Chapter XXIV: Appendix: Report of the Mission of the United States to Poland (2)

Cobden and Bright saw in the Ottoman question, as it presented itself in 1853, not chiefly a problem in the balance of power, but one that affected the lives of millions of human beings. It was not the threatened aggression of Russia that disturbed them; their eyes were fixed rather on the Christian populations that were being daily tortured under Turkish rule. They demanded a solution of the Eastern question in the way that would best promote the welfare of the Armenians, Greeks, Syrians, and Jews, whom the Sultan had maltreated for centuries. They cared little for the future of Constantinople; they cared much for the future of these persecuted peoples. They therefore took what was, I am sorry to say, the unpopular side in that day. They opposed the mad determination of the British public to go to war for the sake of maintaining the Turkish Empire.

The greatest speech John Bright ever made was against the Crimean War. “That terrible oppression, that multitudinous crime which we call the Ottoman Empire,” was his description of the country which Palmerston so greatly admired. Richard Cobden had studied conditions at first hand and had reached a conclusion identically the same as that of my friend whom I have already quoted--that is, that Turkey was not reformable. He ridiculed the fear that everywhere prevailed against Russia, denied that Russia’s prosperity as a nation necessarily endangered Great Britain, declared that the Turkish Empire could not be maintained, and that, even though it could be, it was not worth preserving.

“You must address yourselves,” said Cobden, “as men of sense and men of energy to the question--What are you to do with the Christian population? For Mohammedanism cannot be maintained, and I should be sorry to see this country fighting for the maintenance of Mohammedanism.... You may keep Turkey on the map of Europe, you may call the country by the name of Turkey if you like, but do not think that you can keep up the Mohammedan rule in the country.”

These were about the mightiest voices in England at that time, but even Cobden and Bright were wildly abused for maintaining that the Eastern question was primarily a problem in ethics. In order to preserve this hideous anachronism England fought a bloody and disastrous war. I presume most Englishmen to-day regard the Crimean War as about the most wicked and futile in their national existence. When the whole thing was over, a witty Frenchman summed up the performance by saying: “If we read the treaty of peace, there are no visible signs to show who were the conquerors and who the vanquished.” There was only one power which could view the results with much satisfaction; that was Turkey. The Treaty of Paris specifically guaranteed her independence and integrity. It shut the Black Sea to naval vessels, thus protecting Turkey from attack by Russia. Worst of all, it left the Sultan’s Christian subjects absolutely in his power.

The Sultan did, indeed, promise reforms--but he merely promised them. Despite experience to the contrary, the British and French diplomats blandly accepted this promise as equivalent to performance. It is painful to look back to this year 1856; to realize that France and England, having defeated Russia, had a free hand to solve the Ottoman problem, and that they refrained from doing so. That absurd prepossession that this oriental empire must be preserved in Europe simply as a buffer state against the progress of Russia entirely controlled the minds of British statesmen--and millions of Christian people were left to their fate.

What that fate was we all know. The Sultan’s promises of reform, never made in good faith, were immediately disregarded. Pillage, massacre, and lust continued to be the chief instruments used by the Sublime Porte in governing its subject peoples. Again the Sultan maintained his throne by playing off one European power against another. The “settlement” of the Eastern problem which had been provided by the Crimean War lasted until 1876.

These twenty years were not quiet ones in the Ottoman dominions; they were a time of constant misery and torture for the abandoned Christian populations. Great Britain and France learned precisely what the “integrity and independence of the Ottoman Empire” meant in 1876, when stories of the Bulgarian massacres again reached Europe. Once more Europe faced this everlasting question of the Turk in precisely the same form as in 1856. Again the British people had to decide between expediency and principle in deciding the future of Turkey. Again the British public divided into two groups. Palmerston was dead, but his animosity to Russia and his fondness for the Turk had become the inheritance of Disraeli. With this statesman, as with his predecessor, Turkey was a nation that must be preserved, whatever might be the lot of her suffering Christians. The other part, that played by Cobden and Bright in 1856, was now played by Gladstone.

“The greatest triumph of our time,” said Gladstone in 1870, “will be the enthronement of the idea of public right as the governing idea of European politics.” And Gladstone now proposed to apply his lofty principles to this new Turkish crisis. Many of us remember the attitude of the Disraeli Government in those days. We are still proud of the part played by two Americans, McGahan, a newspaper correspondent, and Schuyler, the American Consul at Constantinople, in bringing the real facts to the attention of the civilized world.

Until these men published the results of their investigations the Disraeli Government branded all the reports of Bulgarian atrocities as lies. “Coffee-house babble” was the term applied by Disraeli to these reports, while Lord Salisbury, in a public address, lauded the personal character of the Sultan. But these two Americans showed that the Bulgarian reports were not idle gossip. They furnished Gladstone his material for his famous Bulgarian pamphlet, in which he propounded the only solution of the Turkish problem that should satisfy the conscience of the British people. His words, uttered in 1876, are just as timely now as they were then.

“Let the Turks now carry away their abuses in the only possible manner, namely, by carrying away themselves. Their Zaptiehs and their Mudirs, their Bimbashis and their Yugbashis, their Kaimakans and their Pashas, one and all, bag and baggage, shall, I hope, clear out from the province they have desolated and profaned.”

Gladstone’s denunciation stirred the British conscience to its depths. The finer side of the British character manifested itself; the public conscience had made great advances since 1856, and the masses of the British people began to see the Ottoman problem in its true light. Consequently, when Russia intervened in behalf of the Bulgarians and other persecuted peoples, England did not commit the fearful mistake of 1853--she did not go to war to prevent the intervention. British public opinion at first applauded the Russian armies; when, however, the Czar’s forces approached Constantinople, the old dread of Crimean days seized the British public once more. Again Englishmen forgot the miseries of the Christians and began to see the spectre of Russia seated at Constantinople. Again Great Britain began to prepare for war; the British fleet passed the Dardanelles and anchored off Constantinople. England again declared that the safety of her empire demanded the preservation of Turkey, and gave Russia the option of war or a congress at which the treaty she had made with Turkey should be revised.

Russia accepted the latter alternative, and the Congress of Berlin was the result. This Congress could have freed all the subject peoples and solved the Eastern question, but again civilized Europe threw away the opportunity. At this Congress England, in the person of Disraeli, became the Sultan’s advocate, and again the Sultan came out victorious. Certain territories he lost, it is true, but Constantinople was left in his hands and a great area of the Balkans and the larger part of Asia Minor. As for the Armenians, the Syrians, the Greeks, and the Macedonians, the world once more accepted from Turkey promises of reform. Thus Gladstone and the most enlightened opinion in England lost their battle, and British authority again became the instrument for preserving that “terrible oppression, that multitudinous crime which we call the Ottoman Empire.”

Had it not been for the Congress of Berlin it is possible that we should never have had the world war. The treaty let Austria into Bosnia and Herzegovina and so laid the basis for the ultimatum of July 22, 1914. It failed to settle the fate of Macedonia, and so made inevitable the Balkan wars. By leaving Turkey an independent sovereignty, with its capital on the Bosphorus, it made possible the intrigues of Germany for a great Oriental empire. No wonder Gladstone denounced it as an “insane covenant” and “the most deplorable chapter in our foreign policy since the peace of 1815.”

“The plenipotentiaries,” he said, “have spoken in the terms of Metternich rather than those of Canning.... It was their part to take the side of liberty--as a matter of fact, they took the side of servitude.”

The greatest sufferers, as always, were the Christian populations. The Sultan treated his promises of 1878 precisely as he had treated those of 1856. It was after this treaty, indeed, that Abdul Hamid adopted his systematic plan of solving the Armenian problem by massacring all the Armenians. The condition of the subject peoples became worse as years went on, until finally, in 1915, we had the most terrible persecutions in history.

The Russian terror, if it ever was a terror, has disappeared. England no longer fears a Russia stationed at Constantinople and threatening her Indian Empire. The once mighty giant now lies a hopelessly crippled invalid, utterly incapable of aggressive action against any nation. What her fate will be no one knows. What is certain, however, is that the old Czaristic empire, constantly bent on military aggression, has disappeared for ever. When we look upon Russia to-day and then think of the terror which she inspired in the hearts of British statesmen forty and sixty-two years ago the contrast is almost pitiful and grotesque. The nation that succeeded Russia as an ambitious heir to the Sultan’s dominions, Germany, is now almost as powerless.

Moreover, the British conscience has changed since the days of the Crimean and Russo-Turkish wars. The old-time attitude, which insisted on regarding these problems from the standpoint of fancied national interest, is every day giving place to a more humanitarian policy. Gladstone’s idea of “public right as the governing idea of European politics” is more and more gaining the upper hand. The ideals in foreign policy represented by Cobden and Bright are the ideals that now control British public opinion. There are still plenty of reactionaries in England and Europe that might like to settle the Ottoman problem in the old discredited way, but they do not govern British public life at the present crisis. The England that will deal with the Ottoman Empire in 1919 is the England of Lloyd George, not the England of Palmerston and Disraeli.

For the first time, therefore, the world approaches the problem of the Ottoman Empire, the greatest blight in modern civilization, with an absolutely free hand. The decision will inform us, more eloquently than any other detail in the settlement, precisely what forces have won in this war. We shall learn from it whether we have really entered upon a new epoch; whether, as we hope, mediæval history has ended and modern history has begun.

If Constantinople is left to the Turk; if the Greeks, the Syrians, the Armenians, the Arabs and the Jews are not freed from the most revolting tyranny that history has ever known, we shall understand that the sacrifices of the last four years have been in vain, and that the much-discussed new ideals in the government of the world are the merest cant. Thus the United States has an immediate interest in the solution of this problem. The hints reaching this country that another effort may be made to prop up the Turk are not pleasing to us. We did not enter this war to set up new balances of power, to promote the interests of concessionaries, to make new partitions of territory, to satisfy the imperialistic ambitions of contending European powers, but to lend our support to that new international conscience that seeks to reorganize the world on the basis of justice and popular rights. The settlement of the Eastern question will teach us to what extent our efforts have succeeded.

If this mistake of propping up the Sultan’s empire is not to be made again, either that empire must be divided among the great powers--a solution which is not to be considered for reasons which it is hardly necessary to explain--or one of these great powers must undertake its administration as a mandatory. The great powers in question are the United States, Great Britain, France, Italy, and Japan. Of these only the first two are capable of assuming this duty. Lord Curzon has told me personally that for political and economic reasons Great Britain cannot assume the Ottoman mandate. Lloyd George has said essentially the same thing. And Stéphane Lauzanne, who speaks in a semi-official capacity for France, said, in an interview, Nov. 1, with a correspondent of the _Times_:

“In the offer of a mandate to her, America should see more than the selfish desire of Europe to involve her in European affairs. It is true she fears to be the centre of intrigues and difficulties. She fears distant complications. However, the question is nobler and higher than that. America is an admirable reservoir of energy. She holds the secret of that which is best in our modern life--to build largely and to build quickly. She has youth; she has power; she has wealth; she has that which she calls efficiency. We in Europe are old, poor, enfeebled, divided. It would be prodigiously interesting if America, after she has given us of her power, of her money and her material, should give us also an example.

“And what an example it would be if America were to accept the mandate for Constantinople! Here is a city which is one of the marvels of Europe and of the world, which is the jewel of the Orient, and which after twenty centuries of European civilization remains the home of wickedness and corruption. Every one disputes possession of its hills and harbours, and no one tries to make of it a great modern city which, rid of international intrigues and rid of politics, would be the shining pole of Europe. Only America can transform Constantinople; only America can establish herself there without suspicion of bad faith and without jealousy; only America can civilize the capital of Islam.

“To do that America has no need of regiments of soldiers or of cannon. She has need only of her workers and her constructors. A Hoover or a Davison would be enough. And America is full of Hoovers and Davisons.”

* * * * *

I recognize the tremendous problems which confront us in our own country. Those problems must and will be solved. But the day is past when the individual citizen can permit absorption in his personal affairs to exclude the consideration of the community’s or the nation’s well-being. A new social conscience has manifested itself. And it is equally true that the United States, as a member of the League of Nations, must take an active and altruistic interest in world affairs, however pressing our own problems may seem. The European situation, indeed, is really a part of them. Our associates in the war cannot drift into bankruptcy and despair without involving the United States in the disaster. The losses we would suffer in money would be the least distressing, should the world fall into the chaos which is threatening. If we cannot solve our own problems and at the same time help Europe solve hers we must be impotent indeed.

So much, then, for the general principles involved; what are the practical details of such a mandate? Last May, William Buckler, Professor Philip M. Brown, and myself joined in a memorandum to President Wilson outlining briefly a proposed system of government for the Ottoman dominions. This so completely embodies my ideas that I reprint it here, with two slight omissions:

* * * * *

“The government of Asia Minor should be dealt with under three different mandates, (1) for Constantinople and its zone, (2) for Turkish Anatolia, (3) for Armenia. The reason for not uniting these three areas under a single mandate is that the methods of government required in each area are different. In order, however, to facilitate the political and economic development of the whole country, these three areas should be placed under one and the same mandatory power, with a single governor in charge of the whole, to unify the separate administrations of the three states.

“Honest and efficient government in the Constantinople zone and in Armenia will not solve the problems of Asia Minor unless the same kind of government is also provided for the much larger area lying between Constantinople and Armenia, i. e., Turkish Anatolia. Constantinople and Armenia are mere fringes; the heart of the problem lies in Anatolia, of which the population is 75 per cent. Moslem.

“The main rules to be followed in dealing with this central district are:

“1. That it should not be divided up among Greeks, French,
Italians, &c.

“2. That the Sultan should, under proper mandatory control, retain
religious and political sovereignty over the Turkish people in
Anatolia, having his residence at Brusa or Konia, both of which are
ancient historic seats of the Sultanate.

“3. That no part of Anatolia should be placed under Greeks, even in
the form of a mandate. The Greeks are entitled by their numbers to
a small area surrounding Smyrna. Under no circumstances should
Greece have a mandate over territory mainly inhabited by Turks.

“The above solution of the problem of Asia Minor means refusal to recognize secret deals such as the Pact of London and the Sykes-Picot Agreement and especially the Italian claims to a large territory near Adalia. If Greeks and Italians, with their standing antagonism, are introduced into Asia Minor, the peace will constantly be disturbed by their rivalry and intrigues. Italy has no claim to any part of Anatolia, whether on the basis of population, of commercial interests, or of historic tradition.

“No solution of the Asia-Minor problem which ignores the fact that its population is 75 per cent. Turkish can be considered satisfactory or durable. The only two countries having any prospect of successfully holding a mandate over Anatolia are Great Britain and the United States.

“The large missionary and educational interests of the United States in Anatolia must be adequately protected, and it is illusory to imagine that this can be done if Anatolia is subjected to Greek, French, or Italian sovereignty.

“Only a comprehensive, self-contained scheme such as that above outlined can overcome the strong prejudices of the American people against accepting any mandate. To cure the ills of Turkey and to deliver her peasantry from their present ignorance and impoverishment requires a thorough reconstruction of Turkish institutions, judicial, educational, economic, financial, and military.

“This may appeal to the United States as an opportunity to set a high standard, by showing that it is the duty of a great power, in ruling such oppressed peoples, to lead them toward self-respecting independence as their ultimate goal.”

* * * * *

The Armenians are wholly unprepared to govern themselves or to protect themselves against their neighbours. Mere supervision will not be adequate. What the Armenian State requires is a kind of receivership, and we should take it over in trust, to manage it until it is time to turn it over when it is governmentally solvent and on a going basis. Anatolia should be under a separate management and have its own parliament; its executive should be a deputy governor under a governor general at Constantinople. The three governments should have a common coinage, similar tariff requirements, and unified railroad systems; and in other respects should be federated somewhat as states in this country are.

The commercial importance of such an arrangement is enormous, for Constantinople must continue as Russia’s chief outlet to the world, and it is the gateway to the East. The commercial policy would, of course, be an open-door policy. All nations would have equality of opportunity in trade and would be free in regard to colonization. As a matter of fact, the commercial situation is of little importance to us. Prior to the war our foreign trade amounted to only about 6 per cent. of our total trade; and although it increased during the war to about 11 per cent., it is likely to recede soon to the neighbourhood of 8 per cent. It will consist largely of raw materials, such as wheat, cotton, copper, and coal, which other nations must get from us, whether or no. Foreign trade is a mere incident; our prosperity is not what we are fighting for.

It need not require the extension of large credits from us to put these nations on a sound footing. They could be financed by bond issues issued in each case against the resources of the territories involved. If the United States held the mandates, there would be no difficulty, I apprehend, in floating such issues. And as for the policing necessary, that need be very small, provided a man of strong will and quick decision, fertile in resources and of unshakable determination, were assigned to the Governorship General at Constantinople. The opportunity would be a great one for an American completely imbued with our institutions. The succession of able pro-consuls whom we have sent to the Philippines shows that we shall not lack such men.

We shall surrender our mandates over these three territories when we have finished our work. We shall not necessarily leave them all at the same time; we shall turn each one over to its people when the public opinion of the world, expressed in the League of Nations, has decided that it is capable of directing its own affairs. It might be necessary for us to remain in Constantinople longer than elsewhere, and there is reason to suppose that Constantinople will become the Washington of the Balkans and perhaps of Asia Minor, the central governing power of the Balkan confederation. But if left without the guidance and help of outside intelligence and capital, those peoples will necessarily continue to retrograde. They must have security of property if they are to have an incentive to labour. Unless they have that, the blight of southeastern Europe will remain, and the Turks, originally a marauding band of conquerors, who have held a precarious and undeserved footing for more than five hundred years on European soil, will continue to menace its peace and safety. If ever there was a chance to put them out, we have that chance now. The United States is the only government which can undertake the purification of the Balkans without incurring ill-will and jealousy. We need not indulge in overpolite phrases. This is the only nation which can accept these mandates and maintain international good feeling. It is absolutely our fault if the Turk remains in Europe.

The difficulties inherent in this situation can be cured only at the source. The League of Nations, when it comes into being, must not operate exclusively through a central agency at Geneva, because it cannot learn in that way the real difficulties and the wants of dependent peoples. That can be done only in the most direct way, through representatives on the spot. The people, moreover, want to be heard. They are wonderfully relieved after they have had their say. That fact has its touch of pathos, perhaps to some a touch of the ridiculous; but it is a factor of the human equation which we cannot afford to ignore. And if we supply American tribunals, disinterested and just, before which these peoples can state their grievances and their aspirations, we will have taken a long step toward their pacification and stabilization.

INDEX

Abdul Hamid, kept prisoner, 184

Abraham & Straus, incident of formation of firm, 34

Adler, Dr. Cyrus, objects to Jew serving on commission
to investigate Polish pogroms, 353

Adler, Dr. Felix, leader of a new movement, 95, 129

Admission to the Bar, 29

Adrianople, Governor of, hospitable reception given by, 192

Agincourt, visit to ancient battleground, 266

Albright, Charles P., 26

Alexander, Andrew, building erected for, 55

Alexander, James W., fights to retain control of Equitable Insurance Co., 80

Alexandria, visit to, 219

Algef, Dr., 15

Ali Kuli Khan, at Peace Conference, 326

Ali Mehemmid, visit to, 223

Allen, Edward W., at Roosevelt’s fusion meeting, 280

Alter, Rabbi, visit to, near Warsaw, 374

America’s true mission in Turkey, 203

American Chamber of Commerce for the Levant, speech at, 198

American troops, arrival in France, restores flagging energy of the people,
256;
visit to, on British front, 266;
Sir Douglas Haig’s impressions of, 273

Anderson, Charles P., sails for International Red Cross Conference, 310;
in conference with Henry P. Davison, 313

Anderson, U. S. District Attorney, sends deputies to New Hampshire to enforce
election laws, 246

Arabian night, arranged by Governor of Nabulus, 231

Arif Pasha, 224

Armenia, report on, 337

Armistice, earlier than expected, 299

Armstrong Committee, the Insurance investigation, 64, 66, 71

Arnold, Olney, Consular Agent at Cairo, 219, 220

Aronstam, Charles S. account of Roosevelt’s forming fusion
ticket for New York municipal election, 280;
tenders nomination for President of Board of Aldermen, 281;
declined, 282

Arthur of Connaught, Prince, met on British front, 269

Atterbury, Gen. W. W., asked to accept
Director-Generalship of Associated National Red Cross, 318

Askenazy, pronounced Assimilator, 366

Astor, John Jacob, dealings with, 46

Astor, William Waldorf, 46;
real estate transactions with, 54, 55

Aupin, Count, meeting with, 330

Baker, Elbert H., prophesies Wilson would carry Ohio by large majority, 245

Baker, J. E., takes party of labour leaders to British front, 267

Baker, Newton D., assures committee of high Democratic majority in Ohio, 245;
letter declining to speak for League to Enforce Peace, 300

Baker, Ray Stannard, at Peace Conference, 324

Baldwin, Edward R., sails for International Red Cross Conference, 310

Balfour, Arthur J., New York City’s reception to, 253;
at luncheon given by, in Paris, 341

Balfour Declaration, misunderstood by Zionists, 389

Ball, Alwyn, Jr., realty dealings through, 55;
aids in forming real estate trust company, 57

Baltimore Convention, Wilson’s nomination at, 146

Baltimore _Sun_, favours Wilson at Baltimore Convention, 146

Bamberger-Delaware Gold Mine, investment in, 51

Bannard, Otto, defeated by Judge Gaynor, 279

Bar, admission to the, 29

Baring Brothers, influence of their failure on real estate transactions, 48

Barth, Herr, remark that Roosevelt could never remain out of politics, 281

Barton, Dr. James L., 175

Baruch, Bernard M., valuable aid in securing campaign contributions, 242

Bauman, Mr., 51

Beattie, C. J., met on British front, 267

Beecher, Henry Ward, 15

Behning, Henry, law case of, 31

Bell, George W., with Mitchel on campaign, 285

Bellows, Henry W., 15

Bennett, James Gordon, aids in sale of lots, 48;
encounter with pugilist indirect cause of siding against Tammany, 113

Berkowitz, Dr. Henry, not in favour of Zionist plans, 349

Biddle, General, commanding American troops on British front, 266

Big Business, era of, 133

Biggs, Dr. Hermann M., sails for International Red Cross Conference, 310

Billinski, M., talks on Jewish question, 374, 376

Black, Mr., 72

Blass, Robert, sings at Conried’s funeral, 104

Bliss, Cornelius N., Jr., on committee for financing the Red Cross, 249

Bliss, Dr. Howard, invited on Palestine trip, 214;
at Samaritan ceremonies, 229;
at Arabian night, 231, 232

Bliss, General, on possibilities of another war, 335

Bliss, George, real estate transactions with, 48, 49

Bloomingdale & Co., position with, 18

Blumstein, Louis M., real estate sold to, 42

B’nai Brith Lodge, at Constantinople, 205

Bompard, M., French Ambassador at Constantinople, 183

Bonné, Mrs. Josephine, 99

Borah, antagonistic to Wilson, 130

Brackett, Edgar T., presents argument for impeachment at Sulzer trial, 172

Brady, Anthony N., interested in formation of real estate trust company, 59

Brady, Peter, member “Committee of Safety,” 107

Bratiano, Roumanian premier, at Peace Conference, 326, 327

Briand, Aristide, meeting with, 330;
proposes to pay war debt by sale of lottery tickets in America, 331

Bridgeport, Alabama, unfortunate investments at, 50

British front, trip to, 266

Broad Exchange Bldg., purchase of plots for site, 87

Bronx House, Settlement work at, 105, 106

Brooklyn, emigration to, 5, 7

Brown, Dr. Arthur Judson, 175

Brown, Dr. Elmer R., in campaign of League to Enforce Peace, 301

Brown, Prof. Philip M., in study of Armenian question, 337

Bryan, William Jennings, candidacy against Wilson, 138;
the “cocked-hat” letter, 140;
at Jackson Day Dinner, 142;
hazy ideas of diplomacy, 174

Bryant, Lieut.-Col. M. C., executive secretary Mission to Poland, 335;
acts as secretary, 381

Bryant, William Cullen, 15

Bryce, Viscount, invited on Palestine trip, 216;
his thirst for facts, 227;
at the Samaritan ceremonies, 230;
at Arabian night, 231

Buchman, Albert, architect, 51

Buckler, William H., study of Turkish problem with, at Peace Conference, 323;
in study of the Turkish question, 336, 337

Bureau of Public Information, beginnings of, 252

Burleson, Albert S., assistance during campaign, 154;
appointed Postmaster-General, 159;
in difficulties over New York Postmastership, 237, 239

Butler, Benjamin F., 26

Butler, Prescott Hall, Boreel Bldg. purchased through, 87

Butzel, Mr., acquaintance with, 25

Cairo, arrival at, 220

Campaign of 1916, financing, 236, 241

Cannes, International Red Cross Conference at, 313

Carpenter, Prof. William H., speaks at Conried’s funeral, 105

Carroll, John F., 9

Caruso, Enrico, engaged by Conried from phonograph records, 101

Celluloid Piano Key Co., connection with, 32;
investments in, 41

Central Realty Bond & Trust Company, organization, 57 _et seq._;
transactions of, 86;
merged into Lawyers’ Title Insurance Company, 89

Chadbourne, Thomas L., Jr., valuable aid in
securing campaign contributions, 242;
at War Publicity meeting, 252

Channing, Dr., extract from “Self-Denial” sermon, 16

Charters, General, on British front, 268

Childs, William Hamlin, at War Publicity meeting, 253

Chinese delegation to Peace Conference, dinner given by, 324;
their hopeless position, 325

Choate, Joseph H., attorney for the Astors, 45;
presiding at New York City’s welcome to Joffre, Viviani, and Balfour, 254

City College, preparation for, 9;
entrance, 11;
withdrawal from, 13

Clark, Champ, candidacy against Wilson, 138;
at Jackson Day Dinner, 142;
at Baltimore Convention, 146;
over-confidence costs nomination, 147;
at the Sea Girt notification, 148

Clemenceau, at signing of Peace Treaty, 336

Cobb, Frank I., aids Wilson cause at Baltimore by New York _World_ editorial,
146;
at the Sulzer dinner, 168;
collaboration with on article showing Germany planned the war, 296

Coblenz, speech at, on the next war, 332, 335;
state of mind of the residents, 333

Cochran, Bourke, acquaintance with, 25

Coggeshall, Edward W., entertains proposition
for increasing capital of Lawyers’ Title Company, 67, 69

Colby, Bainbridge, retained by Alexander in Equitable contest, 80, 81;
on Board of Directors, Metropolitan Opera Company, 101;
campaign for Wilson, 245

College for Girls, Constantinople, 204, 207

Columbia Law School, attendance at, 27

“Committee of Safety,” creation of, 107

Conkling, Roscoe, 113

Conried, Heinrich, backing secured for Metropolitan Opera venture, 99;
engages Caruso from phonograph records, 101;
death, and impressive funeral, 104

Constantinople arrival at, 177;
tactics toward the “diplomatic set,” 179;
first impressions of, 186

Cooke, Jay, in Panic of 1873, 20

Cooper Union, address at, showing necessity of
complete defeat of Germany, 298

Cox, Governor, nominated for Presidency by state “bosses,” 121

Crane, Charles R., helps finance Wilson campaign, 145;
approves selection of headquarters for 1916 campaign, 236;
at dinner given by Chinese delegation to Peace Conference, 324

Crawford, L. Cope, met on British front, 267

Crimmins, John D., 22;
real estate ventures of, 41, 42;
interested in formation of real estate trust company, 58;
at the Sulzer dinner, 168

Croker, Richard, acquaintance with, 113

Crowell, Ass’t Sec’y of War, at dinner to, in Paris, 337

Cullen, Judge Edgar M., presiding at Sulzer impeachment, 172

Cummings, Homer S., friendship with, 154;
as the Demosthenes of the Democratic Party, 306

Currie, Sir Arthur, lunch with on British front, 268;
description of battle of Lens, 269

Curtis, Dr. Holbrook, 103

Curtis, Miss, met at Cannes, 327

D’Abernon, Lord, at Balfour luncheon in Paris, 341

D’Ankerswaerd, 188

Dana, Charles A., 15

Daniels, Josephus, friendship with, 154;
appointed Secretary of the Navy, 159;
hopeless of success of 1916 campaign, 235;
at McCormick luncheon, 242;
sails on the _Leviathan_, 310

Dardanelles, Major Tibbetts tells experiences, 268

Davies, J. Clarence, in the “Subway Boom,” 87

Davies, Joseph E., friendship with, 154

Davison, Henry P., selected as Chairman of
Committee for financing the Red Cross, 250;
dinner given Red Cross delegates in Paris, 312;
cable from, requesting attendance at International
Red Cross Conference, 308;
organizing and directing spirit of International Red Cross Conference, 316;
entreated to make Red Cross his life work, 316;
mistake of permitting other than American as Director-General, 319;
proposes dinner to Governors of the League of Red Cross Societies, 320;
speaks at the dinner, 321

Democracy--a master-passion, 351

Deutsch, Bernard, 106

Djemal, Colonel, 187

Dmowski, Roman, at Paderewski dinner, 356;
explains his Anti-Semitism, 357

Dodge, Bayard, on Palestine trip, 214

Dodge, Cleveland H., helps finance Wilson campaign, 145;
aid to Robert College, 208;
invited on Palestine trip, 214;
on committee for financing the Red Cross, 249

Doheny, Edward L., contributes large sum to campaign fund, and gets it back
by election bets, 242

Domremy, visit to, 260

_Dora_, trip to Hamburg on, 22

Doremus, Professor, 12

Draper, Mrs. William K., speech at dinner to Governors of the League of the
Red Cross Societies, 321

Dreier, Miss Mary, member “Committee of Safety,” 107

Drummond, Sir Eric, speech at dinner to
Governors of the League of the Red Cross Societies, 321

Duel, Dr. Arthur B., with Mitchel on campaign, 285

Dwight, Prof. Theodore W., 29

Easter sacrifice of the Samaritans on Mount Gerizim, 228

Eclectic Life Insurance Co., failure in Panic of 1873, 21

Edison, Thomas A., at McCormick luncheon, 242

Educational Alliance, Director of, 105

Egan, Dr. Maurice Francis, at Copenhagen Legation, 19

Egypt, Kitchener’s explanation of Great Britain’s policy in, 226

Ehrich, William J., association with in realty ventures, 42

Einhorn, Rabbi, 15, 128

Elizabeth, Princess, at dinner with, 326

Elkus, Abram I., work with factory investigation committee, 108;
helps finance Wilson campaign, 145

Emerson, Ralph Waldo, 15

Emerson Society, organized, 98

Enver Pasha, Turkish Minister of War, 185;
direct dealings with, 197;
asks advice, 202;
of much interest to Kitchener, 225

Equitable Insurance Co., the investigation, 79 _et seq._

Esher, Lord, arranges trip to British front, 266

Evarts, William M., attorney for the Astors, 45

Farley, Terrence, 41

Federal Reserve Act, prevents concentration and control of capital, 83

Filene, Edward A., in campaign of League to Enforce Peace, 301;
at dinner given by Chinese delegation to Peace Conference, 324

Finley, Dr. John H., 11

Fisk and Hatch, in Panic of 1873, 20

Flower, Roswell P., 118

Ford, Henry, drives a hard bargain, 242

Fosdick, Raymond B., aids in preparing National Committee budget, 153

Foss, Mr., at Jackson Day Dinner, 142

Fox, Mortimer J., on trip to Constantinople, 177

Franco-Prussian War, influences sentiment in favour of Germans in New York,
8

Frascara, Count, speech at dinner to Governors of the League of the Red Cross
Societies, 321

Fraser, Lovat, met on British front, 267

Free Synagogue, resignation from, 293

Freedman, Andrew, connection with Richard Croker, 115

French front, visit to, 259

Fuller Construction Co., financing of, 71

Garfield, President, influence of assassination on real estate market, 41

Garrels, Consul, 219

Gates, Dr., president of Robert College, 204, 208

Gawa, Prof. Arata Nina, speech at dinner to
Governors of the League of the Red Cross Societies, 321

Gaynor, William J., an opponent, 34

George, Lloyd, seeks Wilson’s favour through Admiral Grayson, 331;
at signing of Peace Treaty, 336

Germans, early prejudice against, in New York, 8

Germany: entering on career of Imperialism, 23

Gibson, Hugh, asked to report on Poland’s treatment of Jews, 352;
at Paderewski dinner, 356

Giers, Michel de, Russian Ambassador at Constantinople, 183

Gildersleeve, Henry A., acquaintance with, 25

Glass, Franklin P., at conference over Wilson’s “cocked-hat” letter, 140

Glass, Senator Carter, reason for his appointment
as secretary of Democratic National Committee, 244

Godkin, Lawrence, 15

Goelet, Robert, on Board of Directors of Metropolitan Opera Company, 100

Gold mine, investment in, 51

Goldsmith, Abraham, partnership with, 33, 42

Goodhart, Capt. Arthur L., Counsel with Mission to Poland, 355;
at reception in Warsaw, 365

Gould, George J., on Board of Directors Metropolitan Opera Company, 100

Gouraud, General, Pershing renews acquaintance of, at Verdun, 266

Grabski, conference with, on conditions in Poland, 358

Grand Central Station, construction of, 8

Grasty, Charles H., aids Wilson at Baltimore Convention, 146

Grayson, Admiral, telegram to, regarding Wilson’s
attitude toward Lane as Director-General of International Red Cross, 318;
dinner with Lloyd George, 332

Greeley, Horace, 15

Green, Andrew H., appointed Comptroller of City of New York, 113

Greene, Colonel Warwick, declines membership of
commission to investigate treatment of Jews in Poland, 352, 354

Gregory, Attorney General, sends deputies to New
Hampshire to enforce election laws, 247

Gregory, Eliot, on Board of Directors Metropolitan Opera Company, 101

Grew, Joseph C., cables to obtain American opinion of Jew serving on commission to investigate Polish pogroms, 353

Groshents, M., patriot of Thann, 261

Grosscup, Mr., 139

Grant, Hugh J., interested in formation of real estate trust company, 58;
aids in financing of Fuller Construction Co., 71;
advises purchase of Bareel Bldg., 86;
had no fear of panic, 88;
interested in Underwood Typewriter Company, 91

Guggenheim, Daniel, 100

Guggenheimer, Randolph, 100

Guizat, Count de Witt, entertained by, on trip to French front, 262

Gutherz, Dr., 3

Haig, Sir Douglas, arranges meeting with Sir Arthur Currie, 269;
why he did not capture Lens, 271;
record of meeting with, 271

Hall, A. Oakey, Mayor of New York City under Tweed, 109

Hall, Dr., quotation from, 16

Hamburg, trip on sailing vessel to, 22

Hamlin, Dr., work at Robert College, 208

Hammerstein, Oscar, realty dealings with, 43

Hammill, Dr. Samuel M., sails for International Red Cross Conference, 310

Hankey, Sir Maurice, at Balfour luncheon in Paris, 341

Hanna, Mark, in control of Republican Party, 122

Harbord, Major-General, meeting with in France, 273;
induced to accept Armenian Mission, 337;
helps select military member of mission to Poland, 354

Harbord Commission to Armenia, negotiations for appointment, 336, 337, 338;
report giving reasons for and against America accepting Armenian mandate,
343

Harriman, E. H., financing of Union Pacific, 77;
attitude toward Equitable controversy, 82

Hartman, Judge Anthony, 39

Hartman, Miss Rosina, studies under, 10

Harvey, Col. George, disagreement with Wilson, 149

Haskell, Col. William N., appointed to head resident commission to Armenia,
342

Havemeyer, Henry O., realty ventures, 42;
interested in formation of real estate trust company, 58

Hays, Will H., success as Republican National Chairman, 126

Hearst, William Randolph, at Jackson Day Dinner, 142

Heins, Louis F., 116

“Hell’s Kitchen,” experiences with tenants in, 40

Henderson, General David, becomes Director-General
of International Red Cross, 320;
speech at dinner to Governors of the League of the Red Cross Societies, 321

Henry Street Settlement, 105

Herrick, Myron T., urges acceptance of Ambassadorship to Turkey, 161

Hilton, Frederick M., transaction with, 86

Hilton, Hughes & Co., difficulties of, 36

Hirsch, Solomon, 162

Hirsdansky, Simon, 106

Hoffman, John T., made Governor by Tweed, 109, 110

Holley, Abner B., instructor in mathematics, 10

Hollis, Senator, at dinner given by Chinese delegation to Peace Conference,
324

Holt, Dr. L. Emmett, sails for International Red Cross Conference, 310

Holy Land, visit to the, 212

Homer, Mme., sings at Conried’s funeral, 104

Hoover, Herbert, meeting with in Paris, 312;
recommends appointment of Harbord Armenian Mission, 338;
not in favour of America accepting mandate over Armenia, 340;
urges Wilson to appoint commission to investigate
treatment of Jews in Poland, 352;
State dinner given to, by Paderewski, 377

Hoskins, Dr. Franklin, invited on Palestine trip, 214;
at Caves of Machpelah, 218;
profound Biblical scholar, 227;
at Samaritan ceremonies, 229;
at Arabian night, 231

House, Colonel, Wilson’s confidence in, 154;
approves selection of headquarters for 1916 Campaign, 236;
his relationship with President Wilson, 239;
at Peace Conference, 327;
at signing of Peace Treaty, 336

Houston, Secretary, applauds campaign of League to Enforce Peace, 300

Hudspeth, Judge, 121, 139

Hughes, Chas. Evans, conducts insurance investigation, 79, 83;
at War Publicity meeting, 252;
urges Mitchel’s reëlection at City Hall Park mass meeting, 284;
signs cable to Wilson appealing for help for Armenia, 340;
speaks at Madison Square Garden meeting of protest
against treatment of Jews in Poland, 352

Hughes, Congressman, 139

Huntington, Collis P., real estate dealings with, 52

Hyde, Henry B., organizes Equitable Life Insurance Co., 79

Hyde, James Hazen, head of Equitable Life Insurance Co., 66;
insurance irregularities, 78;
personal weakness, 79;
efforts in Paris to assist in World War, and work with the Red Cross, 84

Ibrahim Bey, 189

Ickelheimer, Henry R., 100

International Red Cross Conference, 310

Izzett, General, 187

Jackson, Charles A., 120

Jackson Day Dinner, of 1912, Wilson’s success at, 138

Jacob-ben-Aaron, High Priest of Samaritans, 228

Jadwin, General Edgar, on commission to investigate
treatment of Jews in Poland, 352;
selected by Pershing, 354;
at Paderewski dinner to Hoover, 378

Jarlsberg, Count Wedel, speech at dinner to Governors
of the League of the Red Cross Societies, 321

Jarvie, James N., on board of directors of real estate trust company, 61;
opponent of Havemeyer, 65, 69;
interested in Underwood Typewriter Co., 91

Jastrow, Prof. Morris, not in favour of Zionist plans, 349

Jaubert, Captain, in charge of trip to French front, 259

Jews, influence of, discrimination against, in failure of Hilton,
Hughes & Co., 38;
send commission to Peace Conference, 348;
opportunities boundless in America, 399

Jews, atrocities against, in Poland, 351;
Hugh Gibson asked to report on, 352;
Wilson appoints commission to investigate, 352;
objections against Jew serving on commission, 353

Jewish members of Polish Parliament, 361

Jewish question, the, article in New York _Times_, 289

Joffre, Marshal, New York City’s reception to, 253;
pleads for sight of American uniforms in Paris, 256;
meeting at his Paris headquarters, 262

Johnson, Frederick, 116

Johnson, George F., 116

Johnson, Homer H., at dinner given by, in Paris, 337;
on commission to investigate treatment of Jews in Poland, 352

Johnson, Joseph, appointment as Postmaster prevented, 238

Joline, Adrian H., “cocked-hat” letter from Wilson, 140

Jones Estate, Joshua, purchase of lots in, 47

Jordan, Thomas N., 68

Judson, Dr. Henry Pratt, dinner to, 299

Juilliard, A. D., on board of directors of real estate trust company, 61, 66,
69

Kahn, Congressman Julius, on committee to present views of American Jews on
Zionism to Peace Conference, 350

Kahn, Otto H., on Board of Directors Metropolitan Opera Company, 100

Kahri Jeh Janisi, oldest mosque in Constantinople, 187

Kelly, John, succeeds Tweed as Tammany leader, 112

Kennedy, John S., aid to Robert College, 208

Kenyon, Cox & Co., in Panic of 1873, 20

Kerenski, at Peace Conference,323

Kergolay, Count, speech at dinner to Governors of the League of the Red Cross
Societies, 320

Khedive of Egypt, provides for welcome at Alexandria, 219;
official call on, 221;
as a modern business man, 222

Kiernan, Lawrence D., 9

Kilpatrick, Frank, realty dealings with, 45

Kilpatrick, Walter, realty dealings with, 45

Kingsbury, John A., member “Committee of Safety,” 107

Kitchener, Lord, meeting with, in Egypt, 210;
anomalous position in Egypt, 220;
meeting with, 221;
luncheon with, 224

Knickerbocker Real Estate Co., dealings with, 42

Knox Bldg, purchase of, 87

Koenig, Samuel S., at Sulzer dinner, 168

Kuhn, Loeb & Co., rise in banking circle, 77

Kurzman, Ferdinand, in law office of, 12;
reëmployment by, 18;
method of dispossessing undesirable tenant, 39

Lachman, Samson, 33;
realty ventures with, 42;
elected Judge of Sixth District Court, 120

Lachman, Morgenthau & Goldsmith, formation of partnership, 34;
withdrawal from the firm, 56

Lamont, Dan, his friendship with Grover Cleveland, 118

Lamont, Thomas, at dinner given by Chinese delegation to Peace Conference,324

Landman, Rabbi Isaac, on committee to present views of American
Jews on Zionism to Peace Conference, 350

Lane, Franklin K., donation to campaign fund, 242;
writes Red Cross proclamation, 251;
approves campaign of League to Enforce Peace, 300;
proposed as Director-General of International Red Cross, 318;
considered for head of corporation to finance Poland, 381

Lansing, Secretary of State, at Paderewski dinner, 356;
letter of instructions to Mission to Poland, 359

Lansing, Mrs., at signing of Peace Treaty, 336

Lauzanne, Stéphane, arranges luncheon with Bunau Varilla, 330

Lawyers’ Mortgage Company, increase of capital stock, 70, 71

Lawyers’ Title Company, increase of capital stock, 67-71

League to Enforce Peace, work against future wars, 300;
travelling in campaign of, 301;
pronouncement on the League of Nations Covenant, 303

Leisenring, John, 26

Leishmann, John G. A., meeting with at Aix-les-Bains, 85

Lens, General Currie’s description of battle, 269;
why Sir Douglas Haig refrained from capturing, 271

Lenox, James, 22

Letoviski, Major, leader of Jewish massacre at Pinsk, 369

Lewin, Rabbi, on Jewish question in Poland, 375

Liberty Loan, and United War Work Drives, travelling in behalf of, 295

Lloyd, Bishop Arthur Selden, 175

Lodge, Henry Cabot, signs cable to Wilson appealing for help for Armenia, 340

Loeb, Solomon, realty ventures, 42

Loewi, Valentine, 30

Lord, Dr. Robert, at Peace Conference, 324

Low, Sydney, met on British front, 267

Lowell, President in campaign of League to Enforce Peace, 301;
in a foot race with, 302

Macauley, Captain, of the _Scorpion_, 219

Machpelah, Caves of, visit to, 213, 217

Mackay, Clarence H., on Board of Directors Metropolitan Opera Company, 100

Mackaye, Dr., 175

Macy, R. H., & Co., business secured by Isidor Straus and his sons, 36

Mahmoud Tahgri Bey, acting Governor of Alexandria, 219

Mahmoud Tewfik Hamid, 232

Mahmoud Pasha, 189

Malcolm, Ian, speech at dinner to Governors of the
League of the Red Cross Societies, 320

Mallet, Sir Louis, British Ambassador at Constantinople, 183;
renewal of acquaintance with, 336

Malone, Dudley Field, at conference over Wilson’s “cocked-hat” letter, 140;
brings message from Wilson on McCombs-Newton rupture, 145

Mannes, David, 106

Mannheim, early life in, 1, 333

Manning, Dan, 118

Mardighian, Osman, 187

Marie, Princess, at dinner with, 326

Marling, Alfred E., 175

Marsh, Benjamin C., Secretary Committee on Congestion
of Population in New York City, 107

Marshall, T. R., at Jackson Day Dinner, 142

Marshall, Louis, at Sulzer dinner, 168;
objects to Jew serving on Commission to investigate Polish pogroms, 353

Martin, Riccardo, sings at Conried’s funeral, 104

Meyer, Peter F., 48;
connection with Richard Croker, 113

Metaxa, Dr., arranges meeting with Venizelos, 328

Metropolitan Opera Company, formed for Conried, 100

Metropolitan Opera House, gathering on President
Wilson’s return from Paris, 304

Miller, Cyrus C., elected Borough President of the Bronx, 118

Mitchel, John Purroy, in the Postmastership controversy, 237;
campaign for preparedness irritating to President Wilson, 238;
at War Publicity meeting, 252;
has good business offer but decides to remain in politics, 279;
asks advice on Mayoralty campaign, 278;
elected Mayor of City of New York, 283;
asks advice as to running again, 283;
his death in his country’s service, 286

MacDowell, Miss, in Settlement work, 105

MacNulty, Mr., 35

McAdoo, William G., in Wilson’s campaign, 137;
drops his business to aid Wilson’s candidacy, 154;
appointed Secretary of the Treasury, 159;
apprehensive of outcome of 1916 campaign, 235;
dejection at unfavourable election returns, 246

McAneny, George A., considered for Mayor on fusion ticket, 280;
not a vote-getter, 281

McCall, Mr., power in finance, 78

McCombs, William F., in charge of Wilson campaign, 137, 139;
controversy with Byron Newton, 145

McCormick, Chancellor, on Palestine trip, 215

McCormick, Vance, bosses object to, 121;
named Chairman of Democratic Campaign Committee, 241;
dinner to Henry Ford, Thos. A. Edison, and Josephus Daniels, 242;
on committee for financing the Red Cross, 249

McCurdy, Richard A., incensed at not being asked to
participate in capital increase of Lawyers’ Title Company, 69;
power in finance, 78;
misuse of insurance funds, 83

McCurdy, R. H., on Board of Directors of Metropolitan Opera Company, 100

McIntire, Alfred, 19, 30

McIntyre, William H., on Board of Directors Metropolitan Opera Company, 101

McManus, Thomas F., 116

Mohammed V, a weakling, 184

Moncheur, Baroness, 188

Montefiore, Claude, representing Jews of France at Peace Conference, 350

Moore, Judge, 121, 122

Moore, Mrs. Philip North, in campaign of League to Enforce Peace, 301

Morgan, J. Pierpont, his power in finance, 76

Morgan, Miss Anne, member “Committee of Safety”, 107

Morgenthau, Henry, Jr., at Sea Girt, 148

Morgenthau, Mrs., arrival in Turkey, 194

Morgenthau Company, Henry, formation, 89

Morton, Levi P., real estate transactions with, 48;
assists at auction sale, 49

Mott, John R., conversation with, on after-the-war work, 316

Mt. Sinai Hospital, on Board of Directors, 105

Munsey, Frank, at War Publicity meeting, 253

Murphy, Arthur D., defeated for Borough President of Bronx, 116

Murphy, Charles F., selected by Croker to head Tammany, 116

Murphy, Major, with Red Cross in France, 86

Nabulus, Governor of, arranges an Arabian night, 231

Nahoun, Chief Rabbi, 205

New York, arrival in, 6, 7

New York _Sun_, comment on heading of _Red Cross Magazine_ article, 289

New York _Times_, article on the Jewish question, 289;
Washington despatch to, 293;
publishes speech made at dinner of Executive
Committee of Wise Centenary Fund, 294;
article, “Emperor William Must Go,” 297;
article, “A Vision of the Red Cross After the War,” 308;
article on departure as delegate to International Red Cross Conference, 308

New York _World_, article showing Germany planned the war, 296

Newton, Byron, controversy with McCombs, 145

Nilsson, Christine, 12

Norton, Chas. D., on Committee for financing the Red Cross, 249

Norton, Patrick, excavation contractor, 51, 52

Nugent, difficulty with, over tickets for Jackson Day Dinner, 139

O’Connor, Charles, 29

O’Gorman, Senator James A., at Jackson Day Dinner, 142;
friendship with, 154;
transmits Wilson’s offer of Ambassadorship to Turkey, 159;
fearful of Wilson’s reëlection in 1916, 235

O’Toole, Morgan, 27

Ochs, Adolph S., as example of opportunity, 400

Ogden, D. B., entertains proposition to increase
capital of Lawyers’ Title Company, 67

Olcott, Frederick P., interested in formation of real estate trust company,
58;
a power in finance, 65;
aids in increasing capital of Lawyers’ Title Company, 68;
in railroad reorganizations, 78;
questioned as to attitude if panic should ensue, 88

Ottendorfer, Oswald, realty transactions with, 45

Otto, Major Henry S., with Mission to Poland, 355

Outerbridge, E. H., urges acceptance of nomination
for President of the Borough of Manhattan, 278;
urges Mitchel’s reëlection at City Hall Park mass meeting, 284

Paderewski, asks Wilson to appoint commission to
investigate treatment of Jews in Poland, 352;
gives dinner at the Ritz, 355;
efforts to assure people he was not Anti-Semitic, 377;
gives state dinner to Hoover, 377;
impressions of, at dinner to Hoover, 379;
holds up financing of Poland, 381

Paderewska, Mme., at dinner given to Hoover, 378

Page, Thomas Nelson, meeting with in Paris, 255

Page, Walter Hines, introduced by Woodrow Wilson, 136

Painlevé, meeting with, 85;
at review of first American troops in France, 256;
dining with, 257

Palestine, visit to, 212;
prominent Jews not in favour of Zionist project of National home, 349;
true meaning of Balfour Declaration, 389;
significance of Sir Herbert Samuel’s appointment, 392;
not suitable for colonization, 393

Pallavicini, Marquis, Austrian Ambassador at Constantinople, 182

Panic of 1873, 20

Parish, Henry, realty dealings with, 55

Park, Trenor W., 53

Parker, Judge Alton B., at Jackson Day Dinner, 142;
of counsel at Sulzer impeachment, 172

“Parsifal,” difficulties encountered in production, 102

Parsons, John E., realty ventures, 42

Patri, Angelo, 106

Patrick, Dr. Mary Mills, president Constantinople College for Girls, 204, 207

Patrick, Mason M., considered for Mission to Poland, 355

Peabody, Charles A., realty dealings through, 55

Peace Conference, impressions of, 322

Peace Treaty, signing of, 336

Pears, Sir Edwin, 188

Peet, Dr. W. W., work in Constantinople, 205;
missionary activities, 211;
gives information on Palestine, 213;
invited to accompany party, 214;
at Arabian night, 231

Penrose, Senator, assumes leadership of Republican machine, 125;
willing to wreck party’s chances to injure Roosevelt, 150

Perlmutter, Rabbi, calls on Mission at Warsaw, 361

Perkins, George W., member “Committee of Safety,” 107;
at War Publicity meeting, 253

Perkins, Major, with Red Cross in France, 86

Perkins, Miss Frances, member “Committee of Safety,” 107

Persian delegation to Peace Conference, their hopeless position, 325

Pershing, General, meeting with in Paris, 255;
lauded by Joffre, 264;
letter from, explaining postponement of dinner, 264;
his description of battle of Verdun, 265;
meeting with at headquarters in France, 273;
at signing of Peace Treaty, 336;
selects military member of Mission to Poland, 354

Phillip, Hoffman, Conseiller and First Secretary,
American Embassy, Constantinople, 177, 187

Philipson, Rev. Dr. David, not in favour of Zionist plans, 349

Phillips, L. J., 48

Phœnix Insurance Co., position with, 18

Pilsudski, Dictator of Poland, 115;
not in favour of Mission to Poland, 360;
at reception in Warsaw, 364;
“no pogroms, nothing but unavoidable accidents,” 371;
talks with on Jewish question, 372, 375;
change of attitude toward Commission, 378;
his story of his rise to power, 378

Pinchot, Amos, member “Committee of Safety,” 107

Pinsk, investigations in, 369

Platt, Frank, retained by Alexander in Equitable Insurance contest, 80, 81

Plaza Hotel, purchase of, 87

Plumb, Preston, 26

Poincaré, President, at review of first American troops in France, 256;
at signing of Peace Treaty, 336

Poland, atrocities against the Jews, 351;
question of Jewish nationalism in, 351;
plan to finance, 380

Poland, Mission to, formation of, 352;
ideal to be accomplished, 358;
Lansing’s letter of instructions, 359;
arrival in Warsaw, 360

Politics, first entry into, 111

Politis, M., arranges meeting with Venizelos, 328