Chapter XXVIII: Appendix: Note 1.—on Yeasts or Ferments
_Bread-making_
On the Lower Congo, where palm-wine was easily procurable, I have often made bread by using one tumbler of palm-wine to one of lukewarm water, with some sugar to counteract the sourness or acidity of the wine, and salt to taste. This was mixed with flour into a dough about 8 a.m., divided into two lumps, put into two well-floured or greased tins, and placed out in the sun to rise, with a cloth over them to keep away dust and dirt. About 11 or 12 o’clock the loaves would have risen well, and were ready for baking.
If palm-wine can be bought regularly, then it can be used for every batch of bread; but if the supply is doubtful, or very irregular, then a knob of the dough—about the size of an egg—should be taken from the dough before it is divided into loaves, put into a mug, covered and placed on one side. This lump of dough will rise, and in two or three days, when the next batch of bread is required, it can be thoroughly mixed with a pint of warm water, a tablespoonful of sugar, some salt (and, if you have it, a pinch of bicarbonate of soda), and the process is completed, and with this yeast you can make the bread as though using fresh palm-wine.
At Monsembe, however, there was no palm-wine, but plenty of sugar-cane wine, so we used that with very good results. Sugar-cane wine should be strained through a fine cloth before using, otherwise the fibres left in the wine will irritate the stomach and give rise to serious consequences.
The following, however, is the most satisfactory leaven that has yet been discovered on the Congo, where it is becoming a general favourite, and is fast ousting palm-wine as a leaven: Take a pint bottle and put into it two tablespoonfuls of flour, one tablespoonful of castor sugar (or its equivalent in lump sugar), a teaspoonful of salt, nearly fill the bottle with warm water, thoroughly shake until well mixed, lightly cork, and stand it in a warm corner of the house. Occasionally stir the mixture, and on the fourth or fifth day it will sing with fermentation.
I found the following the best method for making bread with this leaven: When the contents of the bottle were singing with fermentation I took the bottle in the evening (about 5 or 6 o’clock), and, well stirring the fermenting mixture, poured it into a wash-hand basin, leaving at the bottom of the bottle some of the liquid—about two fingers deep. Into the basin was then put a half-pint of lukewarm water, a small teaspoonful of salt, and two lumps of sugar; the cook boy thoroughly stirred into this mixture some flour to the consistency of a batter. He generally beat the batter for ten or fifteen minutes—the more it is beaten the lighter will be the bread. A towel was spread over the basin, and it was put away in the cupboard.
I then took the bottle, measured into it flour, sugar, salt, and warm water as before, shook it well, and put it back in its place. On account of having left in the bottle a little of the old leaven the new preparation would be ready in two days, and it should be used then, or not later than the third day. A family of two or three persons will soon find how much bread they need for two days and can add more or less water to the leaven poured into the basin.
It will be found next morning that the batter or sponge put away in the cupboard has almost filled the basin with a fine dough. To this sponge add flour, well knead it into a medium stiff dough, put in two tins, place out in the sun (or if a cloudy day stand near the kitchen fire), drop a thin cloth over the tins to keep dust away, and in three or four hours the dough will be well risen, and then bake. This always gave us splendidly light bread. An occasional pinch of bicarbonate of soda dropped into the bottle will neutralize acidity. A good, neutral bread is a great boon, and helps to keep one in good health.
NOTE 2.—ON BOLOKI VERB
The verb in the Boloki language has the eight following forms: Active, Passive, Stative, Causative, Prepositional, Reciprocal, Reflexive, and Repetitive.
Active kanga = to tie.
Passive kangama = to be tied.
Stative kangwa = to be in a tied
state.
Causative kangija = to cause to tie.
Prepositional kangela = to tie for or with.
Reciprocal kangana = to tie one another.
Reflexive _mikanga_ = to tie oneself.
Repetitive _kangelela_ = to tie again and
again.
The moods of the verb are: Infinitive, Imperative, Indicative, Subjunctive, and Purportive.
Infinitive mood is made by prefixing _lo_ to the verb: _najingi lokanga_ = I desire to tie.
The imperative is _kanga_, and a more emphatic form _kangaka_ = tie. The imperative hortative is formed by _leme_ = let, followed by the present subjunctive, as _leme nakanga_ = let me tie.
The indicative is _nakanga_ = I tie.
The subjunctive, (_te_) _nakanga_ = (that) I may tie.
The purportive, _naye nokakanga_ = I am come to tie.
The tenses are as follows:
Indicative pres. _nakanga_ = I tie
indefinitive
Indicative pres. _nakakanga_ = I am tying.
indefinitive continuous
Indicative pres. perfect _nakangi_ = I have tied.
Indicative pres. perfect _nakakangi_ = I have been
continuous tying.
Indicative past _nakangiki_ = I tied.
indefinite
Indicative past _nakakangiki_ = I was
indefinite continuous tying.
Indicative past perfect _nakangaka_ = I had tied.
Indicative past perfect _nakakangaka_ = I had
continuous been tying.
The past imperfect and progressive tenses made with the aid of the verb “to be” are as follows:
_Nabeki nakangi_ = I tied in time near past.
_Nabeki nakakangi_ = I was tying in time near past.
_Nabaka nakangi_ = I tied in time far past.
_Nabaka nakakangi_ = I was tying in time far past.
Indicative future _naakakangi_ = I shall
indefinite tie.
Indicative future _naakakanga_ = I shall be
indefinite continuous tying.
Indicative future _naakakangaka_ = I shall
perfect have been tying.
Indicative future _naikakanga_ = I am just
immediate about to tie.
Narrative tense _ekangele_ = I tied.
Narrative tense _ekakangele_ = I was
continuous tying.
There are only three conjugations to be found, and these are formed on the final vowel of the root:
SIMPLE VERB. PERFECT. PASSIVE.
_kanga_ _kangaka_ _kangama_
_bete_ _beteke_ _beteme_
_kolo_ _koloko_ _kolomo_
It will be interesting to the reader, before closing this very short note on the verb, for me to give an idea of the number of verbs that can be built up on a single verb by the aid of affixes which can all run through the various tenses already mentioned. The seven given in the first paragraph of this note are not repeated here:
Active transitive. _Kanga_ = to tie.
Passive and prepositional. _Kangemela_ = to be tied for (a purpose).
Passive and causative. _Kangimija_ = to cause to be tied.
Passive, prepositional, and causative. _Kangemelija_ = to cause to be tied for (a purpose).
Active, reciprocal, and prepositional. _Kangenela_ = to tie one another for (a purpose).
Active, reciprocal, prepositional, and causative. _Kangenelija_ = to cause to tie one another for (a purpose).
There are many other combinations in use, but these twelve will give some idea of the possibilities of the verb and its prefixes and suffixes. It will be noted that although the passive of _kanga_ is _kangama_, yet in the above examples the vowels sometimes become _e_ and sometimes _i_, this is because the vowel _e_ in _ela_ (see first example, the passive and prepositional form given in the preceding paragraph) changes the final _a_ of _kangama_ into _e_ as _kangamela_, and has a retro-active force in turning the initial _a_ of the passive suffix also into _e_; _kangama_ is really _kangaama_, but as one _a_ elides another it becomes _kangama_, and _kangemela_ is really _kangamaela_, but _a_ elides before _e_, so it becomes _kangamela_, and the _e_ in the penultimate demands that the other _a_ of the suffix should become _e_ also, hence we have _kangemela_. The same euphonic law demands that _kanga-ama-ija_ should become _kangimija_, and _kanga-ana-ela_ should become _kangenela_.
There is also an intensive form of the verb that is best expressed in English by a suitable adverb:
_Kata_ = to hold; _katatala_ = to hold tightly; and this has a causative _Katitija_ = to cause to hold tightly.
_Kana_ = to push in; _kanalala_ = to be pushed in too much, _kaninija_ = to cause to go in too far.
_Ama_ = to press; _amamala_ = to be pressed too far: _amimija_ = to cause to be pressed too much.
_Tamba_ = to stand out; _tambambala_ = to be standing out conspicuously, and the causative _tambimbija_ = to cause to stand out well in sight.
In the above are very good examples of what I call, for the lack of a better word, the retro-active power of their euphonic laws for harmonizing the vowels.
By the aid of so plastic a verb we had no difficulty in expressing the finest shades of meaning in the New Testament—a part of which is translated into the Boloki language—and in translating other books for the benefit of the natives.
NOTE 3.—ON BOLOKI METHOD OF COUNTING
The numerals from 1 to 5 are declinable. The letter in brackets is the particle that changes according to the class of the noun used, e.g. two persons would be _batu_ (_ba_) _bale_ = persons two but two cloths would be _bilamba_ (_bi_) _bale_ = cloths two.
The numerals are: 1, (_y_) _awi_; 2, (_i_) _bale_; 3, (_i_) _atu_; 4, (_i_) _ne_; 5, (_i_) _tanu_; 6, _motoba_; 7, _nsambu_; 8, _mwambi_; 9, _libwa_; 10, _jumu_ or _mokangu mwawi_ = one tying; 11, _jumu_ _na_ (_y_) _awi_; 12, _jumu na_ (_i_) _bale_; 20, _mikangu mibale_; 30, _mikangu miatu_; 40, _mikangu mine_; 50, _mikangu mitanu_; 60, _mikangu motoba_; 70, _mikangu nsambu_; 80, _mikangu mwambi_; 90, _mikangu libwa_; 100, _nkama_ or _munkama_; 200, _minkama mibale_; 1000, _nkutu yawi_; 2000, _nkutu ibale_; 10,000, _mokoko_; 20,000, _mikoko mibale_.
The meaning of _mikangu mibale_ (20) is, two tyings. 10 is often called _mokangu mwawi_ = one tying, from _kanga_ = to tie. It is the custom of the natives to roll their 15-inch brass rods (the currency) into a series of rings about 1½ inches in diameter, and these they run one on another, like split rings, until there are ten linked together, and they call that _mokangu mwawi_ = one tying = 10.
The ordinal numerals are:
_Motu wa bo_ = The person who is first, or the
first person.
_Motu wa bane_ = The person who is four, or the
fourth person.
_Motu wa motoba_ = The person who is six, or the sixth
person.
_Motu wa libwa_ = the person who is nine, or the
ninth person.
_Motu wa mikangu mibale na wawi_ = twenty-first person.
To use a word of another class we will take _elamba_ = cloth.
_Elamba ya bo_ = the cloth that is one, or the first
cloth.
_Elamba ya bine_ = the cloth that is four or the
fourth cloth.
_Elamba ya motoba_ = the cloth that is six or the sixth
cloth.
_Elamba ya mikangu miatu na bibale_ the cloth that is thirty and two,
= or the 32nd cloth.
The fingers are constantly used in counting. If a man wants to say thirty-four he will say _mikangu_ (= tyings = tens) and hold up three fingers for those to whom he is speaking to say _miatu_ (= three), _na_ = and, hold up four fingers for them to say (_i_) _ne_ (= four). The letter in brackets changes according to the class of the noun understood. By this means they ensure their hearers following and understanding them, and no one can afterwards plead that they did not hear the price properly, as any discrepancy between the number mentioned by the hearers and the number of fingers held up would be corrected at the time.
The way in which the Boloki folk use their fingers is somewhat irregular, and for the sake of clearness I draw two hands and number the fingers 1 to 10—1 to 5 left hand, and 6 to 10 right hand. 1 and 10 are the thumbs. The right hand is used more than the left.
_One_ is expressed by doubling 6, 7, 8, and putting 10 over them, thus leaving 9, the index finger, standing alone.
_Two_, by doubling down 6 and 7 and putting 10 over them, thus leaving 8 and 9 standing.
_Three_, by doubling down 9 and putting 10 over it, leaving 6, 7, and 8 standing.
_Four_, by putting 10 at the bottom of the division between 7 and 8, that causes 6 and 7 to come forward a little, so the hand is turned about that the two sets of two fingers may be clearly seen.
_Five_, the whole of the fingers of the right hand are left standing with the palm turned towards the person to whom you are speaking.
_Six_, by doubling down 2 on the left hand and putting 1 over it, so leaving 3, 4, and 5 standing, and doubling down 9 on the right hand and putting 10 over it, so leaving 6, 7, and 8 standing, thus making two sets of three fingers.
LEFT HAND - RIGHT HAND
]
_Seven_, the same as 4 with the right hand and doubling down 2 on the left hand and putting 1 over it, thus making a 4 and a 3.
_Eight_, by working the right hand as under 4 and putting 1 at the bottom of the division between 3 and 4, and twisting the hands about so that the four sets of two fingers may be clearly seen.
_Nine_, by holding up the fingers of the right hand as under 5 and putting 1 at the division between 3 and 4, and twisting the left hand about to show the two sets of two fingers.
_Ten_, by holding all the fingers of the two hands with the palms towards the auditors, and every folding down of the fingers and re-spreading of them means another 10. _Second way_—by clapping the hands together, and every clap stands for 10. _Third_, and more frequent method—by holding out the fist of the right hand, and every decided shake of the fist stands for ten.
_Eleven_, by shaking the right fist and holding up one finger as described under one.
_Twelve_, by shaking the right fist and holding up two fingers as described under two; and so on.
The toes are very rarely used in counting. I have only seen them used when counting 20,000, and then the man stretched down and put the fingers of both hands on the toes of both of his feet and said: _mikoko mibale_ = 20,000. Sometimes, when trying to give me an idea of vast numbers, they would say: “It will take all our fingers and toes to tell you,” i.e. tens of thousands.
For addition and subtraction under 10 they use their fingers, but for higher numbers they use palm nuts, or anything suitable to hand. This is not because they are incapable of adding and subtracting mentally, but because they are so suspicious of each other that they want an ocular proof that the sum is right, and that neither one is getting the better of the other. Those who know figures and can run through their arithmetical tables accept each other’s sums, but in transactions with the untaught they resort to the fingers and palm nuts for counting.
They always count by fives and tens, e.g. if a person wants to make up 26 brass rods he will take 3 rods and then put 2 with the 3 and push that 5 on one side, he will make another 5 in the same way, and then put the two fives together, making 10, and then make two more fives and put those together, keeping, however, the tens separate, then another 5 is made by the 3 and 2 process, and at last 1 put down. Then the two tens are counted, and the 5, and lastly the 1.
NOTE 4.—ON BOLOKI RELATIONS OR KINSHIP
The accompanying lists I received about the same time from two different young men of fair intelligence, and after I had written the two lists down I called both the young men and read over to them their different names for the same relative. They each argued that what they had given was the right one, and the other was wrong. I have found the same difficulty on the Lower Congo. It is impossible to procure a list of any real value. My colleagues find it much the same among other tribes.
The natives of Monsembe are unanimous respecting the terms for mother = _nyongo_; father = _ango_ and _tata_ (_ango_ is only used by a son to the one who begot him, _tata_ is used by a slave to his master, by a son to his father, and I have heard it used by a mother to her son. It seems to be a term of respect in its wider use); brother = _nkaja_; sister is also _nkaja_ (a sister calls her brother _nkaja_, and a brother calls his sister _nkaja_; but if a girl speaks of her younger sister, or elder sister, she uses the words _mojimi_ for the younger one and _motomolo_ for the elder only; the boy uses the same words for younger or elder brother); younger sister or younger brother, _nkaja mojimi_; elder sister or elder brother, _nkaja motomolo_ (_nkaja_ is never used in speaking of the same sex as the speaker, i.e. by a sister of a sister, or a brother of a brother); wife = _mwali_; husband = _moloi_; child = _mwana_; male child = _mwana lele_, i.e. son; female child = _mwana muntaka_, i.e. daughter; grandparent = _nkoko_; great grandparent = _nkokolele_; great great grandparent = _ndalola_; but a grandchild is _nkoko_, and so with a great grandchild = _nkokolele_, and great great grandchild = _ndalola_.
All agree in the above names for the relationships indicated, but the farther you get away from those degrees of relationship the more confused the native becomes, and the more contradictory will be his statements. The terms of relationship are employed in addressing each other, but personal names are also used without any hesitation. The only exception is this: When two persons of the same name speak to or of one another they never mention the name, but say, _ndoi_ = namesake. The names of the dead are freely mentioned, and even passed on to children. No genealogies are kept, and in two or three generations all ties of near relationship are lost; and if, here and there, remembered, are non-effective except where a man can get a drink of sugar-cane wine, or a feed by recalling kinship.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
LIST OF WORDS FOR RELATIVES
─────────────────────────┬─────────────────┬──────────────────────
ENGLISH │ WORDS GIVEN BY │ WORDS GIVEN BY
│ LUTOBA │ INTONGI
─────────────────────────┼─────────────────┼──────────────────────
Mother’s brother │_mojika_ │_mojika_ and _nso
│ │ mama_[44]
Mother’s brother’s son │_nso nyango_[45] │No name, but takes
│ │ name of _mojika_ on
│ │ his father’s death
Mother’s brother’s son’s │_nso nyango_ │Called by personal
son │ │ name until death of
│ │ father and then
│ │ _mojika_
Mother’s brother’s son’s │_nkaja_ │No distinctive name
daughter │ │
Mother’s sister │_mama_ │_mama moti_[46]
Mother’s sister’s son or │_mojimi_ or │No distinctive name
daughter │ _nkaja_ │
Mother’s sister’s son’s │_mojimi_ or │No distinctive name
son │ _nkaja_ │
Mother’s sister’s son’s │_mojimi_ or │No distinctive name
daughter │ _nkaja_ │
Father’s sister │_tamwalimoto_ │_tamwalimoto_
Father’s sister’s son │_bola_ │_mwana wa
│ │ tamwalimoto_[47]
Father’s sister’s │_nkaja_ │_mwana wa tamwalimoto_
daughter │ │
Father’s sister’s son’s │_wa mwa │No distinctive name
son │ nyango_[48] │
Father’s sister’s son’s │_nkaja_ │No distinctive name
daughter │ │
Father’s brother │_tata_ │[49]_ta mungwende_, or
│ │ on his father’s
│ │ death he is called
│ │ _tata_ or _tata
│ │ elenge_[50]
Father’s brother’s son │_mojimi_ │No distinctive name
Father’s brother’s │_nkaja_ │No distinctive name
daughter │ │
Father’s brother’s son’s │_mojimi_ │No distinctive name
son │ │
Father’s brother’s son’s │_nkaja_ │No distinctive name
daughter │ │
Brother’s child │_mwana_ │_mwana_
Brother’s child’s child │_mwana_ │_mwana_
Grandfather, grandmother,│_nkoko_ │_nkoko_
grandchild │ │
Great grandfather, great │_nkokolele_ │_nkokolele_
grandmother, great │ │
grandchild │ │
Great great grandfather, │_ndalola_ │_ndalola_
great great │ │
grandmother, great │ │
great grandchild │ │
─────────────────────────┴─────────────────┴──────────────────────
Footnote 44:
_nso mama_ and
Footnote 45:
_nso nyango_ are practically the same, as the second word in each
phrase means mother, and _nso_ = bowels; and the idea is: the one who
comes from the same womb as my mother; the word _nso_ is only used of
maternal relatives.
Footnote 46:
_mama moti_ = the little mother.
Footnote 47:
_mwana wa tamwalimoto_ = child of _tamwalimoto_.
Footnote 48:
_wa mwa nyango_ = of or from the little mother; _mwa_ is the
diminutive particle.
Footnote 49:
_ta mungwende_ = one who stands in place of another.
Footnote 50:
_tata elenge_ = young or boy father.
_Mama_ is not an introduced word, as we found it in full use on our arrival; and although it was often used about one’s own mother, yet it had the same meaning, as applied to a female relative, mistress, or mother, that _tata_ has to a male relative, master or father.
By “no distinctive name,” I mean no term indicative of relationship. They were known by their personal name only.
NOTE 5.—ON NATIVE DISEASES
_List of Native Diseases and their Native Names_
1. Scrotal hernia, _liboke_ denotes an early stage, and the word also means a parcel, bundle; _benda_ is a later stage when the hernia is large; and _likuku_ the last stage when the hernia reaches the knees. I have seen two or three examples of the last stage.
2. Paralysis from sickness, _boboku_. I never saw a case of this.
3. Smallpox, _kokotu_. We had an epidemic of this disease in 1893. Some people died, and others carry the marks to this day.
4. Bad diarrhœa, _bolete_, is supposed to be the result of a curse.
5. Bleeding at the nose from any cause, _bolongo_.
6. Insanity, _bomwa_; mild insanity in which there is extreme foolishness, _lemana_.
7. Madness of a violent character, _mokalala_.
8. Idiocy, _bowewe_ and _ewelewete_.
9. Asthmatical wheezing, _yoko_ and _likoko_.
10. Cough, _ekokótu_. Coughs and colds are very common.
11. Crack in skin, _etena_. This is common and very troublesome, especially when on the sole of the foot, as the hard skin takes months to heal.
12. Crippled limb, _etengumwi_. This is very rare and results from a wound received in a fight, or from a burn, or from walking on the toes, heel, or side of the foot when there is a crack in the sole.
13. Nervous condition, _jita-jita-jita_, i.e. twitching.
14. Bad fever, _molungi juku-juku_ = heat, or fire plenty plenty. Fevers are common among the natives and yield to simple treatment. The temperature often goes very high.
15. Great debility, _lela_.
16. Poor state of health, indicated by frequent crops of boils breaking out on various parts of the body, _libembe_.
17. Patches of pustular sores, _lifwanja_.
18. Sore throat, _lilele_.
19. Yaws, _lingala_, mostly used in the plural, _mangala_.
20. Puffy condition of the body, probably a form of dropsy, _lontutu_.
21. Blindness, _lulanda_; not common.
22. Sleeping-sickness, _luwa_, _yobi_, and _makwata_.
23. Form of non-infectious leprosy in which the skin becomes a sickly white, indurated, cracked, and peeling. It is found generally on the hand and the arm below the elbow, _munkana_.
24. Very bad rheumatism, _yambaka_. Persons suffering from this complaint must not burn the wood of a certain tree called _lobaka_, or the pain will become more acute.
25. Intestinal worms, _munsobi_, and _munsembe_.
26. Dysentery with much blood, _mwajakongo_.
27. Ague fever, _nyankili_.
28. Chest complaints of all kinds, as pleurisy, pneumonia, etc., are called _ntulu_ = chest; to feel or suffer from such is _oka ntulu_ = hear, i.e. feel the chest. It is also called _mobanji_ = side, ribs.
29. Elephantiasis, _mungita_; not very common.
30. Abscesses and severe boils, _litunganaka_.
31. Umbilical hernia, _muntolu_; very common.
32. Scabies, _mputu_.
33. Fits and convulsions, _bonsinga_.
34. Sciatica, and extreme debility, _yombi_.
35. Boil, _ndala_; very frequently found.
36. Mild form of rheumatism, _mokoko_.
37. Cataract of the eye, _elalei_ and _molondo_; common.
38. Blindness in one eye, _muntelele_; occasionally found.
39. Ganglion on back of hand and wrist, _etai_.
40. Deafness, _lōko_; very seldom noticed.
41. Dumbness, _mbubu_. I never met with a case, but the fact that a word is known for it shows that the complaint is occasionally to be found among the people.
42. Venereal diseases, _lisabu_.
NOTE 6.—ON HEALTH OF WHITE MEN ON THE CONGO
Perhaps the following statistics respecting the health of white people on the Congo will interest the reader. I have kept careful notes during the last thirty years, and the figures may be accepted as accurate. The figures refer only to Missionaries of the Baptist Missionary Society.
One hundred and ten men have joined the Mission since its inception in 1878 until December 31st, 1911.
Of these: died 38
Left for various reasons 8
(not through health)
Left through personal 15
health
Left through wife’s health 6
——
67
Still in active service. 43
——
Total 110
Died during first year on 13
the Congo
Died during second year on 3
the Congo
Died during third year on 7
the Congo
Died during fourth year on 3
the Congo
Died during fifth year on 1
the Congo
Died during sixth year on 2
the Congo
Died during seventh year on 2
the Congo
Died during eighth year on 1
the Congo
Died during ninth year on 1
the Congo
Died during tenth year on 1
the Congo
Died during twelfth year on 1
the Congo
Died during sixteenth year 1
on the Congo
Died during twenty-sixth 2
year on the Congo
——
38
Of the above men, died of hæmaturic 9
fever
Of the above men, died of malarial 19
Of the above men, died of dysentery 2
Of the above men, died of other 6
diseases
Died in a London Hospital from 1
cancerous growth in the stomach
Died in England from embolism (clot 1
in the blood-vessels of the brain)
——
Total 38
During recent years we have found it advisable for men to remain out only for a first term of two years instead of three years, and afterwards four years instead of five years as formerly.
During the same period 79 ladies have joined the Mission. Of these:
Died 19
Left as widows 11
Left for personal health 11
Left for husband’s health 4
—
45
Still in active service 34
—
Total 79
Died during the first year on the 5
Congo
Died during the second year on the 1
Congo
Died during the third year on the 2
Congo
Died during the fourth year on the 5
Congo
Died during the sixth year on the 1
Congo
Died during the eighth year on the 2
Congo
Died during the eleventh year on 1
the Congo
Died during the fourteenth year on 1
the Congo
Died during the twenty-sixth year 1
on the Congo
—
19
Of the above ladies, died of 5
hæmaturic fever
Of the above ladies, died of 7
malarial fever
Of the above ladies, died of 3
puerperal fever
Of the above ladies, died of 1
meningitis
Of the above ladies, died of 1
abscess on the liver
Died from typhoid fever at 1
Eastbourne
Died from some brain trouble in 1
America
—
19
During the first years of our Mission we lost the most of our men through bad houses, poor food, and ignorance of the proper treatment of fevers, etc. From 1878 to 1890 we lost in _twelve years_ 20 men by death; but during the _twenty years_ from 1891 to 1911 we have lost 18 men, although we have had in the field on active service twice, and sometimes thrice, as many men as in the earlier twelve years. The first years cost us most dearly while we were buying our experience. I might say that we are total abstainers, but are willing to take alcohol medicinally; and the smokers and non-smokers are about equally divided. Every man and woman must undergo a very strict and careful medical examination before being accepted by the Committee of the Society.
It will be seen that the first year of a man’s life on the Congo is the most crucial one, and the next trying year is the third, i.e. at the beginning and end of a man’s first term of service. We have altered the first term to two years. In the case of the ladies the first year and the fourth are the crucial ones. The ladies’ first term of service has always been two years, then one year at home. The figures point to the early months of the first and second terms as being most fatal. It will be noticed that the ladies have stood the climate better than the men; but they have never roughed it as the men, nor do they ever have to expose themselves in doing the kind of work that necessarily falls to the men—looking after building, transport, etc.
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INDEX
Accidents, 331, 333
Adultery, 128, 161
African International Association, 20
Albinos, 325
Ancestors, 268
Arts and crafts, 83;
leather-work, 84;
string-making, 85;
bark-cloth, 86;
pottery, 87;
metal-work, 89, 90;
salt-making, 91;
songs, 93;
carpentering, 95
Astronomy, knowledge of, 141;
beliefs _re_ sun, moon, and stars, 142
Bangala tribe, the, 18, 27, 161;
language, 48;
station, 48;
district, 161
Bantu tribe, the, 159, 160
Bark-cloth, 86
Barter, system of, 143;
and currency, 39
Belgian mal-administration, 20;
atrocities, 24, 25
“Bespoke” money, 123
_Blood-brotherhood_, 72, 73, 100, 226
Blood-feuds, 99, 181
Bokomela tribe, the, 31, 32
_Bolobo_, 202
Bomuna tribe, the, 161, 162, 163, 250
Bonjoko, 99
“Books,” superstitions concerning, 40, 46, 47, 74
Boys, training of, 143, 145
Brass rods, 39 n.
Bread-making, 335
Bride-price, the, 123
Building, methods of, 65
Bumba, 34, 35
Bungundu Tribe, the, 28, 29, 30
Burial alive, 103, 320, 319;
burial customs, 104, 105
Bush-burning, 229, 230
“Bush-people,” the, 19
Cannibalism, 31, 69, 70, 78, 104
Charms, 145, 146, 147, 232, 255, 280, 287, 302
Child-bearing, beliefs concerning, 129, 130, 131
Children, twins, 130, 132, 133, 141, 273, 290
Circumcision, 298
Cloud-folk, 274
Coffins, 317
Congo boy in England, 79
Congo Free State, the, 20
Congo, reforms in the, 25;
Bolobo Mission, 28;
Basin, 159;
River, 161, 236
Cookery, difficulties of, 44;
native, 117
Corpses, decoration of, 316;
smoking of, 317
Counting, Boloki method of, 142, 339-348
Court of justice, 183
Crimes, native, 179
Curiosity, native, 74
Curses, native, 299-301
Customs, 26, 102, 103;
marriage, 122, 171, 179;
burial, 314
Crocodiles, 332
Dancing, 119, 120, 227, 321
Death, three causes of, 314;
life after, 321
Diboko (_Nouvelles Anvers_), 48, 161, 163
Diseases, 269, 325, 344, 345;
diagnosis of, 330
Disembodied spirits, 250, 263, 267
Divorce, 128
Dogs, hunting, 233
Dreams, 262
Drunkenness, 101
_Eboko_, 114, 126
Education, 75, 140, 143
Explosion, an, 316
Families, social status of, 170
Feasts, 104
Fetishes, 252-256;
fetish bell, 292, 302
Fish collecting for the Museum, 235;
traps, 236-244
Floods, 231
Folk-lore, 197-221
Food, 117, 160
Funeral ceremonies, 322
Game, 230, 231
Games, 149-158
Goats, present of two, 44
Government, democratic, of Boloki tribe, 172
Government, ideal of European, 26;
native, 169
Graves, 318
Healers of special diseases, 327
Hospitality, 117, 137
Hospitals, 334
Houses, native, 43
Human sacrifices, 97, 263
Hunting, 145, 229-234
Immorality, 147
Inheritance, laws of, 111, 182
Insanity, 173, 291
Islands, 165
_Jando_, 272
Judge, the chief, 179
Justice, native ideas of, 182;
court of, 183-186;
author as judge, 192;
typical cases, 193-196
Kiteke tribe, the, 257 n.
Labour, 114
Libinza Lake, 161, 162, 163, 165
Land, communal rights of, 109
Language, “trade,” 48;
Bangala, 48, 50-54, 57-64, 336, 339
Laws, native, 170, 179
Leather-work, 84
Leopold II, King of Belgium, 20, 25
_Longa_, 107, 202, 249
Love philtres, 286
Lower Congo, the men of, 160, 162, 230, 246, 251, 254, 257, 267, 276,
230, 314, 335
Lupus in the Congo, 73 n.
Makwata and his talking spear, 278
_Manga_, 100, 101
Mangumbe, 264
Massage, 327
_Mata_, 122, 170, 171;
Bwiki, 163, 169
Matadi, 19
Mayeya’s long dive, 277
Meat, mode of preserving, 232
Medicine men, and witch-doctors and magic, 95, 97, 102, 103, 232, 251,
258
Medicine, native, 327, 276, 280, 284, 293, 311, 324
Metal-work, 89, 90
Migration of native tribes, 162
Milk-brotherhood, 132
Mission on the Congo, 137
Mokwete, story of, 118
_Monanga_, 170
Monogamy, 138, 139
Monoka mwa Nkoi, 166
Monsembe District, the, 34, 36, 159, 163, 231
Monsters, mythical, 273
Mourning, signs of, 320, 321
Moon, beliefs concerning, 142, 248
Mother-in-law, the, 133, 134
Mungala Creek, the, 163, 164;
river, 164
Munyata, murder of, 164
Murder, punishment for, 181;
detection of murderer, 310
Musuku, 22
Natives, characteristics of, 17, 23, 24, 25, 117, 174, 176, 177
Nether world, the, 321
Nouvelles Anvers Station, 48, 161, 163
Nursing the sick, 316
_Nzambi_, 247
Omens, 131, 226, 227, 233, 262
Ordeals, poison, 182, 185-189;
various, 190, 191
Palavers, 191
_Peace_, the steamer, 27
Pictures, learning to read, 173
Pioneers, early Christian, 22 n.
Polygamy, 125, 134, 135, 136, 139
Portuguese Roman Catholic Mission, 24 n.
Pottery, 87
Purification, rite of, 102
Raiding expeditions, 166
Railways, the narrow-gauge, 19
Rain-doctors, 96, 280
Religious beliefs, 246, 249, 250, 251, 252, 254, 255, 257, 258, 263
Reincarnation, belief in, 130, 198
River rights, 110
Rivers: Congo, 161, 237;
Mobangi, 161;
Welle, 161;
Nrgiri, 165;
Mungala, 164
San Salvador, 17, 22, 258
Salt-making, 91
Salutations, 107
Skulls, use of, 323
Slaves, 110, 111, 113, 125, 170
Sleeping-sickness, treatment, 289
Smallpox, native cure for, 288
Smith, a native, 90
Snake omen, the, 131, 226
Songs, native, 92, 93, 120
Spirits: belief in, 98, 250, 261;
disembodied, 263;
fear of, 266;
deception of, 267;
effect of, 268;
of disease, 269, 325;
transference into criminals, 271, 282;
of wealth, 271;
of the bush, 274;
transference into spears, 274;
in trees, 275;
of the saucepan, 286;
possession, 328
Sport, native, 144, 239
Stanley Pool, 19
String-making, 85
Suicide, 322
Superstitions, 40, 46, 131, 167, 176, 197, 227, 232, 248, 323
Swimming, 144
Taboos, 84, 114, 294;
permanent, 196;
temporary, 297;
removal of, 298, 326
Tattooing, 140, 141, 167
Teeth, chiselling of, 141
Theft, 147, 175, 180;
detection of thief, 310
Time, system of reckoning, 142
Trade and currency, 114, 115, 143
Trade routes, 21, 22
Trading factories, 22
Transmigration, 197
Traps, game, 145, 233, 234, 236
Tribal marks, 167
Totems, 131, 132, 147, 294
Twins, treatment of, 130
“Undertakers,” native, 317
Upper Congo, 17, 49, 129, 230, 237, 246, 280, 332
Villages, 115
Virgins, 136
Vocabulary, collecting a, 50-54, 57-61
War, tribal, 68, 116;
the family fight, 222;
the town fight, 224
Weapons, 227, 228
Wine: sugar-cane, 100, 254, 322, 335;
palm, 335
Women: native treatment of, 77, 78, 95;
widows, 111, 117;
family life, 119;
marriage, 122-126;
divorce, 128;
quarrels about, 226;
disposal of widows, 111, 321;
mourning of widows, 321;
rights of wives, 125;
loan of wives, 125;
self-defence of wives, 126;
exchange of wives, 128, 264;
inherited wives, 182;
white, 347
Workmen, native, 81, 82
Zanzibaris, the, 20, 21
WILLIAM BRENDON AND SON, LTD. PRINTERS, PLYMOUTH
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MAP FOR “AMONG CONGO CANNIBALS.”
SHELEY, SERVICE & CO., LIMITED, 38 GREAT RUSSELL STREET. LONDON.
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● Transcriber’s Notes:
○ Missing or obscured punctuation was silently corrected.
○ Typographical errors were silently corrected.
○ Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation were made consistent only
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Among Congo cannibalsChapter XXVIII: Appendix: Note 1.—on Yeasts or Ferments
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