Chapter V: Part 5

It was the first of August before the Pharos of Alexandria was got sight of by the squadron, who were then steering direct for it towards the S.S.E. and as they approached discovered a wood of masts in the harbour. The advanced ships (the _Alexander_ and _Leander_ about two leagues a head) made signal for having discovered ships of war to eastward. The admiral, who, with the bulk of the squadron, was in close order of sailing, being thus directed to a view of the long sought-for fight, immediately altered his course accordingly, and made signal to recal those on the look-out. The _Culloden_ was then about two leagues to the eastward of the admiral, and, after some time and signals exchanged, obtained leave to cast off the vessel towed from off Coron. The _Alexander_ and _Leander_, who had run in nearer Alexandria, were thereby obliged to hawl more to the wind than between N.N.W. and N.W. in order to round the point off Aboukir; which threw them considerably later than the main body; who sailing with a free wind reached about, or soon after five o’clock, the point; which having rounded and got the bay fairly open, the admiral hawled up on the lar-board tack, under an easy sail, probably for the purpose of viewing the situation of the enemy, or more likely for giving time for those of his own squadron to close; the _Culloden_ being still about two leagues distant in the N.W. quarter. While the _Alexander_ and _Leander_ were still farther distant in the W.S.W. the squadron of the enemy, which shewed 13 sail of the line of battle, were but a few miles off, bearing from S.W. to south, and anchored in a line extending nearly N.W. and S.E. with their admiral’s flag on board a three deck ship in the centre, and four frigates, with several gun-vessels, dispersed inside towards the van and rear.

The squadron did not remain long with their heads from the enemy. The admiral speedily determined on what plan of attack was to be adopted. He gave orders, by signal, to prepare to anchor by the stern, and wore with the whole squadron together by signal. That manœuvre at once changed the situation of the squadron, by giving the lead to those, who were, while their heads were to the offing, dropping a-stern to join their situation in the rear, in the order of sailing: or, as some have alleged, loitered a-stern from an unwillingness to be drawn off even a few hundred yards from the enemy. If such were the sentiments of any, they were now indulged by the admiral bearing up toward the van of the enemy, and making the signal to form the line of battle a-head, or most convenient: that is, for each ship to fall in as their situation at the time best suited, without regard to the established order of battle.

On that occasion, there were such displays of emulation by each ship to gain an advanced post in the attack, as must have tended to inspire each other with an invincible confidence. But so alert were the whole, that no one ship could gain the point of getting a-head of another, who had the advantage of laying their heads towards the enemy. The admiral, as they were drawing into a form of battle, made the signal to attack the enemy’s van and centre: and soon after, added the signal for a close engagement, which was kept flying.

The wind, which was between N.W. and N.N.W., had been a fresh top gallant sail breeze, and, though moderated as the day drew towards a close, still swelled out the lighter sails. Before the _Goliah_ (the leading ship) had approached within a mile of the enemy’s van ships, they commenced a brisk cannonade with their starboard guns, as did the batteries at the castle of Becquires and the gun-vessels, which galled the British squadron much as they closed. But the situation of the enemy’s anchorage, and the shallowness of the water around, rendered it impossible to evade that annoyance. It was therefore borne with a firmness worthy of their character. The period was but short when it became theirs to return the annoyance. The gallant leader[10] in the _Goliah_, on that occasion displayed a conduct which shewed him worthy of the post he had taken. Keeping his ship under all convenient working sail, he kept as near to the edge of the bank as the depth of water would permit, and passing a-head of the enemy’s van ship, _Le Guerrier_, poured into her a most destructive fire; and bearing round up shortened sail,[11] and anchored by the stern inside of the second of the enemy’s line, _Le Conquerant_.

The _Zealous_ followed in the track of the _Goliah_, but not so far, having dropped her stern anchor, so as to preserve a situation on the inside bow of _Le Guerrier_, whom she handled in the severest manner without being exposed to annoyance in return. The _Orion_ next followed, and passing to windward of the _Zealous_, and round her, plying her larboard guns on _Le Guerrier_, while they bore, continued on a S.E. course, and passed the inside of the _Goliah_: when, being annoyed by a frigate’s fire, she yawed as much as was necessary to bring her starboard guns to bear, and gave her so complete a dose as to silence her for ever. Then hawling round towards the enemy’s line, she dropped the starboard bower anchor inside between the third and fourth ships from their van, and with some exertions, by spreading all her after-sail, (probably to force her keel over the ground, which it most likely touched) got her swung round abreast of _L’Aquilon_, who had, without annoyance, suffered the _Orion_ to place herself in this situation. The _Theseus_, who followed the _Orion_, passed between the _Zealous_ and _Le Guerrier_, so close to the latter, (whose foremast was by this time over the side) only preserving sufficient distance to avoid entangling her rigging with the jib-boom of the enemy’s ship, and when abreast of her bow, poured in a broadside, until then reserved, the effect of which on the enemy was instantaneous. The main and mizen-masts were also brought down. Thus, in less than fifteen minutes was the van ship of this line reduced to a mere hulk, incumbered with the wreck of her own masts and yards, and doubtless the crew much mutilated. That destructive broadside was given just as the sun dipped in the horizon; after which the _Theseus_ passed on the outside of the _Goliah_, and dropped her stern-anchor a-head of her; and thus was placed inside of the third ship of the enemy, _La Spartiate_, and had commenced the cannonade about the time or before her leader, the _Orion_, was got completely placed, from the little interruptions before-mentioned.

The _Audacious_ followed next, and passing between _Le Guerrier_ and _Conquerant_, increased the misfortunes of those ill-fated ships, by a destructive fire, and afterwards dropped her stern-anchor, so as to preserve her station inside bow of the latter, over whom the _Goliah_ had already got a decided superiority, by the comparative fire maintained. The breeze by this time (as above observed) had lessened as the day closed: most probably too it had been lulled the more by the effect of the cannonade, which had for some time been maintained: hence the ships which were in the rear of the British squadron were not enabled to close with the celerity suitable to their ardour on that occasion.

The _Vanguard_ was the follower of the _Audacious_; but did not, like the five who had preceded her, pass the enemy’s line: the rank of the admiral (whose flag this ship bore) gave him a privilege of deviating from the example of his leaders, whose manœuvres were to be guided by his direction: she was anchored by the stern on the outside, and close to the third ship from the van, _Le Spartiate_. Her followers respectively passed on a-head of their leader, anchoring by the stern as they came up on the outside as the admiral had done. Thus the _Minotaur_, _Defence_, and _Swiftsure_, took position a-breast of the fourth, fifth, and sixth ships from the van; by which arrangement it was left for the _Bellerophon_ to attack the French admiral’s ship, _L’Orient_, of three decks:[12] nor was the undertaking shrunk from, because of the apparent inequality of the contest: the _Bellerophon’s_ stern-anchor was dropped on the outside bow of _L’Orient_, whose collection of heavy batteries was reserved for the closing. The effect of these will be best judged of by the reference to the list of killed and wounded of the hardy assailants, in which stands enrolled the names of almost every officer of that ship. By that time the day was so much closed, as to obscure from general view the conduct of each ship; particularly towards the centre, which was covered with the clouds of smoke blown thither from the van, by the light breeze which yet continued. Under these circumstances, the _Majestic_, who followed the _Bellerophon_, had to grope for an antagonist; in doing which, it is said, she found her jib-boom had entered the main rigging of one of the enemy’s ships a-stern of their admiral; by whom, she was most severely treated while thus entangled: but, after some time, she swung clear, and avenged herself completely on another of the enemy farther astern.

Having thus got all the ships into action, that had formed the body of the squadron, the _Culloden_, who had been detained by the towing of the wine-vessel, may now be looked after; also the _Alexander_ and _Leander_, who had been thrown out a-stern, by their having been on the look-out towards Alexandria.

It was with extreme mortification observed, before the day had closed, that the former had run a-ground on a shoal, which was found to extend N.E. from the point on which the castle stood. It may be better imagined than described what were the feelings of the gallant commander and crew of that ship, to be so arrested in their passage to the participation of the fatigues and glory of the combat then depending. The loss of the assistance of such a ship, on so important occasion too, must have excited emotions of deep regret among those engaged, many of whom had witnessed, on an important and splendid occasion in the preceding year, how eminently that ship, under the command of the same officer, and with the same crew, had been distinguished.--Great as the loss of this ship’s assistance was, it yielded some consolation to conclude, that her running a-ground served as a beacon to induce the two ships (_Alexander_ and _Leander_, then to the westward of her) to hawl more out to the offing than they might otherwise have done, from an anxiety to be as soon as possible up to the assistance of their companions; in which case the assistance of two ships would have been lost instead of the _Culloden_. The _Mutine_ brig made towards her, and remained to render her assistance in getting off the ground; and the _Leander_, in passing, had communication to know if she could render her effectual aid: that being judged impracticable, she followed her companion, the _Alexander_, who, having rounded the end of the shoal, was then steering for the centre of the enemy, under all sail: nor did she shorten any, until closed with the French admiral’s ship, whom she passed and anchored in a most judicious position inside of that tremendous ship, whom she attacked with a briskness, and maintained with such vivacity, as indicated the impatience of the crew in having been thrown out so long from entering into the action.

Without pretending to minute accuracy with regard to time, this may be stated to have taken place about, or soon after eight o’clock. Soon after, the _Leander_ ran in under the stern of the fifth ship; and, anchoring there, took a position whereby she could, without annoyance, fire her guns of one side in the stern of _Le Peuple Souverain_, and those of the other side into the bows of _La Franklin_. It is unnecessary to remark on what must have been the effect of so destructive a raking fire, even from a ship of the _Leander’s_ small force.

Thus did each of the British ships enter into action. The result shews the manner in which each performed its duty. By the time the last-mentioned ships got placed in their respective positions, those which formed the van of the enemy were silenced, and some had struck. Their submission had extended as far as the fourth ship, about nine o’clock. And, soon after, _L’Orient_, in their centre, was discovered to be on fire, which spread with such rapidity that she was soon in a general blaze, and precluded even a shadow of hope for her preservation. The cannonade was, in the meantime, maintained with equal briskness by the British ships, whose opponents had not yet surrendered, while some of them, very much sickened, were barely able to maintain resistance.

While the flames were consuming _L’Orient_, great were the exertions made by the _Alexander_ to remove to such distance as her captain judged necessary to save her from danger of being covered with the wreck of her unfortunate antagonist. About ten o’clock, the fire had reached _L’Orient’s_ magazine, when she blew up with a most tremendous explosion, by which fragments of her wreck were thrown to a considerable distance on every side; and those ships who were nearest to the place of the explosion, were for some time completely obscured, by the thick column of smoke which spread around. The cannonade at that moment ceased, and a silence ensued, strongly expressive of the awe with which the minds of the combatants were impressed by that dreadful event.

That impression appeared to be effaced, by the recollection that there was still duty left to be performed; for, in about ten minutes after, the cannonade was renewed around the spot where _L’Orient_ had exploded, and in a few minutes was maintained with vivacity, and continued with little abatement until after midnight, when it became slacker, with some intermissions, indicating the exhausted state of the combatants, by the fatigue already undergone;[13] but the firing did not entirely cease until three o’clock.

_Thursday morning, the second of August._--When the day opened, how different was the prospect from that which the preceding evening had closed! The greatest part of the ships, which formed the van of the French line, dismasted, and all struck! Not a vestige of their admiral’s ship to be seen! The frigate (_La Sêrieuse_), whom the _Orion_ had silenced the preceding evening, now sunk! The _Bellerophon_ was observed several miles to the eastward along shore, at anchor, dismasted. Some of the British ships, which had attacked and defeated the van, now shifted more towards the rear, and others moving thither, to complete the conquest of the enemy’s ships. In that part, this led to a recommencement of the cannonade, in the outset of which, a frigate (_L’Artémise_), in the centre, displayed a conduct mean and unworthy of the squadron to which it was attached. After firing a broad-side, she struck; but, before she was sent to, by any of the British ships, was observed to be on fire, and the crew making for the shore in their boats, where they were so ill received by the natives, that a remnant of them were fain to return, and trust to the generosity of their enemy, whom they had so recently offended by a flagrant breach of the laws of war.

Without entering into any further detail of the whole, after the cannonade had been long maintained, with some intermissions, it was closed with the surrender of _L’Heureux_ and _Mercure_, and dismasting of _Le Tonnant_. The two rear ships, _Le Guillaume Tell_ and _Genereux_, observing all their companions either surrendered, or in a disabled state, prepared to get under sail, which they did, without interruption, before two o’clock, and were accompanied by _La Dianne_ and _Justice_ frigates, neither of whom had been annoyed. _Le Timoleon_ made an attempt to follow, but, casting with her head into the bay, and not being alertly managed (probably, not in a manageable state), her head was not got out to the offing, but ran ashore at a little distance from whence she had laid, in the south-east part of the bay, where they set her on fire. The _Zealous_, who was under sail when the rear ships of the enemy left the bay, stood after them; but, as there was not any other then under sail, to accompany and support her, she was called in by the admiral.

There yet remained to be taken possession of, _Le Tonnant_, entirely dismasted, but who had not struck, and had shifted a considerable distance to leeward from her original position. In that state, incapable of moving or helping herself, a message was sent, to demand her surrender, which the captain refused, without the condition of vessels being furnished to carry him and his crew (which he stated to be then 1,500) to France. This requisition was communicated to admiral Nelson, who desired him to be informed, that the surrender must be unconditional, else force would be employed, against which resistance would not avail. These communications were not exchanged till late in the evening of the second, owing to the distance.

Friday morning, the third of August, the French flag was observed to be still displayed on the stump of _Le Tonnant’s_ main-mast. The admiral made signals to the _Theseus_ and _Leander_ to attack her. It appeared they had, in some measure, recovered from their late fatigues, by the alertness of their movements. They were soon under the necessary sail; and, on the _Theseus_ approaching her rear, the flag of truce was hoisted. An officer was then sent from the _Theseus_ to desire the colours to be struck unconditionally, which was complied with. Thus was the close put to that distinguished battle.

Whether a retrospect is had to the unremitting perseverance in continuing the search after the enemy, to the promptness of decision in attacking them when found, or to the skill and intrepidity with which the attack was executed, it is difficult to decide which has the highest claim to admiration. The renown of this action has reached to every part of the globe, and been re-echoed back with the high praises so justly merited.

SUPPLIES GRANTED BY PARLIAMENT FOR NAVY AND ARMY (1800).

=Source.=--_Annual Register._ Vol. xlii., pp. 160 _et seq._ of _Appendix to Chronicle_.

NAVY.

_October 1, 1799._

£ _s._ _d._
That 120,000 seamen be employed for two
lunar months commencing 1st January,
1800, including 22,696 marines:
For wages for ditto 444,000 0 0
For victuals for ditto 456,000 0 0
For wear and tear of ships in which they are
to serve 720,000 0 0
For ordnance sea service on board such ships 60,000 0 0

_October 3._

For the ordinary establishment of the navy,
for two lunar months, commencing
1st January, 1800 121,510 0 0
For the extraordinary establishment of
ditto 115,625 0 0

_February 10, 1800._

That 110,000 seamen be employed for eleven
lunar months, commencing 26th February,
1800, including 22,696 marines:
For wages for ditto 2,238,500 0 0
For victuals for ditto 2,229,000 0 0
For wear and tear of ships in which they are
to serve 3,630,000 0 0
For ordnance sea service on board such ships 302,500 0 0

_February 13._

For the ordinary of the navy, including half
pay to sea and marine officers, for eleven
lunar months, commencing 26th February,
1800 685,429 13 11
For buildings and repairs of ships, and
other extra works 656,515 0 0
For the probable expense of transport service,
for one year, commencing 1st January,
1800 1,300,000 0 0
For the maintenance of prisoners of war in
health 500,000 0 0
For the care and maintenance of sick
prisoners of war 90,000 0 0
---------------------
£13,619,079 13 11
=====================

ARMY.

_October 3, 1799._

£ _s._ _d._
That 90,047 men be employed for land service,
including 5,766 invalids, from 25th
December, 1799, to 24th February, 1800:
For guards, garrisons, and other land-forces
in Great Britain, Jersey, Guernsey, and
Alderney, and in Holland 510,596 0 0
For forces in the plantations, including
Gibraltar, Minorca, the Cape of Good
Hope, and New South Wales 166,480 0 0
For the increased rates of subsistence to be
paid to innkeepers and others, on quartering
soldiers 40,000 0 0
For expenses expected to be incurred in the
barrack-master general’s department 120,000 0 0

_February 13, 1800._

That 80,275 men be employed for land-service,
including 5,792 invalids, from
25th February, 1800:
For guards, garrisons, and other land-forces
in Great Britain, Jersey, Guernsey, and
Alderney 2,337,159 8 8
For forces in the plantations, including
Gibraltar, Portugal, Minorca, and other
stations in the Mediterranean, the Cape of
Good Hope, and New South Wales 1,004,480 13 6
For difference between the British and Irish
pay of six regiments of foot for service
abroad 42,901 19 0
For four troops of dragoons, and sixteen
companies of foot stationed in Great
Britain for recruiting regiments serving
in East India 24,558 3 8
For recruiting and contingencies for land-forces,
and extra feed for the cavalry 530,000 0 0
For general and staff-officers, and officers of
hospitals 105,054 7 11
For full pay to supernumerary officers 26,230 14 6
For allowance to the paymaster-general of
the forces, commissary-general of the
musters, &c. &c. 105,747 2 6
For the increased rates of subsistence to be
paid to inn-keepers and others, on quartering
soldiers 140,000 0 0
For allowance to the non-commissioned
officers and private men of the land
forces, in lieu of small beer 120,000 0 0
For reduced officers of land-forces and
marines 138,979 7 1
For allowances to reduced horse-guards 20 12 11
On account of officers late in the service of
the states-general 1,000 0 0
Ditto, of reduced officers of British-American
forces 52,500 0 0
For allowances to several reduced officers
of ditto 7,500 0 0
For the in and out-pensioners of Chelsea
hospital, and the expenses of the hospital 143,310 7 3
For pensions to widows of officers of land
forces 20,231 12 0
For expenses incurred, and expected to be
incurred in the barrack-master general’s
department 359,334 0 0
For foreign corps in the service of Great
Britain 471,128 12 3

_February 24._

To defray the extraordinary services of the
army for 1800 2,500,000 0 0

_May 27._

For the troops of the elector of Bavaria, in
the pay of Great Britain, pursuant to
treaty 566,688 10 0

_July 16._

For the expense of a royal military asylum
for the reception of the children of
soldiers 25,000 0 0
--------------------
£9,558,951 12 3
====================

HIS MAJESTY’S SPEECH TO THE FIRST UNION PARLIAMENT (1801).

=Source.=--_Annual Register._ Vol. xliii., pp. 207 _et seq._ of _State Papers_.

_His Majesty’s Speech to both Houses, on opening the Imperial Parliament, 2d February, 1801._

MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,

At a crisis so important to the interests of my people, I derive great satisfaction from being enabled, for the first time, to avail myself of the advice and assistance of the parliament of my united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland.

This memorable era, distinguished by the accomplishment of a measure calculated to augment and consolidate the strength and resources of the empire, and to cement more closely the interests and affections of my subjects, will, I trust, be equally marked by that vigour, energy, and firmness, which the circumstances of our present situation peculiarly require.

The unfortunate course of events on the continent, and the consequences which must be expected to result from it, cannot fail to be matter of anxiety and concern, to all who have a just feeling for the security and independence of Europe.

Your astonishment, as well as your regret, must be excited by the conduct of those powers, whose attention, at such a period, appears to be more engaged in endeavours to weaken the naval force of the British empire, which has hitherto opposed so powerful an obstacle to the inordinate ambition of France, than in concerting the means of mutual defence against their common and increasing danger.

The representations which I directed to be made to the court of Petersburgh, in consequence of the outrages committed against the ships, property, and persons of my subjects, have been treated with the utmost disrespect: and the proceedings of which I complained have been aggravated by subsequent acts of injustice and violence. Under these circumstances, a convention has been concluded by that court, with those of Copenhagen and Stockholm; the object of which, as avowed by one of the contracting parties, is to renew their former engagements for establishing by force a new code of maritime law, inconsistent with the rights, and hostile to the interests of this country.

In this situation I could not hesitate as to the conduct which it became me to pursue.

I have taken the earliest measures to repel the aggressions of this hostile confederacy, and to support those principles which are essential to the maintenance of our naval strength, and which are grounded on the system of public law so long established and recognised in Europe. I have, at the same time, given such assurances as manifest my disposition to renew my ancient relations with those powers, whenever it can be done consistently with the honour of my crown, and with a just regard to the safety of my subjects.

You will, I am persuaded, omit nothing on your part that can afford me the most vigorous and effectual support, in my firm determination to maintain, to the utmost, against every attack, the naval rights and the interests of my empire.

GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS,

I have directed the estimates for the several branches of the public service to be laid before you. Deeply as I lament the continued necessity of adding to the burdens of my people, I am persuaded you will feel with me the importance of providing effectual means for those exertions which are indispensably requisite for the honour and security of the country.

MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,

I am confident that your deliberations will be uniformly directed to the great object of improving the benefits of that happy union, which, by the blessing of Providence, has now been effected; and of promoting to the utmost the prosperity of every part of my dominions.

* * * * *

BILLING AND SONS, LTD. PRINTERS GUILDFORD.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Mr. Burke, who wrote the historical portion of the _Annual Register_ for the year 1761, says, that “when Mr. Pitt resigned the seals, the great person to whom they were re-delivered received them with ease and firmness, without requesting that he should resume his office. His Majesty expressed his concern for the loss of so able a servant; and to show the favourable sense he entertained of his services, he made him a most gracious and unlimited offer of any rewards in the power of the Crown to bestow. His Majesty at the same time expressed himself not only satisfied with the opinion of the majority of his council, but declared he would have found himself under the greatest difficulty how to have acted, had that council concurred as fully in supporting the measure proposed by Mr. Pitt as they had done in rejecting it. Mr. Pitt was sensibly touched with the grandeur and condescension of the proceeding. ‘I confess, sir, I had but too much reason to expect your Majesty’s displeasure: I did not come prepared for this exceeding goodness: pardon me, Sir,--it overpowers, it oppresses me.’ He burst into tears. We are far from an attempt to add any colouring to so exquisitely affecting a picture; we are, indeed, far from being able to do justice to perhaps one of the most pathetic and elevated scenes which could possibly be displayed,--the parting of such a prince, and such a minister.”

[2] On the evening of this day Bubb Doddington (now Lord Melcombe) wrote thus to Lord Bute: “I sincerely wish your lordship joy of being delivered of a most impracticable colleague, his Majesty of a most imperious servant, and the country of a most dangerous minister. I am told that the people are sullen about it. Be that as it may, I think it my duty to my gracious Sovereign and my generous friend to say, that, if I can be of any service to either in anything that is most dangerous and difficult, I am most ready to undertake it.” In his answer of the following day, Lord Bute says: “Whatever private motives of uneasiness I might have in the late administration, I am far from thinking the dissolution of it favourable, in the present minute, to the King’s affairs. I shall not fail to acquaint the King with the very frank and generous declaration you made. Indeed, my good lord, my situation, at all times perilous, is become much more so; for I am no stranger to the language held in this great city: ‘Our darling’s resignation is owing to Lord Bute, and he must answer for all the consequences;’--which is, in other words, for the miscarriages of another system, that Pitt himself would not have prevented. All this keeps up my attention, and strengthens my mind, without alarming it; not only whispers caution, but steadiness and resolution; wherein my noble friend’s assistance will prove a real comfort to me.”

[3] It is impossible to read this letter without being forcibly reminded of the following splendid passages in Mr. Burke’s celebrated speech, in 1774, on American taxation:

“If ever Lord Chatham fell into a fit of the gout, or if any other cause withdrew him from public cares, principles directly the contrary of his own were sure to predominate. When his face was hid but for a moment, his whole system was on a wide sea, without chart or compass. The gentlemen, his particular friends, who, with the names of various departments of ministry, were admitted to seem as if they acted a part under him, with a modesty that becomes all men, and with a confidence in him, which was justified even in its extravagance by his superior abilities, had never, in any instance, presumed upon any opinion of their own. Deprived of his guiding influence, they were whirled about, the sport of every gust, and easily driven into any port; and as those who joined with them in manning the vessel were the most directly opposite to his opinions, measures, and character, and far the most artful and most powerful of the set, they easily prevailed so as to seize upon the vacant, unoccupied, and derelict minds of his friends; and instantly they turned the vessel wholly out of the course of his policy. As if it were to insult as well as to betray him, even long before the close of the first session of his administration, when everything was publicly transacted, and with great parade, in his name, they made an act declaring it highly just and expedient to raise a revenue in America. For even then, Sir, even before this splendid orb was entirely set, and while the western horizon was in a blaze with his descending glory, on the opposite quarter of the heavens arose another luminary, and, for his hour, became lord of the ascendant. You understand, to be sure, that I speak of Charles Townshend, officially the reproducer of this fatal scheme....”

“He had voted, and in the year 1765, had been an advocate for the stamp act. Things, and the disposition of men’s minds, were changed. In short, the stamp act began to be no favourite in this House. He, therefore, attended at the private meeting, in which the resolutions moved by a right honourable gentleman were settled; resolutions leading to the repeal. The next day, he voted for that repeal; and he would have spoken for it, too, if an illness (not, as was then given out, a political), but, to my knowledge, a very real illness, had not prevented it. The very next session, as the fashion of this world passeth away, the repeal began to be in as bad an odour in this House as the stamp act had been in the session before. To conform to the temper which began to prevail, and to prevail mostly amongst those most in power, he declared, very early in the winter, that a revenue must be had out of America. Instantly he was tied down to his engagements by some who had no objection to such experiments at the cost of persons for whom they had no particular regard. The whole body of courtiers drove him onwards. They always talked as if the King stood in a sort of humiliated state, until something of the kind should be done. Here this extraordinary man, then Chancellor of the Exchequer, found himself in great straits. To please universally was the object of his life; but to tax and to please, no more than to love and to be wise, is not given to men. However, he attempted it. To render a tax palatable to the partisans of American revenue, he made a preamble, stating the necessity of such a revenue. To close with the American distinction, this revenue was _external_, or port duty; but again, to soften it to the other party, it was a duty of _supply_.

“To gratify the _colonists_, it was laid on British manufactures; to satisfy the _merchants of Britain_, the duty was trivial, and (except that on tea, which touched only the devoted East India Company) on none of the grand objects of commerce. To counterwork the American contraband, the duty on tea was reduced from a shilling to threepence. But to secure the favour of those who would tax America, the scene of collection was changed, and, with the rest, it was levied in the colonies. What need I say more? This fine-spun scheme had the usual fate of all exquisite policy. But the original plan of the duties, and the mode of executing that plan, both arose singly and solely from a love of our applause. He was truly the child of the House. He never thought, did, or said anything, but with a view to you. He every day adapted himself to your disposition; and adjusted himself before it as at a looking-glass. Hence arose this unfortunate act.”

[4] On the subject of triennial parliaments, Lord Chatham appears subsequently to have changed his opinion, as will be seen by reference to his speech in the Lords, April 30, 1771, in which he declares himself “a convert to triennial parliaments.”

[5] This suggestion was adopted by the cities of London, Bristol, and Edinburgh, and the towns of Montrose, Aberdeen, Campbeltown, and Lynn.

[6] On the Burton Pynsent estate, which was disputed by the relatives of the deceased with the Earl of Chatham.

[7] The Solicitor-General informed Mr. B. when the resolutions were separately moved, that the grievance of the judges partaking of the profits of the seizure had been redressed by office; accordingly the resolution was amended.

[8] The Provincial account of this action differs materially.

[9] On the “morrow” Lord Chatham appeared in the House of Lords _for the last time_.

[10] The passing around the bow of the enemy’s van and inside of their line appears to have originated with the leader, Captain Foley, as no signal was made to direct such a manœuvre, and the suggestion, so apropos, was highly worthy of a seaman having ready and clear ideas of what appertained to his profession. The example was followed by four others of those who composed the van, and the advantage which was derived from that manœuvre may be best calculated by a reference to the result. This kind of initiative may well have been learnt from Nelson’s notable manœuvre in the Battle of St. Vincent in 1797.

[11] The wind had become so moderate that it was not necessary to furl the sails, that the anchor might hold; they were only hauled as close up as was possible, which circumstance allowed the men to remain at their quarters on the principal batteries.

[12] The difference of force between _L’Orient_ and _Bellerophon_, or any other of the squadron, by estimating the weight of ball fired from one broadside of each, was above seven to three, and the weight of ball from _L’Orient’s_ lower deck alone exceeded that from the whole broadside of the _Bellerophon_.

[13] As an instance of the fatigue, it may here be noted, that one of the ships, which were inside of the van, and had finished her duty there, did in the morning, some hours before daylight, weigh her stern anchor for the purpose of going towards the rear, to attack the enemy there; and, as the men unshipped the capstan-bars, many of them lay down among them, being so much overcome with fatigue as to fall asleep, notwithstanding that they must have known the anchor was got up, and the ship then moving toward the enemy, to begin a fresh cannonade.

[Transcriber's Note:

Chapter headings regularized.

Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation are as in the original.]