionary Society, and to drive two English missionaries from their territory. They have also attacked and plundered three of the native tribes, killing 60 men and taking a number of women and children prisoners. Their movements seem to indicate that they are determined to prevent the English from extending northward into their vicinity; and it is feared they will enslave or ruin the native tribes among whom they have settled. When charged with this design, they denied it, and claimed that the servitude they adopt is not _slavery_, but a system of _apprenticeship_—such, we suppose, as the English have established, to secure laborers for their West India plantations. The missionaries, however, have ascertained that the natives are bought and sold by them; and from this fact it is inferred, that the fate of the Hottentots, in former years, will, doubtless, be the lot of the natives who are now in the power of the Boers. Alas! for poor Africa!

Referring to these events, the London Society expresses the opinion, that, hereafter, the missionaries will not be left untrammeled, or the liberty of the natives preserved, in the “Free Republic,” unless the British nation shall utter its voice distinctly and earnestly in behalf of these unoffending myriads.[52] In that event, doubtless, the liberty of the natives might be prolonged, until English emigrants should demand their lands; and then, the fate of the Kaffirs would await them.

We must here close these investigations. In reflecting upon the consequences attending the emigration of the English and Dutch into South Africa, we can not but be struck with the sameness of the results there, and those connected with European emigration among the North American Indians. Unlike the emigration of the colored people into West Africa, that of the whites into South Africa and North America, has tended to the destruction of the native heathen, and not, as in Liberia, to their moral redemption. Nor are the inducements to exchange heathen customs for those of Christianity, as strong in South Africa as in Liberia. The natives, in the former, on abandoning heathenism only become subjects of British law, and not freemen, as in the latter, participating in the affairs of government. The South African chief, has even less reason than his people, to forsake his barbarism; as he only thereby loses his power, and, from being himself a king, he becomes a subject, and compelled to bow to the white man, who has robbed him of his greatness. These obstacles to missionary progress in South Africa, are daily on the increase, by additional European emigration; as each white man, who sets his foot upon the Cape, but adds to the necessity for robbing the natives of additional lands. On the contrary, each colored emigrant to Liberia, by adding to the strength of the Republic, is aiding in extending to the natives the blessings of freedom and of peace, and securing to them their right to their homes under the sanction of Christian laws.

Thus, it appears, that, as the colonization of colored men in Liberia elevates the native population, secures harmony of feeling and unity of interest between the parties, gives distinction to the race, and secures the more rapid extension of the Gospel; so the emigration of white men into South Africa, tends to degrade the natives, produces enmity of feeling and diversity of interest, destroys whatever of nationality they possessed, and erects a mighty barrier against their conversion to Christianity.

The total missionary force in South Africa, is under the care of eleven Missionary Societies, ten of which are European, and one American. Their condition, in 1850, before the commencement of the Kaffir war, was as follows:[53] Missionaries 214, assistant missionaries 155, native assistants 8, communicants 12,116, schools 60, scholars 20,100.

CONCLUSION.

Here we must close our inquiries, sum up the results, see what experience teaches, draw the contrasts between these several classes of Missions, and determine the best mode of employing human instrumentalities for the extension of the Gospel in Africa.

These Missions, as we have shown, had to be planted upon a broad field of barbarism; where the civil condition, the objects of worship, the social customs, the intellectual state of the people, were the antagonists of what prevail under a Christian civilization. The missionary’s task embraced much of toil, privation, danger, patience, perseverance. Wars were to be turned into peace, superstitions overthrown, polygamy abolished, ignorance dispelled, before civilization and Christianity could be established. This was the work to be accomplished. The results have been given in detail, and now they must only be recapitulated and contrasted.

The Missions to the natives, beyond the protection of the colonies, have made the least progress. They are established upon the proper basis, but have fewer agencies employed than the other missions, and a corresponding inefficiency is the result. Common schools, Sabbath schools, and preaching, are means used for promoting the Gospel in all the African missions. Those to the natives, are limited chiefly to these three plans of operation, while the other missions possess many subordinate means that greatly facilitate their progress. Preaching to adults, though not altogether unsuccessful, has won but few converts, and done but little for the overthrow of superstition. Education lays the axe at the root of ignorance, but from the fewness of the teachers and schools, the small attendance of pupils, and the reaction of heathenism upon them, it has made very little impression on the surrounding barbarism. Less, still, has been done by these missions, in preventing native wars; while polygamy remains almost wholly unaffected by them. The greatest difficulty, however, is, that the missionaries, with very few exceptions, are white men, whose constitutions, generally, yield to the effects of the climate, and the missions are constantly liable to be weakened and broken up. This is true of the Gaboon and Mendi Missions, particularly, and can be remedied, only, by substituting colored missionaries, since they, alone, have constitutions adapted to the climate. The mission to the Zulus differs from these two, in having a climate better adapted to the Anglo-Saxon; but it has to contend with the additional obstacle of a hostile white immigration, which threatens its existence. As the customs and morals of Christianity become better understood, at these missions, the enmity of the natives continues to increase; and the missionary, after years of toil, feels, more and more, the indispensable necessity of multiplying the agencies for removing the barriers to the Gospel by which he is surrounded.

The Missions in South Africa, by their early success, and the progress they have always made in times of peace, afford ample evidence of the practicability of Christianizing Africa, wherever civil government protects the missionary, and prevents the prevalence of native wars. But while we may here derive a powerful argument in favor of increased effort for the extension of Christianity, where the conditions of society are thus favorable; the additional lesson is impressed upon the mind, with tremendous force, that the white and black races—that Englishmen and Africans—can not dwell together as equals; but that the intelligence and active energies of the one, when brought into conflict with the ignorance and indolent habits of the other, must make the Negro an easy prey to the Anglo-Saxon. The sad results of this conflict of races, in the wars of the last few years, casts a deep gloom over the future prospects of South Africa, and renders it doubtful whether the missions can be sustained among the natives as independent tribes. It would appear, that, under British policy, the loss of liberty is the price at which the African must purchase Christianity.

The immigration of Englishmen into South Africa, then, instead of diminishing the obstacles to the success of the Gospel, is adding a new one of an aggravated character. Nor can the difficulty be obviated. When Christian missions harmonize with the policy of England, she grants them protection; but when they stand in the way of the execution of her schemes, they are brushed aside as objects of indifference, and treated with no higher regard than pagan institutions. While her soldiers were slaughtering the Christian Hottentots, in the church of the Moravians, her revenues were upholding the heathen temples of India. As she designs to build up an extensive white colony, in South Africa, the main obstacles to these missions will be rendered as immovable as the British throne. In this respect, they are more discouraging than those to the natives, the barriers to which must be broken down by time and perseverance.

How strangely the cruelty of Great Britain, towards the Kaffirs, contrasts with her humanity towards the recaptured Africans of Sierra Leone! In the former case, she robbed the blacks of their possessions, to give lands to her white subjects; in the latter, Cuba and Brazil were deprived of their cargoes of slaves, to build up a colony for herself. But how much stranger, still, does England’s conduct contrast with the policy of American Colonization! Liberia, instead of robbing the Native African of his rights, was founded, expressly, to rescue him from oppression and superstition, and to bestow upon him liberty and the Gospel of Christ.

The Missions in the English Colonies of Recaptured Africans, have been more successful, and are more promising, than either of the two just noticed. The cause of this difference should be considered. The foundations of Sierra Leone were laid, when Africa was literally “the land of the shadow of death.” Its corner stone inclosed the last link of the shackles of slavery in England. Its founder looked forward to the redemption of the land of Ham, as a result of the scheme he had projected. A large majority of the emigrants who founded the Colony, had been trained where Religion was free, and where Liberty was struggling into birth. They had caught something of the spirit of freedom, and wished to realize its blessings. These hopes were blasted; and, in anger, they abandoned the churches they had built, rather than accept religion at the hands of those who had denied them freedom. They failed to discriminate between the unchristian policy of the English government, and the Christian charity of the English Church. The slave-trade was carried on under the flag that brought them the missionary; and they turned coldly away from the man of God, to let him re-embark for his English home, or sink to the grave beneath a tropical sun. Thus did the Gospel fail in its establishment among the emigrants of Sierra Leone. Neither could it succeed among the surrounding natives, while the hunters of slaves kept the tribes in perpetual hostilities. Thus twenty years rolled away, before the traffic in human flesh was suppressed; and then, only, could Christianity gain a foothold.

But the gift of equal rights was not included in the gift of the Gospel; and half the stimulants to mental improvement remained unsupplied. The agencies established, however, were not powerless for good. Security was gained for the missionary, and the population could dwell in peace. The Episcopal missionaries were driven into the Colony, to prosecute their labors under its protection. The prejudices engendered by the early collisions with the civil authorities, wore away with the lapse of time. The American fugitives, who had refused the Gospel from the Episcopalians, now accepted it from the Wesleyans. The denial of civil rights to themselves, could not justify their refusal of eternal life for their offspring. The children were gathered once more into the schools, and education commenced. Sierra Leone was made the “city of refuge,” for all who should be rescued from the horrors of the slave-ships; and thus it became a central sun from which the light of the Gospel could radiate to the farthest limits of Africa.

Sierra Leone, as a mission field, is free from some of the most serious difficulties which retard the progress of the Gospel among the Natives and in South Africa. Its chief advantages consist in its freedom from war; in the absence of white Colonists; and in the accumulating progress of civilization. Its inhabitants possess such a unity of races, such a social equality, as to prevent hostile collisions on account of color. Its officers and principal merchants, only, are white; and, hence, fewer occasions arise here than in South Africa, where the black man is made to feel his inferiority to the white. The intellectual improvement of its people has been much more rapid than that of the population in the South African Missions; and, as a consequence, the teachers of the schools and seminaries, in Sierra Leone and its connections, are, mostly, colored men; while few, indeed, of the natives in the Colonies of the Cape, have been able to attain such positions.[54]

In these facts are we to find the causes of the superiority of the Sierra Leone missions, over those to the Natives and to the South of Africa.

Sierra Leone, however, when contrasted with Liberia, is found to lack some of the essential elements of progress possessed by the Republic. The liberty secured to the citizens of Liberia, extends to all their relations, personal, social, political. The people of Sierra Leone, enjoy but two of these elements of progress. They have personal freedom and a fair degree of social equality, but are deprived of the third—political equality—which, above all, exerts the most potent influence to stimulate the intellectual faculties of men. The young convert in the seminary at Sierra Leone, doubtless, finds great encouragement to mental improvement, in the prospect of becoming a teacher, or in entering the ministry; but to the unconverted youth, in the absence of the prospect of political promotion, there is, absolutely, nothing to stimulate to efforts at high attainment in science and literature. Thus the political system of Sierra Leone, supplies but half the elements of progress to its people. Had it been otherwise, had the aspirations of its early emigrants been cherished, and its civil affairs committed mainly to their hands, the Colony might now be in a far more advanced situation. This will be apparent on a fuller contrast of its condition with that of Liberia.

Thirty years after the waves of the Atlantic had closed over the remains of SAMUEL J. MILLS, it was proclaimed from the top of Montserado, that the star of African Nationality, after ages of wandering, had found its orbit in the galaxy of Nations. On that eventful day, a multitude of grateful men, with their wives and little ones, were lifting up their voices in thanksgiving and praise, to their Father in Heaven. Over their heads waved a banner bearing the motto, “The love of liberty brought us here.” The barbarism that excited the pity of MILLS and BURGESS had disappeared; the superstitions over which they grieved had vanished; a Christian Nation had been born; and the vault of heaven re-echoed to their shouts of joy.

It was thus that the Republic of Liberia was ushered into existence. Sixty years were gone, since the establishment of Sierra Leone. How wide the contrast between its history and that of Liberia! Liberty, at Sierra Leone, had been rudely driven to the “bush.” Its people were held in pupilage, bound by laws not of their own enactment, and governed by officers of a race who had ever claimed the lordship over them. Taught Religion, but deprived of Liberty, the manhood of mind could not be fully developed. Uninstructed in human rights, they now yielded a slavish submission to a distant throne. Not so in Liberia. Here, Liberty and Religion had been rocked together in the same cradle. It was Religion that had given Liberty to the Liberian. He knew nothing of the one unconnected with the other. The Religion that had broken his fetters, was itself free. Religious and political freedom, therefore, was a principle dear to his heart. He spurned the idea, that man must submit to dictation in religion and government; and, from the first, had looked forward to the day, when his country should become a Christian Republic. That day has come, and gone: and there the Liberian stands, a citizen—a Christian; with no law—no restraint—no rule of conduct—but what emanates from himself or his God.

The Republic stands, pre-eminent, as an auxiliary to missions. Its political system, embraces all the known elements of civil, social, and intellectual advancement; while its citizens are controlled by the preservative element of Christian morals. Its policy makes it but one grand agency for overturning African barbarism. Its advantages over every other scheme are so obvious, that it must be regarded as the model system, to which all others should be conformed; and as the rule by which, alone, missions to Africa must hereafter be conducted.

The conquests of Liberia, over African barbarism, have been legitimate results of the principles involved in her social and civil organization. She offered to the natives an asylum from the merciless slave-catchers: they removed within her limits to enjoy her protection. She employed them in household affairs, agriculture, and the mechanic arts: they were thus incorporated into her social system, attended the Church, and sent their children to school. They wore _gri-gris_ and practiced polygamy: these customs debarred them from political privileges. They offered human sacrifices to their deities, and compelled those suspected of witchcraft to drink a poisonous tea: the laws punished the taking of life, in such modes, with the penalty of death. The surrounding tribes, for their own safety, sought alliances with her: by the terms of the treaties, she has kept them at peace, and prevented the trafficking in slaves.

Thus has Liberia, by offering the natives political equality, induced them to abandon polygamy and superstition; thus has the fear of punishment deterred them from the practice of their murderous cruelties; thus has war been prevented and the slave-trade suppressed within her bounds: and thus has American Colonization solved the great problem of African Redemption.

APPENDIX.

The Opposition to Colonization and African Missions.

We quote the following remarks, on the _primary sources_ of opposition to the Civilization of Africa, from the Church Missionary Intelligencer, December, 1853. This periodical is the organ of the English Episcopal Church, and the opinions expressed are entitled to the most grave consideration. Whatever interest the slave-trader may have in driving English missionaries from Africa, will apply equally to those from America, and to the labors of our Colonization Society. The writer, after noticing the efforts made to withdraw the English squadron from the coast of Africa, so as to leave the slave-trade once more free to the traffickers in human flesh, says:

“But we have something more to say on this subject. The Missionary element has also been introduced into the comments which have been made on this affair, and has received no small amount of condemnation. Our Missionaries at Lagos have thus been placed between two fires. The efforts of Kosoko’s attacking party were evidently directed against their dwellings, and this we can understand, for Kosoko and his abettors well know that the extension of the Gospel carries with it the eventual destruction of the slave-trade, and of every other enormity under which human nature suffers. Christianity does that which the squadron can not do. The latter cuts down the branches of the poison-bearing tree, but the former kills it in its root. If this latter be not done, it will sprout again. The strength of the slave-trade lies in the latent sympathy of chiefs and people; and Christianity, by indisposing them to it, and by directing their energies into other and wholesome channels, is drying up the secret sources from whence its power has been derived. The greatest benefit which the squadron has conferred upon Africa has been to afford opportunity for the introduction of this beneficial influence; and after a time, by the blessing of God, that influence will have so increased, and the African mind, in consequence, have undergone so complete a revolution, that the further presence of the squadron on the coast will become unnecessary. That time has not come yet, but it will do so, perhaps more rapidly than we could venture to anticipate. We can, therefore, easily understand Kosoko’s antipathy to Missionaries, and the exultation with which he would have seen them compelled to quit the coast.

“But there is an unfriendly feeling on the part of some at home, which is not so intelligible. It betrays itself in a readiness to entertain serious charges against Missionaries on _ex-parte_ evidence. * * *

“We fear that in many quarters there is much misapprehension as to the character and tendency of Missionary operations, and that by some they are distrusted as being far otherwise than tranquilizing in their influence. Has the Missionary element a tendency to complicate matters, and render them more difficult of adjustment than they would otherwise be? Is it irritating and war-producing? It has been so insinuated, if not openly asserted. And we can understand from whence such insinuations originate. The Gospel, in its action, must be subversive of the plans and objects of numbers, especially in connection with Africa and the slave-trade. There have been many sleeping partners in that traffic, men who never touched a slave, but who have often clutched the gain; men who have fed the traffic in secret, and furnished the materials for its prosecution. It has been a wide-spread conspiracy for the degradation of the African family. Men in Europe, America, Africa, have been bound together in this unholy compact, each having assigned to him his own particular department, and each full of energy in the prosecution of it. Where were the printed goods fabricated that were used in barter between the foreign and native slave-dealer? Where were forged the bolts, and fetters, and chains, by which the limbs of the captured African were constricted, and he was reduced to an incapability of resistance? Perhaps nearer home than we could have imagined.[55] Where was launched the well-found bark, with such admirable sailing powers, the floating prison of the poor slave? Whence the nautical skill that designed the craft, and the able workmen who wrought it out, until she sailed from the port which gave her birth, in every respect equipped and fitted for the slave-trade, but not to be so used until, on the African coast, transferred to other hands than those which took her there?[56] How various and extensive the interests which were engaged in the prosecution of the slave-trade, all which have been interfered with by the interruption of the traffic on the coast. Many of these, to save themselves from stagnation, have engaged in lawful commerce; but it is with regret they have done so. Of course, in the eyes of such parties, everything that interferes to prevent a return to the palmy days of slave-trading prosperity, when abundant opportunity was afforded for the gratification of more than one evil passion, becomes an object of antipathy. The squadron on the coast, and the Missionaries on shore, are alike detestable. If both could be removed something might be done, and what so likely means as misrepresentation? The Missionaries are self-interested, and obstruct the development of lawful traffic. The squadron is unnecessary, and its interference on such occasions as that of Lagos is in the highest degree mischievous. Credulous ears are not wanting to become the depositories of whisperings such as these; and soon the whole gloss finds its way into the columns of the daily press, and influential journals become the exponents of charges which would be serious indeed if they could be proved. But these misstatements require to be promptly met, otherwise their effect might soon appear in a gradual diminution of the repressive force on the coast, until it became materially weakened. Meanwhile, the devastations of the cholera in Cuba have been seriously diminishing the supply of working hands, and many eager eyes are directed towards Africa to see whether the attempt could be made to reopen the traffic with any prospect of success. Already new vessels have been fitted out, and we may soon have painful evidence that the trade is not extinct, and that, if we remove our foot from the neck of our prostrate but not slain foe, he will rise up to resume the contest.”

The English Apprenticeship System.

President Roberts has written the following letter, to a gentleman in England, in explanation of the influence exerted on the natives, by the practice of purchasing apprentices, from the African chiefs, to serve as laborers on the plantations of the British West Indies. Is not this system virtually a renewal of the slave-trade, and a violation of England’s treaty with the United States for its suppression?

GOVERNMENT HOUSE, Monrovia, September, 1853.

I assure you, sir, the Government of Liberia has no desire to, nor will it interfere improperly with the operations of Messrs. Hyde, Hodge & Co., nor will it place any unnecessary obstacles in the way of their obtaining emigrants from the Liberian coast. The only object the Government had in issuing the proclamation referred to, was, and still is, to see that emigration from within its jurisdiction shall be free and unconstrained.

It is proper I should remark, that no facts have come to the knowledge of the Government to induce the belief that Messrs. Hyde, Hodge & Co., or their agents, have actually sent off persons, or that they would, knowingly, send off any, without the voluntary consent of their natural guardians. But the Government had good grounds for believing that attempts were about to be made to force certain unfortunate persons to emigrate without the facts of their coercion coming to the knowledge of the emigration agents.

During last year, serious disturbances rose between certain Vey and Golah chiefs in the neighborhood of Grand Cape Mount. And, in the early part of the present year, Boombo and George Cane, Vey chiefs, residing respectively at Little and Grand Cape Mount, attacked and captured some three or four native towns in the Dey and Golah district, and carried away as captives several hundred of the inhabitants. Soon after these occurrences, a report was rife here that George Cane had contracted with the agents of Messrs. Hyde, Hodge & Co., to supply a number of emigrants. Complaint was also made to the Government—by the chiefs who had suffered—that Cane’s intentions were to send off to the West Indies the captives he had taken from the towns.

Now, that the agents of Messrs. Hyde, Hodge & Co., would countenance constrained emigration, or that they would have received those persons, knowing them to be captives, we had no reason to believe. But it is more than likely that nine out of ten that would have been offered as emigrants, at that time, would be of this unfortunate class. And the chances were a hundred to one that the emigration agents would be deceived in regard to the real condition of the people. Very possibly, no complaint then and there would have been uttered by them. They were suffering painful captivity; and whatever their feelings might be in regard to emigration, they would gladly, perhaps, have availed themselves of that or any other opportunity to escape the cruelties of their captors. And, further, sir, I am assured these poor fellows were given to understand that when they should be offered as emigrants, if they disclosed their real condition, or refused to emigrate, their lives would be sacrificed. Many of these captives have since been released, and returned to their homes and families; and all, I am told, corroborate this statement. Now, sir, under these circumstances, was it unreasonable to suppose that many might be sent off without their voluntary consent? And was it not the duty of the Government to provide as far as possible the means of checking such outrages? Of course, in all this there is no blame to be attached to Messrs. Hyde, Hodge & Co., or their agents.

But, my dear sir, with respect to this emigration business, the strictest watchfulness must be observed; otherwise, the enterprise may lead to abuses and evils of the most painful character. Not that respectable British agents would knowingly be the means of producing such results; but let the chiefs along the coast find that they can send off captives, as emigrants, to the British West Indies, and obtain an advance of _only ten dollars_ each, and the old system—war—of procuring slaves will again be renewed.

J. J. ROBERTS.

[From the Liberia Herald.]

Trial and Sentence of Boombo.

MONROVIA, April 6th, 1853.

We have seldom witnessed the trial of a case producing so much interest as that of Boombo’s. The readers of the “Herald,” need not be told, that Boombo is a chieftain of Little Cape Mount, that he had voluntarily entered into an arrangement with the Government of Liberia, and subscribed to demean himself according to the laws and constitution; also, that he and his people lived on lands purchased by the Government of Liberia from the native owners. Boombo, though bound by his solemn engagements to refrain from wars, and not to disturb the peace and quietness of the country, has repeatedly, since he placed himself under the laws of Liberia, broken his engagements by carrying on predatory wars, destroying towns and murdering and carrying into captivity hundreds of inoffensive men, women and children. To all the remonstrances of Government, Boombo gave no heed, and his bloody career did not end until he was brought to this city a prisoner. George Cain, of Grand Cape Mount, is also amenable to the laws of Liberia; and it is now well ascertained that he was the principal actor in all the disturbances created in the Little Cape Mount country. Boombo, it appears, acted under his direction.

At the last Court of “Quarter Sessions,” Boombo was indicted for “_High Misdemeanor_”—the indictment set forth a general allegation and three special counts. The first count charged the prisoner with violating his obligations and allegiance to the Government, and that he did procure and make war upon and against one Dwarloo Bey and certain other Golah chiefs, occupying a portion of the territories of Grand and Little Cape Mount—that he murdered the inhabitants—carried into captivity large numbers of the defenseless; sacked, burned and pillaged towns and villages, and laid waste the country. The second count charged, that Boombo violated, etc., as before, that he did procure and make war upon and against one Weaver, a Dey chieftain—crossing the Little Cape Mount river, and entering the Dey country for that purpose; that he murdered inhabitants, carried others into captivity, and sacked, burned, and pillaged towns and villages, and laid waste the country. The third count, charged that Boombo did violate, etc., as before, and that he committed felony, by seizing and carrying off merchandise from factories belonging to citizens of Monrovia. The Attorney-General, Wm. Draper, Esq., was assisted in this case by David A. Madison, Esq., of Buchanan, Grand Bassa. D. T. Harris, and J. B. Phillips, Esquires, appeared for the prisoner, and we are pleased to say that these gentlemen did all that honest and patriotic men could do for a man under such circumstances. They ably and eloquently defended the prisoner upon every point that formality and technicality would admit of, but as they could not argue the lock off the door, and as the evidence, especially that given by prisoner’s witnesses, was point blank against Boombo, the verdict was, _guilty of each count_.

The sentence was—restitution, restoration, and reparation of goods stolen, people captured, and damages committed; to pay a fine of $500, and be imprisoned for two years. When the sentence was pronounced the convict shed tears, regarding the ingredient of imprisonment, in his sentence, to be almost intolerable. It is hoped that this will prove a salutary example to all other chieftains under the jurisdiction of this Government, that they may, henceforward, be convinced of the determination and power of the Government to administer justice in the premises. It is the belief of many, that Boombo’s punishment, as per sentence, is too great, but we believe to the contrary. Until rigorous measures are used to deter chieftains from carrying on their predatory wars, there can not be any guarantee, but that some part of our coast will always be in a state of savage warfare.

ADDRESS
OF
THE OHIO COLONIZATION COMMITTEE,
TO
The Clergymen of Ohio.

CHRISTIAN BRETHREN:

In our annual appeals to the churches, in behalf of the American Colonization Society, frequent reference has been made to the purchase of territory, in Africa, for an Ohio colony. The offer of funds for this object, by CHARLES MCMICKEN, ESQ., was made in 1848, and the purchase completed in 1850.

In anticipation of this result, memorials were forwarded to Columbus, in December, 1849, asking an appropriation, by the Legislature, to aid in the establishment of an “Ohio in Africa.” Among these petitions was one signed by the ministers of the Ohio Methodist Conference, the Ohio Baptist Annual Convention, the New School Presbyterian Synod of Cincinnati, the Old School Presbyterian Synod of Cincinnati, and the Old School Presbyterian Synod of Ohio.

In responding to these expressions of public sentiment, a resolution was passed, by both branches of the Legislature, asking the General Government to acknowledge the independence of Liberia; the Senate passed another resolution, asking Congress to withdraw its squadron from the coast of Africa, and to appropriate the $150,000 per annum, expended in its support, to the cause of African Colonization, as a more efficient means of suppressing the slave trade; and the House passed a bill, by a large majority, making a liberal appropriation to aid the proposed colony. The two last named measures were introduced so late in the session, that they were not acted upon, except by the branches named, and were postponed among the unfinished business.

These indications of a friendly disposition, on the part of the Legislature, to promote Colonization, together with some movements among the colored people favorable to the proposed enterprise, led to the appointment of a _Committee of Correspondence_, in 1850, to coöperate with the Agent in carrying out the enterprise so happily set on foot by Mr. McMicken. The committee was directed to give its counsel to the Agent, and adopt such measures as it might deem necessary to promote the cause of Colonization in the State; but, more especially, to aim at enlisting the churches in the work. This it has done in various ways, as may be seen by reference to the public prints. By its direction, the Agent renewed his efforts for an appropriation from the Legislature, but as a new Constitution was then in the course of preparation, that body declined all further action, until the future policy of the State should be settled. The Constitutional Convention was then approached, and it was proposed to introduce a special clause into the new Constitution, giving the Legislature power to appropriate money for African Colonization. This measure was resisted by those who were striving to secure the privileges of citizenship, in the State, for colored men; and by those who desired to prevent the surrounding States from driving their free colored people into Ohio. This last party being much the strongest in the Convention, the friends of Colonization had either to abandon their proposition, or couple it with a provision excluding any further immigration of colored people into the State. This policy being repugnant to their feelings, and the general powers conferred on the Legislature being considered amply sufficient to warrant it in fostering Colonization, the friends of the proposition declined to press its passage, and it was abandoned.

About this period, the project of encouraging Colonization, by establishing a line of “Steam-Ships,” to run between this country and Liberia, was agitated; and it so far received the advocacy of the public press, as to lead to the hope that the General Government would adopt the measure.

This important movement was succeeded by “Stanley’s Bill,” to devote the last instalment of the “Surplus Revenue,” to the several States, for Colonization purposes, in the proportions required by the law of 1836. As the success of this Bill, in Congress, would have given to the State of Ohio, annually, thereafter, the sum of $33,454, to build up our “Ohio in Africa,” it was considered of vital importance to secure its passage. Instead, therefore, of approaching our Legislature, to ask an appropriation, the Agent was directed to secure its influence with the General Government, in behalf of “Stanley’s Bill;” but before recommendatory resolutions could be carried through the Legislature, that important measure received its deathblow in Congress.

Public attention having been very fully directed, by these movements, to the State and National Legislatures, as the proper patrons of Colonization, the Agent found less disposition, among private individuals, longer to sustain the enterprise, and consequently the amount collected in the State has somewhat diminished.

For want of funds to make the necessary improvements for the protection of colonists, at the time the purchase of Mr. McMicken was effected, and because but few emigrants were then in our offer, to begin a settlement, no definite arrangement was made, with the authorities of Liberia, for the allotment of lands for our colored people. The region purchased embraces Grand Cape Mount and Gallinas, and includes a greater extent of country than was covered by the donation of Mr. M. The whole of this territory has been annexed to Liberia, and her laws extended over it. This arrangement will secure to our emigrants the protection of the Republic, and all the privileges enjoyed by any of its citizens. These advantages will be more than an equivalent to the extra fifty or one hundred acres of land, which Mr. McMicken originally proposed to give to each family; inasmuch as this bonus may still be secured to our emigrants, along with the protection of the Republic, by an arrangement with its government.

The recent disturbances at Grand Cape Mount, noticed in the accompanying Lecture of our Agent, will create a necessity for its speedy settlement; and, if we do not secure it for the colored people of Ohio, it must be given to others, to prevent the native population from being shipped off to the West Indies or Brazil.

The Committee feels assured, that, with a few thousand dollars, it can prevent this transfer to other parties, and secure the settlement of Grand Cape Mount as an Ohio Colony. This it considers very important, as a means of encouraging emigration. Believing that the funds would ultimately be secured for this object, such measures have been adopted, from time to time, as would promote that end. In March, 1850, sixteen emigrants, with the Rev. W. W. Findlay at their head, went to Liberia, to stand prepared to coöperate in founding our Colony. Mr. Findlay is still urgent for the commencement of the settlement; and, though comfortably situated on a farm, he offers to remove to Grand Cape Mount, at any time his services are needed. Himself and family are now fully acclimated, and are thus in a position to render efficient aid in superintending improvements for us.