Chapter XIV: Section IV (1)

THE COUNTRIES BELONGING TO THE CHAUBISI AND BAISI RAJAS.

Chaubisi Rajas.—Pamar Family, Impure Branch.—Bhirkot, Garahang, Dhor, Pure Branch.—Nayakot.—Satahung.—Kaski.—Lamjun.—Gorkha, Topography, History.—Prithwi Narayan.—Singha Pratap.—Bahadur Sahi.—Rana Bahadur.—Bhim Sen.—Royal Family.—Kala Macwani Family.—Gulmi, Khachi, Argha, Dhurkot, Musikot, Tama.—Family of Bhingri and Khungri.—Family of Piuthana.—Family of Poin.—Malihang Family.—The Samal Family; Malebum; Galkot; Rugum; Musikot; Jajarkot; Bangphi; Gajal; Dharma; Jahari; Satatala; Malaneta; Saliyana; Dang; Chhilli.—The Baisi Rajas.—Dalu Dailek.—Duti.—Yumila.—Taklakot, with the adjacent parts of Thibet subject to China.

Immediately west from Nepal Proper is a country of considerable extent, which had long consisted of 24 petty estates, whose chiefs were collectively called the Chaubisi Rajas. Yet it would not appear that they were all connected by any common union for defence, by a common extraction, or by any other tie. They all, indeed, acknowledged the superiority of the Yumila Raja, of whom some account will be afterwards given; but besides these 24 chiefs, he had many others in similar dependence, which, however, conferred very little authority on the superior, whose power seems chiefly to have been confined to exhort his vassals in the support of a balance of power, and to confer the mark (Tica) of supreme authority on the heirs of each chief. His superior rank was, however, never disputed, and his call seems long to have met with a good deal of attention, when directed to procure assistance, in preventing one chief from swallowing up the dominions of another. The 24 chiefs, according to Kanak Nidhi, were the Rajas mentioned in the following list; but other lists differ considerably.

1. Piuthana 9. Palpa 17. Gajarkot 2. Malebum or 10. Garahang 18. Rising Parbat 3. Galkot 11. Poin 19. Ghiring 4. Isma 12. Satahung 20. Tanahung 5. Dhurkot 13. Birkot 21. Lamjun 6. Argha 14. Nayakot 22. Gorkha 7. Khachi 15. Kaski 23. Tarki 8. Gulmi 16. Dhor 24. Musikot

Of the other lists, which I received, it would be useless to give a detail, but I shall mention that given to Colonel Kirkpatrick, {238} referring to the names given in my list by prefixing the number. (21) Loomjoong. (15) Kashki. (20) Tunhoo or Tunnohoo. (3) Gulkoat. (2) Purbut or Mullibum. (14) Noakote or Nuwakote. (11) Pyoon. (12) Luttohoon. (10) Gurhoon. (18) Reesing. (19) Ghering. (16) Dhoar. (9) Palpa. (8) Goolmi. Wigha. (7) Khanchi. Dang. (24) Musikote. (1) Purthana. Jhilli. Suliana. (5) Dhoorkote; and (4) Isma. He thus omits Gorkha, Tarki, Gajarkot, and Argha of the list which I have given; although I suspect, that his Wigha is no other than Argha, for in page 288, he reckons Urghaloor as one of the 24 chiefs, and in page 297 he speaks of the territories of the Urgho Raja. I have indeed little doubt, that Wigha is a mistake of the editor for Urgho, and that Urghaloor was originally written Urghapoor, poor or pura being a common termination of the names of Indian cities. Gorkha was probably omitted by the Gorkhali who gave him the information; as its being included would have been acknowledging the former supremacy of Yumila, which the chiefs of Gorkha now wish to disavow. In place of Tarki and Gajarkot, Colonel Kirkpatrick’s list introduces Dang and Jhilli, (Chhilli,) both of which I have placed in the class containing twenty-two chiefs, although perhaps on slender grounds.

Several of these chiefs had entered with others into leagues for mutual defence, as the interpositions of Yumila, although of some weight, were by no means sufficient to procure security. The leagues were sometimes connected by a common descent in the chiefs, and such were called Athabhai, or eight brothers; while other leagues were composed of chiefs who were of different origins. Such leagues were called Satbhai, or seven brothers.

Among the leagues I heard of the following:

I. Lamjun was at the head of a league composed of Tanahung and Kaski; but Tanahung was followed in war by Dhor, and Kaski by Satahung, without any reference to the union of these states with Lamjun.

II. Birkot was at the head of a league containing Garahang, Poin, and Nayakot.

III. Palpa was at the head of a league composed of Gajarkot, Rising, Ghiring, Argha, Khachi, and Gulmi.

IV. Malebum had in alliance Gulkot.

V. Piuthana had in alliance Musikot and Isma, and also the two petty chiefs of Khungri and Bhingri, who, although their territories were surrounded by those of the Chaubisiya Rajas, were not included in the number of these chiefs.

Gorkha, I was informed, was always completely unconnected, and independent of all these alliances; nor did I learn that Dhurkot or Tarki were in a contrary situation.

I shall now proceed to give an account of the chiefs who governed this assembly of states, and of their countries.

I have already given an account of the family of highest rank, including the Rajas of Palpa, Tanahung, Rising, Ghiring, and Gajarkot; because this family possessed also large estates to the east of Nepal Proper. It therefore remains to describe the other 19 states.

I shall first mention the family which at present has obtained almost universal empire over the mountains north from the Company’s provinces, and does not content itself with a gentle rule, such as that exercised by the Rajas of Yumila, but has seized the entire dominion and power of the conquered countries, and assumes a menacing countenance even to the Company.

The family pretends to be of the Pamar tribe; but it is alleged, as I have already explained, that this is a mere fable, and that, on the arrival of the colony from Chitaur, this family were Magars. One of its branches, however, has long adopted the Hindu rules of purity, and has intermarried with the best families, although not without creating disgust; and the other branch remains in primitive impurity, although we have seen that the same is the case with the Chauhans, who long pretended to a great superiority over the chiefs of Gorkha.

The first persons of the Gorkha family, of whom I have heard, were two brothers named Khancha and Mincha, or Nimcha, words altogether barbarous, and in no manner resembling the high sounding titles of the family of the sun, from whom the Pamars pretend to be descended. From whence these persons came, I did not learn; but Khancha was the founder of the impure branch of the family, and Mincha was the chief of Nayakot.

The impure branch of the family possessed Bhirkot, Garahang, and Dhor, which afterwards separated under three chiefs of the same house; but Bhirkot seems to have been the head of the whole, as its chief was at the head of a league containing Nayakot, the most ancient family of the pure descendants of Mincha. Bhirkot is a very petty state, consisting entirely of mountains, and containing neither mines nor mart of any consequence.

The same is the case with Garahang, whose chief adhered to the league with his kinsman of Bhirkot. The capital, (Rajdhani or Durbar,) of the same name with the country, is situated on the top of a hill, with no water nearer than a cose. In such a situation, only 60 or 70 huts surrounded the chief’s castle, which was built of brick.

The impure chief of Dhor did not join in the league of his kinsmen; but followed in battle the pure chiefs of Tanahung. His country was as petty and as mountainous as that of his kinsmen, but contained some iron mines.

I now return to Mincha, whose descendants were reclaimed from their impurity by the Brahmans.

Mincha was Raja of Nayakot, and the chiefs of this place, although they lived pure, continued to the last to follow in war the impure representative of Khancha, who governed Bhirkot. Nayakot was very petty; but, besides the capital, contained a town of some note, named Limi, but no mines of any consequence.

A collateral branch of the Nayakot Rajas obtained a similar state called Satahung, which, besides the capital, contained a town called Gengdi. The capital, of the same name with the territory, is situated on a hill, and contained about 250 thatched huts, besides the brick castle of the chief. In the whole territory there might have been 1500 houses. The Raja’s share of the land revenue amounted to 2000 rupees a-year. He followed in war the chief of Kaski. The most numerous tribe among his subjects was the Khasiya.

A second collateral branch of the Nayakot family was Kaski, a more powerful state than that of the chief from which it sprang. I believe that the territory of this chief towards the hills was much wider than is represented in the map of Kanak, for I was informed, that Gorkha had no communication with the Bhotiyas, his country being narrowed there between Kaski and Nepal. It may, however, have happened, that the want of communication was owing to the impracticability of the mountains, and not to the shortness of the frontier. The chiefs of Kaski leagued with Lamjun, a collateral branch of their own family, but had as a follower in war their kinsman of Satahung. Although adjacent to the mountains covered with perpetual snow, the southern parts are rather warmer than the valley of Nepal Proper, but the parts adjacent to the snowy peaks were inhabited by Bhotiyas, and next to these were some Gurungs. The warmer parts were occupied by Brahmans, Khasiyas, and the persons of low tribes necessary as artisans. The mountains here formed an uninterrupted and impenetrable barrier towards the north. The chief possessed some mines of copper; and, besides the capital, there is a considerable town called Pokhara, which is a mart frequented by merchants from Nepal, Palpa, Malebum, etc. and afforded duties that in so poor a country were reckoned considerable. The capital by Colonel Kirkpatrick {242} is called Buttolachoor, is situated among hills on the Seti river, (Saite, K.) which is very deep but narrow.

Kaski, the ancient capital, Colonel Kirkpatrick places 7 coses west from Buttolachoor, with Surrungkoat, a large town with a fort on a hill between them.

The chief of Lamjun was descended from a younger son of Kaski, and was originally powerful, the sum appropriated from the land revenue, for his family expense, being 22,000 rupees a-year; and he was not only followed in war by his kinsman the chief of Kaski, but by the Raja of Tanahung. Lamjun, after the loss of Gorkha, was a cold country bordering on the snowy peaks of Emodus, and inhabited by Bhotiyas, with some Brahmans and Khasiyas in the warmer vallies. It contained no mine of any importance, nor any town of note, except the capital; and the chief advantage, after the loss of Gorkha, that the Raja enjoyed, was the commerce with Bhotan or Thibet, which was carried on through a passage in Emodus called Siklik. Many goods were conveyed by this route to Lamjun, and from thence, by the way of Tarku, Tanahung, Dewghat, and Bakra, into the low country; but this trade has been interdicted by the present government of Nepal, which is very jealous of the Raja of Tanahung, to whom Bakra still is secured by the Company’s protection. Siklik, however, is still the residence of a Subah or civil governor, and is probably the place called Seshant in the map of Kanak. The name merely implies a frontier place, but among the hills is used to imply a place inhabited by barbarians; that is, such as reject the doctrines of the Brahmans. In both meanings the term is applicable to Siklik, as its inhabitants, Bhotiyas and Gurungs adhere to the Lamas, and it is the frontier town towards the empire of China.

One of the Lamjun Rajas, according to Prati Nidhi, had a younger brother named Darbha Sahi, who as usual held the office of Chautariya; but rebelled, and took to himself Gorkha, the southern part of the principality, paying 12,000 rupees of the 22,000 that came to the chief for his support.

Gorkha is rather warmer than the valley of Nepal, and its chief inhabitants were Brahmans and Khasiyas, in about equal numbers, with rather fewer Magars, the Brahmans being the chief cultivators, and the Khas and Magars the fighting men. The capital Gorkha is situated on a very high hill, and was the only place of note in the territory. It is said to contain about 2000 houses, and the temple of Gorakhanath, who is one of the tutelar deities of the reigning family. From this circumstance we may perhaps infer, that the proper name of the place is Gorakha, and that, previous to having adopted the doctrines of the Brahmans, this family had received the Zogis, or priests of Gorakhanath, as their spiritual guides.

Colonel Kirkpatrick {244} states the old boundaries of Gorkha to have been the Trisulganga (Tirsoolgunga) on the east, and the Marichangdi (Mursiangdi) on the west. In place of the former he should have stated the Gandi; but from what he says, (in page 122,) it would seem that he confounded the Gandi with both the Setiganga and Trisulganga.

Nara Bhupal or Nribhupala, according to Prati Nidhi, was the sixth or seventh in descent from Darbha. The account which I received in Nepal does not materially differ. The first chief of Gorkha was, however, there called Rama Sahi, whether a different name for Darbha, or his son, I do not know; but his descendants were as follows: 1. Puran. 2. Chhatra. 3. Dambar. 4. Virbhadra. 5. Prithwi Pati. 6. Nribhupal. These chiefs entered into none of the leagues formed by their neighbours, trusting to their own vigour chiefly, for their country was very poor.

The chiefs of Gorkha being cut off from any direct communication with either the low country or Thibet, and having no mines nor other productions as a basis for commerce, were considered as insignificant, but Nribhupal procured in marriage, first, a daughter of the Palpa family; and, secondly, a daughter of the sixth son of the chief of Malebum, both of whom added much to his dignity.

His eldest son Prithwi Narayan (Purthi Nerayn in Kirkpatrick) was a person of insatiable ambition, sound judgment, great courage, and unceasing activity. Kind and liberal, especially in promises to his friends and dependants, he was regardless of faith to strangers, and of humanity to his enemies, that is, to all who opposed his views.

When a very young man, he visited Banaras, and having met with what he considered insolence at some (Chauki) custom-house, instantly put the officers to death. He was concealed from the police by a (Vairagi) person dedicated to religion, who, induced by most abundant promises, conveyed the highland chief in safety to his cousin, Makunda Sen, Raja of Palpa, by whom he was very kindly received, and furnished with the means which enabled him to undertake his first enterprises. I have already mentioned the manner in which he repaid this friendship, and in which he conquered the countries that the Chitaur colony held on the east of the Gandaki. Some account of the invasion of Nepal by this chief is given by Colonel Kirkpatrick, {245} and in the Asiatick Researches will be found a more full narration by an eye-witness of the manner in which he acquired that country, to which he immediately transferred the seat of government, although his nobles and soldiers despise the name of Nepal, and call themselves Gorkhalis. I have also mentioned his total failure in an attempt to extend his dominions to the west, towards which, during the remainder of his government, and that of his son, the Marichangdi continued to be the boundary to the west, as it had been in the time of his ancestors.

The Vairagi, who had saved the life of Prithwi Narayan at Banaras, no sooner heard of the conquest of Nepal, than he repaired to that country, and reminded the chief of his promises. These the chief did not attempt to deny; but said, that, as the promises had been extorted by fear, he would give nothing. The Vairagi, having assembled 500 of the religious order of Nagas, attempted to use force; but the whole horde was taken, and put to death, an event of great use to Bengal, which these ruffians had been in the habit of plundering.

Prithwi Narayan, besides his personal endowments, was much indebted for success to the introduction of firelocks, which until his time were totally unknown among the hills; and, so far as he was able, he introduced European discipline, the value of which he fully appreciated. His jealousy of the European character always, however, prevented him from employing any of them in his service, and he is said to have strongly recommended to his successors to follow, in this respect, his example. How far this may have been judicious, I cannot say; but it has certainly prevented his troops, although in many respects well organized, from making considerable progress in tactics, or in a dexterous use of their arms, and these are probably much more defective than his descendants and their officers think.

Prithwi Narayan died about the year 1771, and left two legitimate sons; Singha Pratap, who succeeded his father, and Bahadur Sahi, who, after his brother’s death, was regent of the kingdom during his nephew’s minority, although he had excited the jealousy of Singha Pratap, and had with difficulty saved his life by living in exile.

Singha Pratap’s attention, as I have mentioned, was chiefly directed to secure the conquests towards the east, in which, as I have said, he seems to have had as few scruples as usual in his family. He died in 1775, at Devighat, and left his kingdom to his son Rana Bahadur, placed in charge of his uncle Bahadur Sahi, a very active enterprising prince, and of his mother Rajendra Lakshmi, a princess of a similar character.

Two such enterprising personages could not agree: and, until the princess’s death, there were constant disputes, sometimes the one, and sometimes the other, acquiring the ascendancy, and then confining or banishing their adversary. Yet it is alleged, that in times of reconciliation, marriage had been proposed between them, the custom of the lower casts of Hindus, at least, not only permitting, but requiring a younger brother to espouse his elder brother’s widow. That such a proposal should ever have been made, being contrary to the customs which at present prevail among the high casts, is rather improbable; and, perhaps, owes its origin to a desire of flattering Rana Bahadur, whose treatment of his uncle required an apology. The people of Palpa indeed allege, that, during the life of Singha Pratap, a more criminal intercourse had actually taken place between the two regents, and that it was to revenge the disgrace thrown on his family, that Rana Bahadur proceeded to extremities against his uncle. Were this true, the attempt to unite their differences by a marriage might be supposed possible: but I attribute the origin of such a story to the disappointed hopes of the Palpa family, which, after having entered into an iniquitous league with Bahadur Sahi, found itself in consequence reduced to a state of dependancy.

I have already mentioned the manner in which Bahadur Sahi thus connected himself with the Palpa family, and the success that attended Damodar Pangre, the officer who was most judiciously employed, and who then held the office of Karyi. Except Palpa, and its share of the spoil, this officer speedily reduced the whole country from Gorkha to the boundary of the country called Garhawal, the capital of which is Srinagar. At the same time, the dominion of Gorkha was extended over the Sikim Bhotiyas of the east, as I have already mentioned; and several other chiefs of the Bhotiya nation towards the north were reduced to obedience.

So far the greatest success had attended the regent, when he was tempted to adopt a very rash measure. Sumur, a discontented brother of the Tishu Lamas from Degarchi, came to Nepal, and told the needy chief wonderful stories concerning the wealth of the convent, in which the Tishu Lama, spiritual guide of the Chinese Emperor, resided. Inflamed with a desire for plunder, and without having the slightest pretence or intercourse with that priest, a large body of Gorkhalis (it is said 7000) overcame all the obstructions of a long and very difficult route, and succeeded in carrying back a large booty, although closely pursued by a Chinese army, that came to the assistance of the Lama. This army having been greatly increased, about the time when Colonel Kirkpatrick visited Nepal, advanced to Dhayabung, and compelled the regent to submit to several indignities, although it had suffered severely from the climate, and the poverty of the country. For the particulars, however, I may refer to the Account of Colonel Kirkpatrick, {248a} and of Captain Turner, {248b} whose opportunities of acquiring information were superior to mine. So far as I can learn, the people of Gorkha were very much discontented with the regent for submitting to the indignities which the Chinese demanded; and they seem to have thought, that the invading army had been reduced to a situation rather to offer than demand submission. The submission was, however, not impolitic; for I believe, that the tribute agreed upon has never even been demanded, much less expected, and the Gorkhalis are in the habit of saying, that, should they have any dispute with the English, their only formidable neighbour, they will claim the protection of the Chinese, with whose influence over the Company they seem to be much better acquainted than one would have expected. The Chinese general consented to move back on receiving a supply of grain for his army, and fifty virgins as an homage for his sovereign; but no stipulation was made for the restoration of the plunder of Degarchi. It was given out at Kathmandu, that the virgins threw themselves from the precipices on the route, and perished rather than submit to the embraces of infidels defiled by every impure food: but I have since learned, that their sense of honour did not carry them to such lengths, and that the Chinese placed them in a convent near the frontier. The people of Thibet procured no satisfaction for the injury, and Chinese garrisons having been placed through their country, they have become more subject than ever to that empire, and most of their petty chiefs have been put to death or banished, while the Chinese have since extended their conquests still farther west. The dominions of Nepal are therefore the only thing that separates them from the British power, and saves them from political discussions, managed free from the control of their own forms, and from exposing to their officers and people the view of a nation far their superior in power.

It is alleged, that at length the regent’s ambition overcame his sense of duty, and that he intended to keep his nephew in confinement, and seize the government. The people of Palpa allege, that he had secured the assistance of his brother-in-law Mahadatta Sen. Certain it is, that he was suddenly dispossessed of power by his nephew, and died in confinement, some say by the Raja’s own hand, while others assert that he was starved to death.

Bahadur Sahi, although a prince of great vigour, is supposed to have been uncommonly superstitious; yet from some anecdotes related by Colonel Kirkpatrick, {250} it would appear, that he was very capable of evading with skill the performance of troublesome ceremonies, and that he could speak on religion with the popish missionaries without harshness, but with a considerable quickness of repartee. His superstition was probably, therefore, of that nature which is usually assumed by princes placed in difficult situations.

Rana Bahadur received little or no education from his guardians, but was allowed to indulge in every vice, surrounded by minions and young profligates of the court. These not only assisted him in the pursuit of low vices, but encouraged his natural propensity to cruel diversions. He had no sooner secured his rights to the throne, and assumed the power of the state, than he showed the restless ambition of his family by an attack on the Yumila Raja, whom all the mountain chiefs acknowledged as their liege lord. The Yumila chief, although he had been thrown off his guard by all manner of professions, having an extensive territory, made a stout resistance, but was finally compelled to seek refuge in the country of the Vazir.

Rana Bahadur had married a daughter of the Gulmi Raja, to whom he showed some favour, compelling the Raja of Palpa to give up to that chief several estates, of which he had been stript by Mahadatta Sen; but, perhaps being disgusted by his wife’s having no children, he soon neglected that virtuous and high-minded lady, and very openly cohabited with other women. He first had a son by a common slave girl, and then one by the daughter of a Brahman. This gave great offence to the sacred order, but the ungovernable fury of the Raja’s temper hushed all complaints. As a means of disturbing him, however, the skilful in astrology (Jyotish) published a prophecy, foretelling that the Raja would not long survive his beauteous favourite of the sacred order, who would soon be seized with a disease. As the latter circumstance happened, the Raja, who, like other Hindus, had no doubt in the science, was in the utmost consternation. Some of the learned took immediate advantage, and informed him, that, by certain ceremonies performed before a certain image, his favourite might be restored to health. The Raja, caught by this device, advanced what was held to be a very large sum, it is said 100,000 rupees; but without effect, for his favourite died in a few days. The Raja’s ungovernable temper now fully disclosed itself. He not only scourged the Brahmans to make them disgorge his money, but he took the image, and, grinding it to pieces with excrement, threw the fragments into a river. His fears, however, were not abated, and the people, disgusted and terrified at his violence, were ripe for change. It was judiciously suggested to him, that, as he could not expect to survive long, he should endeavour to secure the government to the son of his favourite, by placing him immediately on the throne, (Gadi,) and by making all ranks take the oaths of fidelity to the child. The Raja approved entirely of this measure, and determined to end his days at Banaras, and thus to secure a place in heaven. Every step, however, was taken to secure the young Raja’s authority. The Raja of Palpa was invited to place the mark of royalty (Tika) on his forehead, and some of the conquered chiefs, I believe chiefly those descended of Khancha and Mincha, were induced to be present, and promised an annual pension, on condition of their acknowledging the legitimacy of their illegitimate kinsman: and so much weight has been attached to this acknowledgment, that the pensions, I am told, are still continued.

Before all these ceremonies had been performed, much time had elapsed. Although, therefore, every preparation had been made for the Raja’s departure for Banaras, and although he had conferred the regency on his surviving favourite the slave girl, his wife having refused to accept of the office, and having insisted on accompanying her lord, Rana Bahadur, no longer called Raja but Swami, finding himself very well, seems to have repented of what he had rashly done, and suspecting some trick, was inclined to resume the government. Both people and chiefs were, however, in general averse to this measure, as the violence of his temper was universally feared. The chiefs, therefore, under the direction of Damodar Pangre, informed him, that they, having sworn obedience to the young Raja, would support his government. The Raja fortified himself in the town of Lalita Patan, near the capital, and most of the eastern provinces were disposed to support his authority; but Damodar had shown such prudence and mildness, when he conquered the west, that the people of that quarter were determined to adhere to his cause. Sadhu Ram alleges, that on this occasion, in the country between Gorkha Proper and Garhawal, including Palpa, in the strictest friendship with Damodar, 17,000 men of the sacred order, and an equal number of the military tribes, were ready to support this officer. After some skirmishing, Damodar’s party being evidently the strongest, Rana Bahadur retired privately to Banaras with the character of insanity but, except in an ungovernable ferocity and cruelty of temper, and in a credulity, evidently the fault of education, he seems to have been abundantly judicious, and in fact finally overreached all his adversaries.

Rana Bahadur having incurred a considerable debt to the British Government, which supplied his wants at Banaras, a treaty was entered into for a gradual repayment, and for the residence of a British officer at Kathmandu; and Captain Knox, with whom I went, entered their territory in February 1802. We had been there only a few days, when the officers, who came to meet us, and who were very friendly disposed, were thrown into great trouble by the arrival of the princess, Rana Bahadur’s wife. The unprincipled chief had connected himself with one of these frail but pure beauties, (Gandharbin,) with which the holy city abounds, had stript his wife of her jewels to bestow them on this wanton companion, and finally had turned his wife out of doors. As the slave regent had the meanness to seize on the income of the town, assigned for the princess’s dowry, the poor lady was reduced to the utmost distress, and conceived that we were her enemies, being on an embassy to the low woman, by whom she had been so shamefully used. She therefore stirred up to destroy us a certain Masan Raut, who had under him many thieves and robbers, with whom he plundered the borders. We received, however, timely notice, and our guard being all night under arms, no attempt was made, although the sentries saw hovering round parties of men, who, no doubt, had come in the expectation of finding some unguarded part.

As might have been expected, under such circumstances, the slave girl’s regency had been from the first marked with weakness. The two most powerful chiefs then in Nepal were Brahma Sahi of the royal family, and Damodar of the house called Pangre, which, ever since the conquest, has been the most powerful family among the Gorkhalis. Damodar had strengthened his influence by the marriage of his sister into the distinguished family of the Viswanaths, and had procured the command of most of the fortresses, which he intrusted to the care of his own dependants. The eldest of his nephews, of the Viswanath family, was then a fine young man named Kritimohun. Him the regent appointed Karyi, and in his abilities reposed the highest confidence, which was supposed to have been increased by her regard for his person. Far from supporting his uncle, this rash young man removed all the adherents of the Pangre family from the command of the fortresses, and gave them in charge to dependants of his own, and of Rudravir his illegitimate brother. In the meanwhile, envy raised against him many enemies, and he was assassinated by persons of a rank too elevated to be publicly mentioned. Among these was Sri Krishna Sahi, one of the legitimate princes of the royal family, who was compelled to fly into the Company’s territory; but the principal odium and suspicion fell on Damodar Pangre, the young minister’s uncle. As the regent never liked this chief, the circumstance was made a pretence for attempting his ruin, and for the elevation of Brahma Sahi to the principal authority in the government. This personage having joined with two brothers of the Viswanath family, and with Sher Bahadur, illegitimate brother of Rana Bahadur, seized on the two sons of Damodar Pangre; but the old man could not be touched; he was too much versed in affairs, and was too strongly supported by his friends, and especially by two warlike brothers. With these he retired from court; and when Captain Knox approached the frontier, in the beginning of 1802, was living in sullen retirement. At this time an apparent reconciliation took place between Brahma Sahi and Damodar Pangre; both came to receive the English embassy; and the sons of Damodar were liberated. The probable cause of this reconciliation was the elevation of a low man to the principal confidence of the regent, while the charge of her conscience and heart was in possession of a young Sannyasi or religious mendicant, one of the finest formed men that I have ever seen. Both circumstances gave offence to the people.

On our arrival in the valley of Nepal, in April, we found a young illegitimate Raja, about six years of age, whose nominal chief minister, Chautariya, was an illegitimate brother, two years older than himself, and son of the regent slave girl, who had in fact given the whole power to a very low person, which occasioned universal disgust. Damodar Pangre, who had met us on the frontier, did not accompany us to the court, for what reason I do not exactly know; but it is probable that he scorned the low favourite, who had been raised to the chief authority in the kingdom. The only man of weight at the court was in fact Brahma Sahi, descended of the royal family; but whether or not legitimate, I cannot say. He was, however, highly respected by the people, and has fewer of the vices of his family than usual, with much good sense and moderation.

Soon after our arrival we learned, that the distressed princess, spouse of Rana Bahadur, terrified at the thought of remaining in the unhealthy forests during the rainy season, deprived of means to support her in the Company’s territory, and probably encouraged by Damodar Pangre, intended to come up to Nepal without leave; for the regent could not bear the approach of her former mistress, and yet would not give her the stipulated dower. People were therefore sent, who brought up all the male attendants of the princess in irons; and it was hoped, I believe, that she would perish in the woods. Necessity, however, added boldness to her measures, and she advanced with ten or twelve female attendants to Chisapani, a fortress commanding the entrance into Nepal. It was evident, however, that the commiseration of the people was daily gaining strength, and the timidity of the regent gave daily an increase of power to the princess. An additional company of Seapoys was sent to Chisapani, as if soldiers were the proper persons to stop the progress of a few helpless women. The officer commanding had received positive orders to refuse the princess admittance; but he contented himself by executing merely the letter of his orders. He took in all his garrison, shut the gates, and allowed the lady and her attendants to walk quietly round the walls. Much anxiety was now evident at the capital, and another company of Seapoys was dispatched to Chitlang, with positive orders to prevent the princess from advancing farther; and, if the arrears of dower had accompanied the officer, I do not believe that she would have made any attempt; but the sordid dispositions of the regent and her favourite did not suffer them to part with money. The officer commanding the company met the poor princess and her attendants on the road, and, being a man of true honour, with a good deal of difficulty mustered courage to disclose his orders. When he had done so, the high-born lady, unmoved by fear, pulled out a dagger, and saying, will you presume to oppose the lawful wife of a Gorkhali Raja, while going to her own estate? she struck him on the arm; on which, although wounded, he immediately retired, quite ashamed of the service on which he had been employed; and his men required no orders to follow his example. The princess that morning entered the valley of Nepal, and halted about five miles from the capital. No sooner was this known than she was joined by Damodar Pangre, and all ranks flocked to pay their respects, and among them all the officers of government, except the low favourite, who immediately fled towards Thibet.

The regent, thus deserted, retired with the Raja and her son to the sanctuary of a temple, taking with her all the money in the treasury and the jewels of the crown. Next day the princess entered the capital, and, after a short negotiation, took upon herself the regency, and settled on her base-born rival an income, which, had she received, she would never have given any trouble. In the whole transaction, indeed, she showed great magnanimity; and the only stain on her character, so far as I know, during so difficult a scene, was her conduct to the wife of the low man, whom the late regent had elevated to the office of Serdar. This unfortunate woman was put to the torture, to make her disclose where her husband had concealed his treasure; but, I believe, the treasure was imaginary, and the report of his having accumulated wealth arose, I imagine, in base minds, envious of his sudden rise, and anxious to gratify their envy by misrepresentations to the princess regent. The man, indeed, bore on the whole a good character; and the meanness of his birth and education, with some low conduct, arising more from these misfortunes than from any inclination to evil, are the only things for which I ever heard him blamed.

The new regent placed in her chief confidence Damodar Pangre, the officer in the country of by far the highest reputation; and although she consulted him chiefly, she expressed great anxiety for her husband’s return. She also showed the utmost jealousy of the British embassy as likely to interfere with that event; and in the end of March 1802 we left the capital. It was probably at the instigation of Damodar, that the Palpa Raja, as I have mentioned, was allowed to return home. Whether or not these chiefs had entered into any conspiracy, as has been hinted, I do not know; but it is generally believed, that Damodar, so far as he was able, opposed the return of Rana Bahadur, which certainly was neither desirable for Nepal nor its neighbours. The natives in general believe, that he wrote a letter to a gentleman of rank at Banaras, requesting his influence to keep Rana Bahadur at that city; and that this letter, by the treachery or mistaken policy of the gentleman, came into the hands of this ferocious chief. He instantly departed by post, and was in the dominions of Nepal before any one suspected that he had left Banaras. He was cordially received by his faithful wife, although he did not fail to send to Banaras for the wanton beauty, by whom he had been there captivated, and who must have cost him great sums, if we can judge from the style in which she now lives at Banaras, to which she returned on his death.

On his approach to the capital, Rana Bahadur was met by Damodar Pangre, at the head of a large body of armed men. This certainly had an alarming appearance, and the intention of a man so prudent and reserved as Damodar must always remain uncertain; but the prince, supported by the advice of Bhim Sen, a young attendant, showed no sign of fear, and called aloud to the officers and men, “Now show whether you will have me or Damodar for your lord?” on which the whole joined him, and the gallant veteran, and his eldest son, were bound.

Rana Bahadur contented himself with the title of Swami or Lord, and, finding that the oath of fidelity had still a considerable influence among the troops, acted merely as regent for his son; but, in action, he never hesitated to assume the full power of the prince. Soon after, having shown the letter to Damodar, he delivered him and his son to the public executioner. As leading to the place, the young man proposed resistance, and a sudden attempt might have put them in possession of arms, which, with their known courage, and the veneration for their character, where no higher authority was present, might have overcome the guard. The old general, however, recommended submission, lest their attempt might have proven totally fatal to their house. He appears to have here also acted with his usual judgment; as his only surviving son was spared by Rana Bahadur, when treacherously delivered up by the Palpa Raja, as I have above mentioned; and the young man, I believe, now holds the office of one of the Karyis, the whole soldiery viewing the family with affection, and considering it entitled to have one of its members always in possession of that dignity.

Immediately after this, Rana Bahadur determined to enlarge his dominions, and with that view entrusted Bara Amar Singha with a large force. This officer Rana Bahadur, when he arrived from Banaras, found in confinement, in which he had been placed by his old commander, Damodar Pangre, and, on this account, he was justly considered as more faithful to the prince. He rapidly seized on Garhawal, and extended the power of Gorkha beyond the Yamuna; where, had it not been checked by Ranjit Singha, the Sikh chieftain, it would soon have extended to the boundary of Kasmira.

I have already mentioned the arts by which Rana Bahadur inveigled Prithwi Pal, and the chief officers of that prince, into his power; in which he showed no symptoms of insanity, unless a shameless perfidy be considered as such. His career, however, was then near a close. Most of the chief officers were disgusted, and kept in constant terror by the remembrance of Damodar Pangre’s fate, with whom most of them had been intimately connected; and each daily expected, that this connection might be made a pretence for his ruin; for the regent or lord consulted only a young man named Bhim Sen, vigorous, ambitious, and unprincipled as himself. A conspiracy is said to have been formed with a view of placing the Palpa Raja at the head of affairs; and Sher Bahadur, an illegitimate brother of the regent, who long had held the high office of Chautariya, is supposed to have been concerned. In order to remove his brother from such dangerous enterprises, the regent ordered him to join the army in the field, but he declined. The regent was then very angry; and, while in full court, sent for his brother, with orders to bring him by force if he declined. Sher Bahadur followed the messengers into the court, and being asked, if he would join the army, declined by saying, we are sons of the same father, go you and I will follow. What may be exactly meant by this phrase in an ambiguous language, I cannot say; certainly, however, it so enraged Rana, that he ordered his brother for execution; but, while no one was aware, the brother drew his sword, and gave the regent a mortal blow. He was instantly put to death by Bhim Sen, into whose hands the regent, before he expired, delivered his son, the Raja, and commanded all persons to obey his authority.

When the Raja expired, Bhim Sen immediately retired to another room, commanding a view of the court, in which the guard was assembled, and, having addressed the soldiers, and received a promise of their support, he immediately surrounded the hall, in which the court was assembled, and put to death all the most active persons, under pretence, at least, of the conspiracy, and there is reason to suspect, that what he alleged was not destitute of foundation. On this occasion, Bidur Sahi, an illegitimate son of the royal family, then one of the Chautariyas, Narasingha Karyi, Tribhuvan Karyi, and about fifty military officers, were killed. On the same day he put to death the Palpa Raja, and his chief officers, as has been already mentioned; and his father, Amar Singha, immediately seized on the dominions of that chief. Some variations are told in the circumstances of this event, but the above I consider as the best authenticated.

Rana Bahadur, although he could not treat his wife with kindness, nor even decency, does not seem to have been altogether unmoved by her noble conduct; and, after his return from Banaras, had enlarged her father’s dominions. Fortunately for Bhim Sen, the high-spirited lady accompanied the body of her faithless husband on the funeral pile and freed the new regent from her presence, which might have been very troublesome. For his subsequent conduct in seizing on her father’s petty states, which was done when he seized Palpa, it will be difficult to account, except on the principle of insatiable rapacity. The tragedies of his first day’s government of course stopped all observations on his conduct. Disliking to have at the capital a person so venerable, and of such high rank as Brahma Sahi, he induced that chief to accept the government of Kumau or Almora, the most honourable in the kingdom, and augmented in dignity by the new title of Raja Brahma Sahi, exempt from ambition, and knowing from his character that he was safe from danger, accepted the office as more suited to his great years, than the dangerous intrigues of Kathmandu. The remote government of Saliyana is occupied by his brother Rudravir, but the youngest brother Hasthadal, and all his legitimate male issue, are held at Kathmandu, no doubt as hostages; for all the family is suspected not only of disaffection, but of being too friendly to the English. Hasthadal, however, is now one of the Chautariyas. The command of the army in the west has been continued to Bara Amar Singha, whose birth gives him no pretension to raise disturbances; but who has good abilities, and there is reason to believe is firmly attached to the present ruler. Bhim Sen, himself, now in the vigour of youth, and of the most determined courage, has probably very ambitious views. Whether or not he may think these promoted by his disputes with the English, I do not know; but the Raja approaches manhood, and the objections to his succession are very numerous, while the disputes with the English have been a pretence for assembling a very large force, (twenty-five companies under the son, and thirteen companies under the father,) and for thus attaching to his family a very large proportion of the army. The army in the west is under the command of Bara Amar Singha, father of Ranadhwar, the chief confidant and coadjutor of the young minister.

From the following genealogical table of the legitimate descendants of Narabhupal or Nribhupal, composed in spring 1803, it will appear, that the line of Prithwi Narayan ended in Rana Bahadur; nor do I know what has since become of the other branches of the family. They were in obscurity when the table was composed, and their condition since has probably in no way been altered, at least for the better; and at any rate, they are distant relations to Rana Bahadur, nor are they descended from Prithwi Narayan, the favourite hero of the nation. Every male of the family, legitimate or not, takes the title of Sa, Sahi, or Saha, which is always used in conversation and writing, but need not be repeated in the table.

[Picture: Genealogical Table]

There was another family, which contained six petty chiefs, Gulmi, Khachi, Argha, Musikot, Dhurkot, and Isma; all of whom, except Musikot, had adopted the rules of purity, and took the title of Sahi, or Saha, like the chiefs of Gorkha; but it is not alleged, that the two families had any connection, except by marriage, and two of the branches of the family, of which I am now giving an account, Gulmi and Musikot, called themselves Kala Makwani, although no one knows from whence they came, nor the origin of the appellation. The Rajas of Gulmi, Khachi, and Argha, followed Palpa in war; Dhurkot stood independent; and Isma and Musikot followed Piuthana.

It is probable, that Gulmi was the original seat of the family, as Khachi and Argha are acknowledged to be collateral branches; but with the claims of the other three chiefs I am not acquainted. Gulmi, the capital of the state so named, is situated on a hill, the ascent of which is said to be three miles in length. The castle is built of bricks, and covered with tiles. The town contained 500 houses, mostly thatched. There is no water within a quarter of a mile of the town. A part of the great mart, called Rerighat, mentioned in the account of Palpa, belonged to the chief of Gulmi. His territory contains mines of zinc, (dasta,) cinnabar, (sabita,) and copper, of which one is on a hill, called Chandrakot, and another on Arakul Pahar, near the former. These mines would appear to be valuable. The allied chiefs of Palpa, Gulmi, Khachi, and Argha, as I have mentioned, about the beginning of the eighteenth century, destroyed the Magar chief of Balihang, and divided among themselves his dominions, both on the hills and plains. The division seems to have given rise to sundry bickerings. The capital, which was situated on a hill near the plains, and fortified, fell to the share of Palpa; but Gulmi and Khachi received a large share of the plains. Makunda Sen of Palpa, about the middle of the last century, contrived to seize on Gulmi, by the intrigues of a Brahman, named Kanak Nidhi, who gives me the account, and he delivered the fortress to an officer of his master’s, named Kirtibamb Thapa; but that person very soon restored the place to its lawful owner. I have already mentioned the base manner in which Mahadatta of Palpa joined with his son-in-law, Bahadur Sahi of Gorkha, and how he obtained Gulmi, Khachi, and Argha, as the dear bought fruit of his perfidy. These, however, he was allowed to possess, so long as he lived. Siva Saha, the dethroned chief of Gulmi, retired to Ramnagar, where he found refuge with the exiled chief of Tanahung, and while there, gave his grand-daughter in marriage to Rana Bahadur, the young Raja of Gorkha and Nepal, who no sooner obtained the government, than he compelled Prithwi Pal to restore the hills of Gulmi to his wife’s father; and when he returned from Banaras, and had secured Prithwi Pal in confinement, the original possessions of the Gulmi family were augmented by the whole of the hills of Balihang; but this flourishing state lasted only for a few weeks, as, on the death of Rana and his high-minded spouse, all her father’s possessions were seized by the rapacious Bhim Sen, who now governs Nepal. Sidhi Pratap, the chief of Gulmi, is supposed to be still in the mountains; but others allege, that he has died without issue. He is supposed to have been about the thirtieth chief of his race.

In Gulmi and Balihang one-half of the people are Khasiyas, one-eighth Brahmans, of whom many are of pure birth, (Upadhyayas,) and few illegitimate, (Jausi.) The remainder of the population consists of impure tribes of cultivators and artificers.

The principal crop in these hills is the rice, which is reaped in the beginning of winter, (Aghani.)

The chief of Khachi, a younger branch of Gulmi, profited much by the spoils of Balihang, and had a fine territory on the plain adjacent to his hills. In the latter were no mines, except one of iron; but at the foot of the hills was a considerable mart, called Barakadwar, the trade of which, however, has been almost totally forced to Butaul, since the chief of Gorkha has seized on both countries. It is said, that there is a still more important pass, called Khor, four coses east from Barakadwar. This is said to be the easiest of all the ascents to the mountains, and leads to the town of Khachi, from whence there are routes in many directions leading to places at a great distance, without any very difficult ascent or descent. The town of Khachi, which was the capital, stands on a hill plentifully supplied with water. The town contained about 300 houses, mostly thatched; that of the chief was built of brick. The Raja’s share of the land revenue on the hills, besides the lands for supplying the officers and soldiers, amounted to 4000 rupees a-year, and from the plain he annually procured from 500 to 1500 rupees, according as the cultivators were discontented or satisfied. Some of the officers had lands free of rent on the plains; but, as usual among the mountaineers, the whole revenue from the plain went to the chief. On the hills of this state 5-16ths of the people were Khasiyas, Brahmans and Rajputs 3-16ths, and low cultivators and artisans 8-16ths. The last Raja’s name was Durgar Sahi, who was expelled by Mahadatta of Palpa, as already mentioned. I have not heard of his subsequent fate.