Chapter V: Front Matter (5)

O NICIAS, there is no other remedy for Love,
With ointing, or with sprinkling on, that ever I could prove,
Beside the Muses nine! This pleasant medicine of the mind
Grows among men; and seems but lite, yet very hard to find:
As well I wote you know; who are in physic such a Leech,
And of the Muses so beloved. The cause of this my speech
A CYCLOPS is, who lived here with us right wealthily;
That ancient POLYPHEM, when first he loved GALATE
(When, with a bristled beard, his chin and cheeks first clothed were):
He loved her not with roses, apples, or with curlèd hair;
But with the Furies' rage. All other things he little plied.
Full often to their fold, from pastures green, without a guide,
His sheep returnèd home: when all the while he singing lay
In honour of his Love, and on the shore consumed away
From morning until night; sick of the wound, fast by the heart,
Which mighty VENUS gave, and in his liver stuck the dart.

For which, this remedy he found, that sitting oftentimes
Upon a rock and looking on the sea, he sang these rhymes:

"O GALATEA fair, why dost thou shun thy lover true?
More tender than a lamb, more white than cheese when it is new,
More wanton than a calf, more sharp than grapes unripe, I find.
You use to come when pleasant sleep, my senses all do bind:
But you are gone again when pleasant sleep doth leave mine eye;
And as a sheep you run, that on the plain a wolf doth spy.

"I then began to love thee, GALATE, when first of all
You, with my mother, came to gather leaves of crowtoe [_hyacinth_]
small
Upon our hill; when I, as Usher, squired you all the way.
Nor when I saw thee first, nor afterwards, nor at this day,
Since then could I refrain: but you, by Jove! nought set thereby!

"But well I know, fair Nymph, the very cause why thus you fly.
Because upon my front, one only brow, with bristles strong
From one ear to the other ear is stretchèd all along:
'Neath which, one eye; and on my lips, a hugy nose, there stands.
Yet I, this such a one, a thousand sheep feed on these lands;
And pleasant milk I drink, which from the strouting bags is presst.
Nor want I cheese in summer, nor in autumn of the best,
Nor yet in winter time. My cheese racks ever laden are;
And better can I pipe than any CYCLOPS may compare.
O apple sweet! of thee, and of myself I use to sing,
And that at midnight oft. For thee! eleven fawns up I bring,
All great with young: and four bears' whelps, I nourish up for thee!
But come thou hither first, and thou shalt have them all of me.
And let the bluish coloured sea beat on the shore so nigh,
The night with me in cave, thou shalt consume more pleasantly!
There are the shady bays, and there tall cypress trees do sprout:
And there is ivy black, and fertile vines are all about.
Cool water there I have, distilled of the whitest snow,
A drink divine, which out of woody Etna mount doth flow.
In these respects, who in the sea and waves would rather be?

"But if I seem as yet too rough and savage unto thee,
Great store of oaken wood I have, and never-quenchèd fire;
And I can well endure my soul to burn with thy desire,
With this my only eye, than which I nothing think more trim:
Now woe is me, my mother bore me not with fins to swim!
That I might dive to thee; that I thy dainty hand might kiss,
If lips thou wouldst not let. Then would I lilies bring iwis,
And tender poppy-toe that bears a top like rattles red,
And these in summer time: but others are in winter bred,
So that I cannot bring them all at once. Now certainly
I'll learn to swim of some or other stranger passing by,
That I may know what pleasure 'tis in waters deep to dwell.

"Come forth, fair GALATE! and once got out, forget thee well
(As I do, sitting on this rock) home to return again! }
But feed my sheep with me, and for to milk them take the pain! }
And cheese to press, and in the milk the rennet sharp to strain! }
My mother only wrongeth me; and her I blame, for she
Spake never yet to thee one good, or lovely, word of me:
And that, although she daily sees how I away do pine.
But I will say, 'My head and feet do ache,' that she may whine,
And sorrow at the heart: because my heart with grief is swoll'n.

"O CYCLOPS, CYCLOPS! whither is thy wit and reason flown?
If thou would'st baskets make; and cut down brouzing from the tree,
And bring it to thy lambs, a great deal wiser thou should'st be!
Go, coy some present Nymph! Why dost thou follow flying wind?
Perhaps another GALATE, and fairer, thou shalt find!
For many Maidens in the evening tide with me will play, }
And all do sweetly laugh, when I stand heark'ning what they say: }
And I somebody seem, and in the earth do bear a sway." }

Thus POLYPHEMUS singing, fed his raging love of old;
Wherein he sweeter did, than had he sent her sums of gold.

POLYPHEM's Emblem.

_Ubi Dictamum inveniam?_

THE SIXTEENTH IDILLION.

Argument.

The style of this Poem is more lofty than any of the rest, and THEOCRITUS wrote it to HIERO, King of Syracuse in Sicily. Wherein he reproveth the nigardise of Princes and Great Men towards the Learned, and namely [_especially_] Poets: in whose power it is to make men famous to all posterity. Towards the end, he praiseth HIERO; and prayeth that Sicily may be delivered by his prowess from the invasions of the Carthaginians. This Idillion is named HIERO in respect of the person to whom it was written; or _Charites_, that is, "Graces," in respect of the matter whereof it treateth.

_CHARITES, or HIERO._

POETS have still this care, and still the Muses have this care;
To magnify the gods with Songs, and men that worthy are.
The Muses they are goddesses, and gods with praise they crown;
But we are mortal men, and mortal men let us renown!
But who, of all the men under the cope of heaven that dwell,
By opening of his doors, our Graces entertains so well
That unrewarded quite he doth not send them back again?
They in a chafe, all barefoot, home to me return with pain:
And me they greatly blame, &c. That they went for nought they grudge;
And all too weary, in the bottom of an empty hutch,
Laying their heads upon their knees full cold, they still remain:
Where they do poorly dwell, because they home returned in vain.

Of all that living are, who loves a man that speaketh well?
I know not one. For now a days for deeds that do excel
Men care not to be praised: but all are overcome with gain. }
For every man looks round, with hand in bosom, whence amain }
Coin he may get: whose rust rubbed off, he will not give again. }
But straightway thus he says, "The leg is further than the knee,
Let me have gold enough; the gods to Poets pay their fee!"
Who would another hear, "Enough for all, one HOMER is;
Of poets he is Prince: yet gets he nought of me iwis!"

Madmen, what gain is this, to hoard up bags of gold within?
This is not money's use, nor hath to wise men ever been!
But part is due unto ourselves, part to the Poet's pen;
And many kinsfolk must be pleasured, and many men:
And often to the gods thou must do solemn sacrifice.
Nor must thou keep a sparing house: but when, in friendly wise,
Thou hast receivèd strangers at thy board; when they will thence,
Let them depart! But chiefly Poets must thou reverence!
That after thou art hidden in thy grave, thou mayest hear well!
Nor basely mayest thou mourn when thou in Acheron dost dwell!
Like to some ditcher vile, whose hands with work are hard and dry;
Who from his parents poor, bewails his life in beggary.

In King ANTIOCHUS his Court, and King ALEVAS' too
To distribute the monthly bread a many had to do.
The Scopedans had many droves of calves, which in their stalls

'Mong oxen lowed; and shepherds kept, in the Cranonian dales,
Infinite flocks to bear the hospital [_hospitable_] CREONDAN's charge.}
No pleasure should these men enjoy of their expenses large, }
When once their souls they had embarked in the Infernal Barge; }
But leaving all this wealth behind, in wretched misery
Among the dead, without renown, for ever they should lie:
Had not SIMONIDES the Chian Poet, with his pen
And with his lute of many strings so famous made these men
To all posterity. The very horses were renowned;
Which, from their races swift returned, with olive garlands crowned.
Whoever should have known the Lycian Princes and their race,
Or them of Troy, of CIGNUS [_CYCNUS_] with his woman's coloured face:
Had not the Poets sung the famous Wars of them of old?
Nor yet ULYSSES (who, for ten years space on seas was rolled,
By sundry sorts of men; and who at last went down to Hell
As yet alive; and from the CYCLOPS' den escapèd well)
Had got such lasting fame: and drowned should lie in silence deep
Swineherd EUMÆUS, and PHILÆTUS who had to keep
A herd of neat; LAERTES eke himself had been unknown--
If far and wide their names, great HOMER's verses had not blown.

Immortal fame to mortal men, the Muses nine do give:
But dead men's wealth is spent and quite consumed of them that live.
But all one pain[s] it is, to number waves upon the banks,
Whereof great store, the wind from sea doth blow to land in ranks;
Or for to wash a brick with water clear till it be white:

As for to move a man whom avarice doth once delight.
Therefore "Adieu!" to such a one for me! and let him have
Huge silver heaps at will, and more and more still let him crave!
But I, Goodwill of Men, and Honour, will prefer before
A many mules of price, or many horses kept in store.
Therefore I ask, To whom shall I be welcome with my train
Of Muses nine? whose ways are hard, if JOVE guides not the rein.

The heavens yet have not left to roll both months and years on
reels;
And many horses yet shall turn about the Chariot's wheels:
The man shall rise that shall have need of me to set him out;
Doing such deeds of arms as AJAX, or ACHILLES stout,
Did in the field of Simois, where ILUS' bones do rest.
And now the Carthaginians, inhabiting the West,
Who in the utmost end of Liby' dwell, in arms are prest:
And now the Syracuseans their spears do carry in the rest;
Whose left arms laden are with targets made of willow tree.
'Mongst whom King HIERO, the ancient Worthies' match, I see
In armour shine; whose plume doth overshade his helmet bright.

O JUPITER, and thou MINERVA fierce in fight,
And thou PROSERPINA (who, with thy mother, has renown
By Lysimelia streams, in Ephyra that wealthy town),
Out of our island drive our enemies, our bitter fate,
Along the Sardine sea! that death of friends they may relate
Unto their children and their wives! and that the towns opprest
By enemies, of th'old inhabitants may be possesst!
That they may till the fields! and sheep upon the downs may bleat
By thousands infinite, and fat! and that the herds of neat
As to their stalls they go, may press the ling'ring traveller!
Let grounds be broken up for seed, what time the grasshopper

Watching the shepherds by their flocks, in boughs close singing lies!
And let the spiders spread their slender webs in armories;
So that of War, the very name may not be heard again!

But let the Poets strive, King HIERO's glory for to strain
Beyond the Scythean sea; and far beyond those places where
SEMIRAMIS did build those stately walls, and rule did bear.
'Mongst whom, I will be one: for many other men beside,
JOVE's daughters love; whose study still shall be, both far and wide,
Sicilian Arethusa, with the people, to advance;
And warlike HIERO. Ye Graces! (who keep resiance [_residence_]
In the Thessalian Mount Orchomenus; to Thebes of old
So hateful, though of you beloved) to stay I will be bold,
Where I am bid to come: and I with them will still remain,
That shall invite me to their house, with all my Muses' train.
Nor you, will I forsake! For what to men can lovely be
Without your company? The Graces always be with me!

Emblem.

_Si nihil attuleris, ibis HOMERE foras._

THE EIGHTEENTH IDILLION.

Argument.

Twelve noble Spartan Virgins are brought in singing, in the evening, at the chamber door of MENELAUS and HELENA on their Wedding Day. And first they prettily jest with the Bridegroom, then they praise HELENA, last they wish them both joy of their marriage. Therefore this Idillion is entitled _HELEN's Epithalamion_, that is "HELEN's Wedding Song."

_HELEN's Epithalamion._

IN Sparta, long ago, where MENELAUS wore the crown,
Twelve noble Virgins, daughters to the greatest in the town,
All dight upon their hair in crowtoe [_hyacinth_] garlands fresh and
green,
Danced at the chamber door of HELENA the Queen:
What time this MENELAUS, the younger son of ATREUS,
Did marry with this lovely daughter of Prince TYNDARUS;
And therewithal, at eve, a Wedding Song they jointly sang,
With such a shuffling of their feet that all the palace rang.

"Fair Bridegroom, do you sleep? Hath slumber all your limbs
possesst? }
What, are you drowsy? or hath wine your body so oppresst }
That you are gone to bed? For if you needs would take your rest, }
You should have ta'en a season meet. Mean time, till it be day,
Suffer the Bride with us, and with her mother dear, to play!
For, MENELAUS, She, at evening and at morning tide,
From day to day, and year to year, shall be thy loving Bride.

"O happy Bridegroom, sure some honest man did sneeze to thee,
When thou to Sparta came, to meet with such a one as She!
Among the demi-gods thou only art accounted meet }
To be the Son-in-law to JOVE! for underneath one sheet }
His daughter lies with thee! Of all that tread on ground with feet}
There is not such a one in Greece! Now sure some goodly thing
She will thee bear; if it be like the mother that she bring.

For we, her peers in age, whose course of life is e'en the same;
Who, at Eurotas' streams, like men, are oilèd to the game:
And four times sixty Maids, of all the women youth we are;
Of these none wants a fault, if her with HELEN we compare.
Like as the rising morn shews a grateful lightening,
When sacred night is past; and Winter now lets loose the Spring:
So glittering HELEN shined among her Maids, lusty and tall.
As is the furrow in a field that far outstretcheth all;
Or in a garden is a cypress tree; or in a trace,
A steed of Thessaly; so She to Sparta was a grace.
No damsel with such works as She, her baskets used to fill;
Nor in a divers coloured web, a woof of greater skill
Doth cut off from the loom; nor any hath such Songs and Lays
Unto her dainty harp, in DIAN's and MINERVA's praise,
As HELEN hath: in whose bright eyes all Loves and Graces be.

"O fair, O lovely Maid! a Matron is now made of thee!
But we will, every Spring, unto the leaves in meadow go
To gather garlands sweet; and there, not with a little woe,
Will often think of thee, O HELEN! as the suckling lambs
Desire the strouting bags and presence of their tender dams.
We all betimes for thee, a wreath of melitoe will knit;
And on a shady plane for thee will safely fasten it.
And all betimes for thee, under a shady plane below,
Out of a silver box the sweetest ointment will bestow.
And letters shall be written in the bark that men may see,
And read, DO HUMBLE REVERENCE, FOR I AM HELEN's TREE!

"Sweet Bride, good night! and thou, O happy Bridegroom,
now good night!
LATONA send your happy issue! who is most of might
In helping youth; and blissful VENUS send you equal love
Betwixt you both! and JOVE give lasting riches from above,
Which from your noble selves, unto your noble imps may fall!
Sleep on, and breathe into your breasts desires mutual!
But in the morning, wake! Forget it not in any wise!
And we will then return; as soon as any one shall rise
And in the chamber stir, and first of all lift up the head!
HYMEN! O HYMEN! now be gladsome at this marriage bed!"

Emblem.

_Usque adeo latet utilitas._

THE TWENTY-FIRST IDILLION.

Argument.

A Neatherd is brought chafing that EUNICA, a Maid of the city, disdained to kiss him. Whereby it is thought that THEOCRITUS seemeth to check them that think this kind of writing in Poetry to be too base and rustical. And therefore this Poem is termed _Neatherd_.

_NEATHERD._

EUNICA scorned me, when her I would have sweetly kist
And railing at me said, "Go with a mischief, where thou list!
Thinkest thou, a wretched Neatherd, me to kiss! I have no will
After the country guise to smouch! Of city lips I skill!
My lovely mouth, so much as in thy dream, thou shalt not touch!
How dost thou look! How dost thou talk! How play'st thou the slouch!
How daintily thou speak'st! What Courting words thou bringest out!
How soft a beard thou hast! How fair thy locks hang round about!
Thy lips are like a sick man's lips! thy hands, so black they be!
And rankly thou dost smell! Away, lest thou defilest me!"
Having thus said, she spattered on her bosom twice or thrice;
And, still beholding me from top to toe in scornful wise,
She muttered with her lips; and with her eyes she looked aside,
And of her beauty wondrous coy she was; her mouth she wryed,
And proudly mocked me to my face. My blood boiled in each vein,
And red I wox for grief as doth the rose with dewy rain.
Thus leaving me, away she flang! Since when, it vexeth me
That I should be so scorned of such a filthy drab as She.

"Ye shepherds, tell me true, am not I as fair as any swan?
Hath of a sudden any god made me another man?
For well I wot, before a comely grace in me did shine,
Like ivy round about a tree, and decked this beard of mine.
My crispèd locks, like parsley, on my temples wont to spread;
And on my eyebrows black a milk white forehead glisterèd:
More seemly were mine eyes than are MINERVA's eyes, I know.
My mouth for sweetness passèd cheese; and from my mouth did flow
A voice more sweet than honey-combs. Sweet is my Roundelay
When on the whistle, flute, or pipe, or cornet I do play.
And all the women on our hills do say that I am fair,
And all do love me well: but these that breathe the city air
Did never love me yet. And why? The cause is this I know.
That I a Neatherd am. They hear not how in vales below,
Fair BACCHUS kept a herd of beasts. Nor can these nice ones tell
How VENUS, raving for a Neatherd's love, with him did dwell
Upon the hills of Phrygia; and how she loved again
ADONIS in the woods, and mourned in woods when he was slain.
Who was ENDYMION? Was he not a Neatherd? Yet the Moon
Did love this Neatherd so, that, from the heavens descending soon,
She came to Latmos grove where with the dainty lad she lay.
And RHEA, thou a Neatherd dost bewail! and thou, all day,
O mighty JUPITER! but for a shepherd's boy didst stray!
EUNICA only, deigned not a Neatherd for to love:
Better, forsooth, than CYBEL, VENUS, or the Moon above!
And VENUS, thou hereafter must not love thy fair ADONE
In city, nor on hill! but all the night must sleep alone!"

Emblem.

_Habitarunt Dii quoque sylvas._

THE THIRTY-FIRST IDILLION.

Argument.

The conceit of this Idillion is very delicate. Wherein it is imagined how VENUS did send for the Boar who in hunting slew ADONIS, a dainty youth whom she loved: and how the Boar answering for himself that he slew him against his will, as being enamoured on him, and thinking only to kiss his naked thigh; she forgave him. The Poet's drift is to shew the power of Love, not only in men, but also in brute beasts: although in the last two verses, by the burning of the Boar's amorous teeth, he intimateth that extravagant and unorderly passions are to be restrained by reason.

_ADONIS._

WHEN VENUS first did see
ADONIS dead to be;
With woeful tattered hair
And cheeks so wan and sear,
The wingèd Loves she bade,
The Boar should straight be had.
Forthwith like birds they fly,
And through the wood they hie;
The woeful beast they find,
And him with cords they bind.
One with a rope before
Doth lead the captive Boar:
Another on his back
Doth make his bow to crack.
The beast went wretchedly,
For VENUS horribly
He feared; who thus him curst:
"Of all the beasts the worst,
Didst thou this thigh so wound?
Didst thou my Love confound?"

The beast thus spake in fear
"VENUS, to thee I swear!
By thee, and husband thine,
And by these bands of mine,
And by these hunters all,
Thy husband fair and tall,
I mindèd not to kill!
But, as an image still,
I him beheld for love:
Which made me forward shove
His thigh, that naked was;
Thinking to kiss, alas,
And that hath hurt me thus.
"Wherefore these teeth, VENUS!
Or punish, or cut out:
Why bear I in my snout
These needless teeth about!
If these may not suffice;
Cut off my chaps likewise!"
To ruth he VENUS moves,
And she commands the Loves,
His bands for to untie.
After he came not nigh
The wood; but at her will
He followed VENUS still.
And coming to the fire,
He burnt up his desire.

Emblem.

_Raris forma viris, secula prospice, Impunita fuit._

FINIS.

The Spoil of Antwerp.

_Faithfully reported by a true Englishman, who was present at the same._

November 1576.

_Seen and allowed._

Printed at London by RICHARD JONES.

[The first thing here is to settle the authorship of this
anonymous tract; which was also anonymously entered at
Stationers' Hall, probably from political reasons. From
internal evidence at pp. 149, 155, 161, it is clear that
the Writer was _not_ one of the Fellowship of the English
Merchant Adventurers in Antwerp; but was an Englishman
who had arrived in that city on the 22nd October 1576.
Who this Writer was would seem to be clearly settled by
the following extracts from documents in the State Paper
Office, London.

S. P. _Foreign. Eliz._ Vols. 139-140.

915. _GEORGE GASCOIGNE to Lord BURGHLEY_.

From Paris, 15 September 1576.

The troubles and news of Flanders have set all the soldiers of this realm in a triumph....

But now I mean to become an eyed-witness of the stir in Flanders; and from thence your honour shall shortly (GOD willing) hear of me.

951. _GEORGE GASCOIGNE to Lord BURGHLEY._ From Paris, 7 October 1576.

Whereof I trust shortly to understand more, for to-morrow (GOD willing) I go towards the Low Countries; and mean to spend a month, [or] two, or three, as your Honours shall like, in those parts.

For I mean to spend this winter (or as long as shall be thought meet) in service of my country. I beseech your Honour to confer with Master Secretary [Sir FRANCIS WALSINGHAM] who can more at large make you privy to my intent.

955. _Sir AMIAS PAULET, Ambassador for England in France, to Sir FRANCIS WALSINGHAM._

From Paris, 12 October 1576.

Master GASCOIGNE is departed towards Flanders; having prayed me to recommend him unto you by my letters, and also to convey these letters enclosed unto you.

If this GEORGE GASCOIGNE, who, as his handwriting shows,
is doubtless the Soldier-Poet, left Paris on the 8th
October, he could very well have come to Antwerp, as the
Writer of this narrative states, at page 149, he did, by
the 22nd of that month.

GASCOIGNE the Poet was a very tall man, so that he was
called "long GEORGE." This he seems to refer to at page
155, where he says, "I got up like a tall fellow."

For further confirmation of GASCOIGNE being the Author,
see pp. 164-6.

2. The best Plan of Antwerp, about the time of the
Spanish Fury, that we have met with, is that of GEORGE
BRAUN's _Civitates Orbis Terrarum_, Vol. I., Plan 17.

3. All the dates in the following narrative are Old Style.

4. It is to be specially noted that Antwerp was a
Roman Catholic city that had never, _in the least
way possible_, rebelled against PHILIP II.; and that
its awful destruction was made, without the least
provocation, by the soldiers of its Sovereign, that
should have protected it. Its only crime was its great
wealth. 5,000 merchants met in its Bourse, or Exchange,
every week. It was then the Venice of the North, with
about 125,000 inhabitants.

The following extract will explain the general position
of affairs in Flanders about this time.

S. P. _Foreign. Eliz._ Vol. 140.

1,021. _Dr [THOMAS] WILSON [Ambassador for England in Flanders] to the Privy Council._

19 November 1576.

And except despair drive the Prince [of ORANGE], I do not think that ever he will yield that to [the Duke of ANJOU, the] Monsieur [of France] which he hath in his power; being now in better case since these late troubles than ever he was before: having Zierikzee and Haarlem again; and Tergoes also, which he never had before.

There are in the Spaniards' possession, Antwerp; Lierre, 8 English miles from thence; [Den]dermonde, 18 miles distant; and Maestricht, 50 miles distant; and more they have not in their power....

The States, so far as I can understand, have none other intention, but that the Spaniards may be sent out of the country; and then they offer to live in all obedience to their King and Sovereign. The Spaniards will not depart except the King expressly command them. In the mean season, they do mind nothing but spoil and ravin.]

(_Continued at page 164._)

[The following Preface occurs in the Bodleian copy of this Tract.]

_To the Reader._

I shall earnestly require thee, gentle Reader, to correct the errors passed and escaped in printing of this pamphlet according to this Table.[2]

And furthermore to understand that this victory was obtained with loss of but five hundred Spaniards, or six [hundred] at the most; of whom I heard no man of name recounted [as killed] saving only Don EMANUEL.

Thus much, for haste, I had forgotten in this treaty [_treatise_]; and therefore thought meet to place it here in the beginning. And therewithal to advertise thee, that these outrages and disordered cruelties done to our Nation proceeded but from the common soldiers: neither was there any of the Twelve which entered the English House [_see pp._ 161, 164], a man of any charge or reputation. So that I hope, these extremities notwithstanding, the King their master will take such good order for redress thereof as our countrymen, in the end, shall rest satisfied with reason; and the amity between our most gracious Sovereign and him shall remain also firm and unviolate: the which I pray GOD speedily to grant for the benefit of this realm. Amen.

_The Spoil of Antwerp._

SINCE my hap was to be present at so piteous a spectacle as the Sacking and Spoil of Antwerp, a lamentable example which hath already filled all Europe with dreadful news of great calamity, I have thought good, for the benefit of my country, to publish a true report thereof. The which may as well serve for profitable example unto all estates of such condition[s] as suffered in the same: as also answer all honest expectations with a mean truth set down between the extreme surmises of sundry doubtful minds; and increased by the manifold light tales which have been engendered by fearful or affectionate [_prejudiced_] rehearsals.

And therewithal if the wickedness used in the said town do seem unto the well disposed Reader, a sufficient cause of GOD's so just a scourge and plague; and yet the fury of the vanquishers do also seem more barbarous and cruel than may become a good Christian conqueror: let these my few words become a forewarning on both hands; and let them stand as a lantern of light between two perilous rocks; that both amending the one, and detesting the other, we may gather fire out of the flint and honey out of the thistle.

To that end, all stories and Chronicles are written; and to that end I presume to publish this Pamphlet; protesting that neither malice to the one side, nor partial affection to the other, shall make my pen to swerve any iote [_jot_ or _iota_] from truth of that which I will set down, and saw executed.

For if I were disposed to write maliciously against the vanquishers: their former barbarous cruelty, insolences, rapes, spoils, incests, and sacrileges committed in sundry other places, might yield me sufficient matter without the lawful remembrance of this their late Stratagem. Or if I would undertake to move a general compassion by blazing abroad the miseries and calamities of the vanquished: their long sustained injuries and yokes of untollerable bondage, their continual broils in war, their doubtful dreads in peace, their accusations without cause, and condemnations without proof, might enable a dumb stone to talk of their troubles, and fetch brinish tears out of the most craggy rock to lament and bewail the burning houses of so near neighbours.

But as I said before, mine only intent is to set down a plain truth, for the satisfying of such as have hitherto been carried about with doubtful reports; and for a profitable example unto all such as, being subject to like imperfections, might fall thereby into the like calamities.

* * * * *

And to make the matter more perspicuous; I must derive the beginning of this Discourse a little beyond the beginning of the Massacre: that the cause being partially opened, the effect may be the more plainly seen.

* * * * *

It is then to be understood that the Sacking and Spoil of Antwerp hath been, by all likelihood, long pretended [_designed_] by the Spaniards: and that they have done nothing else but lie in wait continually, to find any least quarrel to put the same in execution. For proof whereof, their notable Rebellion and Mutiny began in the same [city, on 26th April 1574]; when their watch-word was _Fuora villiacco_! [This is apparently old Spanish for _Out with the townsfolk!_] might sufficiently bewray their malicious and cruel intent. And though it were then smoothly coloured over [_explained away_] and subtilly appeased by the crafty devisers of the same: yet the coals of the choler, being but raked up in the embers of false semblance, have now found out the wicked winds of wiliness and wrath; which meeting together have kindled such a flame as gave open way to their detestable devices.

For the Estates of the Low Countries, being over-wearied with the intolerable burden of their tyrannies; and having taken arms to withstand their malice and rebellious mutinies: the town of Antwerp, being left open and subject unto the Citadel, did yet remain quiet; and entered not into any martial action.

Whereat the Spaniards (being much moved; and having not yet opportunity to work their will so colourably [_with a sufficient pretence_] as they wished) bestowed certain cannon shot out of the said Castle, and slew certain innocent souls; with some other small harm and damage done to the edifices: thinking thereby to harden the hearts of the poor Flemings, and to make them take arms for their just defence; whiles they thereby might take occasion to execute their unjust pretence. And this was done on the 19th, or 20th, of October [1576] last.

* * * * *

Now to answer all objections; I doubt not but it will be alleged that the Castle bestowed the said cannon shot at the town; because they of the town did not shoot at the Prince of ORANGE's ships, which lay within sight thereof: but alas it is easy to find a staff when a man would beat a dog.

For the truth is, that those ships did no greater hurt either to the town or Castle than friendly to waft up [_convoy_] all manner of grain and victuals for the sustenance of the said town: which even then began to want such provisions by reason that the said Spaniards had built a Fort on [the] Flanders side upon the same river [_the Scheldt_]; and thereby stopped all such as brought victual to the said town; burning and destroying the country near adjoining, and using all terror to the poor people, to the intent that Antwerp might lack provision[s].

* * * * *

And about the same time also, the Spaniards cut off a bridge, which was the open passage between Antwerp and Machlen [_Malines_], at a village called Walem [_Waelhem_], a manifest proof of their plain intent to distress the said town, and to shut up the same from the rest of Brabant: since they were walled in with the river on the one side; and on that other the Spanish horsemen occupied all the country, and so terrified the poor people as they durst not bring their commodities to the same.

All this notwithstanding, the chief rulers of the said town of Antwerp appeased the people; and put up [with] these injuries until they might be better able to redress them.

* * * * *

Soon after, the Spaniards, assisted by the treason of certain High Duches [_Germans_], entered the town of Maestricht upon a sudden; and put the same to sack: killing and destroying great numbers of innocent people therein. A thing to be noted. For that Maestricht had never revolted; but stood quiet under their garrisons, as faithful subjects to their King [PHILIP II]: and the one half thereof pertained also unto the Bishop of LIEGE, who had yet meddled nothing at all in these actions.

* * * * *

The chief rulers and people of Antwerp (perceiving thereby the cruel intent of the Spaniards; and doubting [_fearing_] their Duche [_German_] garrison, which was of the Count OBERSTEIN's Regiment, as they were also which betrayed Maestricht) began to abandon the town, leaving their houses and goods behind them; and sought to withdraw themselves into some place of safer abode.

Whereat the Estates, being moved with compassion, and doubting that the town would shortly be left desolate, levied a Power of 3,000 Footmen and 800 or 1,000 Horsemen [_mostly Walloons and Germans_]; and sent the same, under the conduct of the Marquis D'HAVRÉ, the young Count [PHILIP] D'EGMONT, Monsieur DE CAPRES, Monsieur DE BERSELLE [or BERSELEN], Monsieur _de Gogines_, and other Nobles and Gentlemen, to succour and defend the town of Antwerp against the cruel pretence [_designs_] of the said Spaniards.

And they came before the Gates thereof, on Friday the 2nd of this instant [November 1576], at a Port on the east or south-east side thereof, called Kipdorp Port. Whereat the Spaniards, being enraged, discharged sundry shot of great artillery from the Castle; but to small purpose.

At last, Monsieur [FRÉDÉRIC PERRENOT, Sieur] DE CHAMPAGNEY, who was Governor of the town, and the Count OBERSTEIN, which was Colonel of the garrison, demanded of the States' [troops], Wherefore they approached the town in such order?

Who answered, That they came to enter the same as friends, and to entrench and defend it from the Spaniards: protesting further, That they would offer no manner of violent damage or injury to the persons or goods of any such as inhabited the same.

Hereupon the said Monsieur [the Sieur] DE CHAMPAGNEY and Count OBERSTEIN went out unto them, and conferred more privately together by the space of one hour: and returned into the town, leaving the Estates' Power at a village called Borgherhout.

* * * * *

On the morrow, being the 3rd of this instant [November 1576], they were permitted to enter, and came into the town: 21 Ensigns of Footmen and 6 Cornets of Horsemen.

Immediately after their entry, the inhabitants brought them sacks of wool and other such provision; wherewith they approached the Yard or plain ground which lieth before the Castle: and, placing the same at the ends of five streets which lie open unto the said Castle Yard [_Esplanade_], entrenched under them with such expedition that in less than five hours those streets' ends were all reasonably well fortified from the Castle, for any sudden [attack].

* * * * *

At this time and twelve days before [_i.e. from 22nd October_ 1576], I was in the said town of Antwerp, upon certain private affairs of mine own; so that I was enforced to become an eyed-witness [see page 142] of their Entry [_i.e. of the States' troops_] and all that they did: as also afterwards--for all the Gates were kept fast shut, and I could not depart--to behold the pitiful Stratagem which followed.

* * * * *

The Castle thundered with shot at the town: but it was a very misty day; so that they could neither find their marks very well, not yet see how the streets' ends were entrenched.

It was a strange thing to see the willingness of the inhabitants, and how soon many hands had despatched a very great piece of work. For, before midnight, they had made the trenches as high as the length of a pike; and had begun one trench for a Counterskarf [_Counterscarp_] between all those streets and the Castle Yard: the which they perfected unto the half way from St George's Churchyard unto the water's side by St Michael's; and there left from work, meaning to have perfected it the next day.

That Counterscarf had been to much purpose, if it had been finished: as shall appear by a Model [_Plan_] of the whole place which I have annexed to this treaty [_treatise_]; by view whereof the skillful Reader may plainly perceive the execution of every particularity.[3]

* * * * *

These things thus begun and set in forwardness; it is to be noted that the Spaniards (having intelligence of the States' Power, when it set forward from Brussels; and perceiving that it bent towards Antwerp) had sent to Maestricht, Lierre, and Alost to draw all the Power that could be made, unto the Castle of Antwerp. So that on Sunday, the 4th of this instant [November 1576], in the morning, they all met at the said Castle. And their Powers, as far as I could gather, were these:

There came from Maestricht, very near to 1,000 Horsemen, led by ALONZO DE VARGAS who is the General of the Horsemen; and 500 Footmen or more, governed by the Camp Master, FRANCESCO DE VALDEZ.

There came from Lierre, 500 Footmen or more, governed by the Camp Master, JULIANO DE ROMERO.

There came from Alost, 2,000 Footmen, which were the same that rebelled for their pay and other unreasonable demands, immediately after the Winning of Zierikzee [_J. DE RODAS, at page 168, states that these 2,000 soldiers were_ "desperate men."] These had none other conductor than their _Electo_ [or _Eletto, i.e., their elected Chief; at this time a man named NAVARETTE_], after the manner of such as mutiny and rebel: but were of sundry Companies, as Don EMANUEL's, and others. Nevertheless I have been so bold in the Model [_Plan_] as to set down the said Don EMANUEL, for their leader: both because I think that, their mutiny notwithstanding, he led them at the exploit; and also because he was slain amongst them at their entry.

Thus the number of [the] Spaniards was 4,000 or thereabouts; besides some help that they had of the garrison within the Castle. And besides, 1,000 High Almains [_Germans_] or more; which came from Maestricht, Lierre, and those parts. And they were of three sundry Regiments:

CHARLES FUGGER's, POLWILLER's, and FRONDSBERGER's: but they were led all by CHARLES FUGGER. So that the whole force of the Spaniards and their complices was 5,000 and upwards.

The which assembled and met at the Castle, on the said 4th day [of November 1576], about ten of the clock before dinner: and, as I have heard credibly reported, would neither stay to refresh themselves, having marched all night and the day before; nor yet to confer of anything but only of the order how they should issue and assail: protesting and vowing neither to eat nor drink until they might eat and drink at liberty and pleasure in Antwerp: the which vow they performed, contrary to all men's reason and expectation.

* * * * *

Their order of entry into the Castle Yard [_Esplanade_], and their approach to the trenches I did not see: for I could not get out of the town; neither did I think it reasonable to be _Hospes in aliena republica curiosus_.

Yet, as I heard it rehearsed by sundry of themselves, I will also here rehearse it for a truth:

The Horsemen and Footmen which came from Maestricht and Lierre, came through a village on the east side of the town called Borgerhout about ten of the clock before noon, as beforesaid. The Governor and Estates, being thereof advertised, sent out presently part of their Horsemen and Footmen to discover and take knowledge of them. But before they could issue out of the Gates, the Spaniards were passed on the south-east side of the town ditch, and entered at a Gate which standeth on the Counterscarf of the Castle Yard [_Esplanade_], called the Windmill Port. There entered the Horsemen and all the Footmen; saving the High Almains [_Germans_] who marched round about the Castle, by a village called Kiel; and, trailing their pikes on the ground after them, came in at a small Postern on the Brayes by the river, and on the west side of the Castle.

Those which came from Alost, came through the said village called Kiel, and so, through the Castle, [and] issued out of the same at the Fore Gate, which standeth towards the town.

Being thus passed, and entered into the Castle Yard, about eleven of the clock; they of Alost and of the Castle cast themselves into four Squadrons; they of Maestricht and Lierre into two Squadrons, and their Horsemen into a Troop behind them; and the High Almains [_Germans_] into a Squadron or Battalion by the river's side.

* * * * *

Being thus ordered, and appointment given where every Squadron should charge and endure; they cast off certain Loose Shot [_Skirmishers_] from every Squadron, and attacked the Scarmouch [? _Piquet_]. The which continued not one hour; before they drew their Squadrons so near unto the Counterscarf and Trenches, that they brake and charged _pell mell_.

The Castle had, all this while, played at the town and trenches with thundering shot: but now, upon a signal given, ceased to shoot any more, for fear to hurt their own men; wherein I noted their good order, which wanted no direction, in their greatest fury.

The Walloons and Almains [_Germans_] which served in the Trenches, defended all this while very stoutly. And the Spaniards with their Almains continued the charge with such valour, that in fine they won the Counterscarf, and presently scaled the Trenches with great fury. The Walloons and Almains, having long resisted without any fresh relief or supply, many of them in this meanwhile being slain and hurt, were not able any longer to repulse the Spaniards: so that they entered the Trenches about twelve of the clock, and presently pursued their victory down every street.

In their chase, as fast as they gained any cross street, they flanked the same with their Musquet[eer]s until they saw no longer resistance of any Power; and they proceeded in chase, executing all such as they overtook. In this good order they charged and entered; in this good order they proceeded; and in as good order, their lackays and pages followed with firebrands and wild fire, setting the houses on fire in every place where their masters had entered.

The Walloons and Almains which were to defend the town [_being chiefly those commanded by the Marquis d'HAVRÉ_] being grown into some security by reason that their Trenches were so high as seemed invincible; and, lacking sufficient generals or directors, were found as far out of order as the Spaniards were to be honoured for the good order and direction which they kept.

For those which came to supply and relieve the Trenches came straggling and loose. Some came from the furthest side of the town. Some, that were nearer, came very fearfully! and many, out of their lodgings, from drinking and carousing; who would scarcely believe that any conflict was begun, when the Spaniards now met them in the streets to put them out of doubt that they dallied not.

To conclude, their carelessness and lack of foresight was such that they never had a _Corps du Gard_ [Block House] to supply and relieve their Trenches; but only one in the Market Place of the town, which was a good quarter of a mile from their fortifications: and that also was of Almains [_Germans commanded by that double-dyed traitor CORNELIS VAN EINDEN, or VAN ENDE_]; who, when they spied the Spaniards, did gently kneel down, letting their pikes fall, and crying, _O liebe Spaniarden! O liebe Spaniarden!_ ["O dear Spaniards!" _That is, VAN EINDEN traitorously joined with the invading Spaniards._]

* * * * *

Now I have set down the order of their entry, approach, charge, and assault, together with their proceeding in victory; and that by credible report, both of the Spaniards themselves and of others who served in their company: let me also say a little of that which I saw executed.

* * * * *

I was lodged in the English House, _ut supra_: and had not gone abroad that morning by reason of weighty business which I had in hand the same day. At dinner time [_which was then about 11 a.m._], the Merchantmen of my country, which came out of the town and dined in my chamber, told me, That a hot scarmouch [_skirmish_] was begun in the Castle Yard, and that the fury thereof still increased. About the midst of dinner, news came, That the shot was so thick, as neither ground, houses, nor people could be discerned for the smoke thereof: and before dinner were fully ended, That the Spaniards were like[ly] to win the Trenches.

Whereat I stept from the table, and went hastily up into a high tower of the said English House: from whence I might discover fire in four or five places of the town towards the Castle Yard; and thereby I was well assured that the Spaniards indeed were entered within the Trenches.

So that I came down, and took my cloak and sword, to see the certainty thereof: and as I passed towards the Bourse [_Exchange_] I met many; but I overtook none. And those which I met were no townsmen, but soldiers: nether walked they as men which use traffic, but ran as men which are in fear.

Whereat, being somewhat grieved, and seeing the townsmen stand every man before his door with such weapons as they had; I demanded of one of them, What it meant?

Who answered me in these words, _Helas, Monsieur, il n'y a point d'ordre; et voilà la ruine de cette ville!_ [Alas, Sir, there is no order; and behold the ruin of this town!]

_Ayez courage, mon ami!_ [Have courage, my friend!], quoth I; and so went onwards yet towards the Bourse: meeting all the way more and more [of those] which mended their pace.

At last, a Walloon Trumpeter on horseback, who seemed to be but a boy of years, drew his sword, and laid about him, crying _Où est ce que vous enfuyez, canaille? Faisons tête, pour l'honeur de la patrie!_ [Where are you flying to, rascals? Make head, for the honour of our country!] Wherewith fifty or threescore of them turned head, and went backwards towards the Bourse.

The which encouraged me, _par compagnie_, to proceed.

But alas, this comfort endured but a while. For by that time I came on the farther side of the Bourse, I might see a great troop coming in greater haste, with their heads as close together as a school of young fry or a flock of sheep; who met me, on the farther side of the Bourse, towards the Market Place: and, having their leaders foremost (for I knew them by their javelins, boar spears, and staves), [they] bare me over backwards; and ran over my belly and my face, [a] long time before I could recover on foot.

At last, when I was up, I looked on every side, and seeing them run so fast, began thus to bethink me, "What, in God's name, do I hear? which have no interest in this action; since they who came to defend this town are content to leave it at large, and shift for themselves."

And whilst I stood thus musing, another flock of flyers came so fast that they bare me on my nose, and ran as many over my back, as erst had marched over my stomach. In fine, I got up like a tall fellow; and went with them for company: but their haste was such as I could never overtake them until I came at a broad cross street, which lieth between the English House and the said Bourse.

There I overtook some of them grovelling on the ground, and groaning for the last gasp; and some others which turned backwards to avoid the tickling of the Spanish Musquets [_Musketeers_]: who had gotten the ends of the said broad cross street, and flanked it both ways. And there I stayed a while till, hearing the shot increase and fearing to be surprised with such as might follow in tail of us; I gave adventure to pass through the said cross street: and, without vaunt be it spoken, passed through five hundred shots before I could recover the English House.

* * * * *

At my coming thither, I found many of the Merchants standing before the gate: whom I would not discomfort nor dismay but said, That the Spaniards had once entered the town, and that I hoped they were gone back again.

Nevertheless I went to the Governor: and privily persuaded him to draw in the company; and to shut up the gates.

The which he consented unto: and desired me, because I was somewhat better acquainted with such matters than the Merchants, to take charge of the key.

I took it willingly, but before I could well shut and bar the gate, the Spaniards were now come forwards into the same street; and passing by the door, called to come in; bestowing five or six musquet shot at the gate, where I answered them; whereof one came very near my nose, and piercing through the gate, strake one of the Merchants on the head, without any great or dangerous hurt. But the heat of the pursuit was yet such, that they could not attend the spoil; but passed on in chase to the New Town, where they slew infinite numbers of people: and, by three of the clock, or before, returned victors; having slain, or put to flight, all their enemies.

* * * * *

And now, to keep promise and to speak without partiality, I must needs confess that it was the greatest victory, and the roundliest executed, that hath been seen, read, or heard of, in our Age: and that it was a thing miraculous to consider how Trenches of such a height should be entered, passed over, and won, both by Footmen and Horsemen.

For immediately after that the Footmen were gotten in, the Horsemen found means to follow: and being, many of them, Harquebussiers on horseback, did pass by their own Footmen in the streets; and much hastened both the flight of the Walloons, and made the way opener unto speedy executioners.

But whosoever will therein most extoll the Spaniards for their valour and order, must therewith confess that it was the very ordinance of GOD for a just plague and scourge unto the town. For otherwise it passeth all men's capacity to conceive how it should be possible.