Chapter IV: Part 4

The next is the Trade we drive to the Kingdom of _Portugal_; where we vend much of our Product and Manufactures, little different in their Kinds from what is sent to _Spain_; and from thence we have in Returns Bullion, Salt, Oyl, Woad and Wines; of the latter we have lately imported great Quantities, which as they take well with the People of _England_, so its more our Interest than to have them from _France_, whence our Imports are more than our Exports, and to this Kingdom our Exports are greater than the Product thereof can make us Returns, especially since we have desisted from bringing home their Sugars, a Commodity wherewith we are more advantageously supplyed from our own Plantations, and did before the War furnish Foreign Markets cheaper than they could.

This People were formerly the great Navigators of the World, to whom we are indebted for their many Discoveries both in the _East_ and _West-Indies_, besides the several Islands of the _Azores_, _Cape de Verde_, and also _Maderas_; to these Islands they admit us a free Trade, but their remoter Settlements on the Continent of _America_ they reserve more strictly to themselves, whither they Export many of the Commodities we send them, and in Returns have, Sugars, Tobacco, with some other things, which are again Transported to the _European_ Markets, tho' little of them hither; Their Islands we supply direct from _England_ with our Manufactures, and from the _Azores_ load Corn, Woad, some Sugars, Wines and Bullion, all received in Barter for them, but chiefly the first, which we carry to _Maderas_, where 'tis again Barter'd for Wines, shipp'd thence to our Plantations in _America_; in all these the Inhabitants live well, and are very rich, but those residing on the _Cape de Verd_ Islands are generally a poor despicable People, made up of _Negroes_, _Molattoes_, and such like, who having but little Product to give in Returns are therefore but meanly supplyed with Commodities, and those very ordinary, so that they have scarce wherewith to cover themselves, much less for Luxury; Asses Bieves and Salt being all we have from them, which we generally carry to our Plantations in _America_; Beife might be made very cheap there could it be saved, being purchased for little, and Salt for less, but the Climate will not admit it; the chief of which Islands is St. _Jago_, very rich, well governed, and a Bishops Sea, where they are well supplied, because they have Money to pay for what they buy.

The _Portugueze_ as they are now become bad Navigators, so they are not great Manufacturers; some sorts of course Cloth they do make, and did once attempt _Bayes_, for which they drew over some of our Workmen, but it soon came to an end, and they returned home again by Encouragements given them hence, so prudent a thing it is to stop an Evil in the beginning.

Since this War they have had great Advantages in their Navigation, for being engaged on neither side they have by that means drawn Imployments from all; _Lisbon_ hath also been as it were a free Port for several Commodities to be thence Transported to _France_, whence among other things it hath been supply'd with Lead, which occasioned once an Order of Council here for stopping all Ships bound thither with that Commodity, esteem'd so useful to them in carrying on the War, but on second Thoughts it was recall'd, for which Order there seem'd to be no good Ground at first, as if the _French_ King, who doubtless would not refrain taking the Plate out of his Churches to support the Charge of his War, should out of Reverence spare the Lead that covered them if he wanted it, and could not elsewhere be supplyed with it, which was not probable, since 'twas so plenty in every part of his Kingdom, one Tun whereof according to a moderate Computation making above Thirty Thousand Bullets; I wish he were better furnish'd with our Product and Manufactures, and we had his Money for them, which would much more weaken him, than the other would enable him to carry on the War; _Ireland_ supplies _Portugal_ with tann'd Leather and Woollen Manufactures, which would be sent hence if the Trade of that Kingdom was well regulated.

[Sidenote: Turky.]

The Trade driven to _Turkey_ is very profitable, which affords us Markets for great Quantities of our Woollen Manufactures and Lead, shipt hence to _Constantinople_, _Scandaroon_ and _Smyrna_, and from thence disperst over all the _Turkish_ Dominions, also to _Persia_: The Commodities we have thence in Returns are Raw Silk, Cotten Wool and Yarn, Goats-Wool, Grogram-Yarn, Cordivants, Gaules, Potashes, and some other things, which are the foundations of several Manufactures different from our own, by the variety whereof we better suit Cargoes to Export again; and though it must be allowed that the _Turky_ Merchants carry thither Bullion, and 'twas to be wish'd the Trade could be driven without it, being better for this Nation if we bought all things in Barter for our Product and Manufactures, (which above the Foreign Materials they are made off are all Profit) yet if we rightly consider, we shall find great difference between Buying for Mony Commodities already manufactured, which hinder the use of our own, such as those brought from the _East-Indies_, or things to be spent on our Luxury, such as Wines and Fruit, and buying therewith Commodities to keep our Poor at work, these must be had though purchased with all Bullion, and therefore we ought highly to esteem that Trade wherein we receive so great a part of them in Barter for the other.

[Sidenote: Italy.]

To the several Ports of _Italy_ we ship great Quantities of Lead and other our Product, and many sorts of Woollen Manufactures, but chiefly those made of Worsted, also Fish, and Sugars both White and Brown, the last principally to _Venice_, but more thereof in times of Peace than we do in this time of War, Freights being high, and the Commoditie dear at home; we bring thence Raw and Thrown Silk, and Red Wool, which are wrought up here; also Oyl and Soap, used in working our Wool; some Paper and Currants.

Both _Venice_ and _Genoua_ have made some Progress in a Woollen Manufacture, being furnished with Wool from _Alicant_ and those Eastern parts of _Spain_; wrought Silks and Glass are not so much Imported thence as they were, since we have fallen on making them at home.

[Sidenote: Holland.]

The _Dutch_ do likewise buy many of our Manufactures, and some of our Product, as Coals, Butter, Lead, Tin, besides things of smaller value, such as Clay, Redding, &c. which are all Exported to _Holland_, not only for their own use, but being a Mart of Trade for _Germany_ they disperse them for the Expence of those Countrys, among whom also they vent our _West-India_ Commodities, as Sugars, Tobacco, Indigo, Logwood, Fustick, Ginger, Cotten Wool, besides what they use themselves; These are an industrious People, but having little Land do want Product of their own to trade on, except what they raise by their Fisheries, and bring from the _East-Indies_, whereof Spices and Salt-Peter are many times admitted to be brought hither, though contrary to the _Act of Navigation_; Indeed the Trade of the _Dutch_ consists rather in Buying and Selling than Manufactures, most of their Profits arising from that and the Freights they make of their Ships, which (being built for Burthen) are imployed generally in a Home Trade for Bulky Commodities, such as Salt from St. _Ubes_ to the _Sound_, Timber, Hemp, Corn, Pitch, and such things thence to their own Country, which Ships are Sailed with few Hands, and this together with the lowness of Interest enables them to afford those Commodities at such Rates that many times they are fetch'd thence by other Nations cheaper than they could do it from the Places of their Growth, all Charges considered; 'tis strange to observe how those People buz up and down among themselves, the vastness of whose Numbers causes a vast Expence, and that Expence must be supply'd from abroad, so one Man gets by another, and they find by Experience that as a Multitude of People brings Profit to the Government, so it creates Imployment to each other; besides, they invent new ways of Trade, by selling not only things they have, but those they have not, great quantities of Brandy being disposed of every Year, which are never intended to be delivered, only the Buyer and Seller get or lose according to the Rates it bears at the time agreed on to make good the Bargains; such a Commerce to _England_ would be of little Advantage, no more than jobbing for _Guineas_, this Nation would no way advance its Wealth thereby, whose Profits depend on our Product and Manufactures; But that Government raising its Incomes by the Inhabitants, (who pay on all they eat, drink, or wear) cares not so much by what means each Person gets, as that they have People to pay, which are never wanting from all Nations, for as one goes away another comes, and every Temporary Resident advances their Revenue; therefore to increase their Numbers they make the Terms of Trade easie; contrary to the Customs of Cities and private Corporations with us, the narrowness of whose Charters discourages Industry and Improvements both in Handecrafts and Manufactures, because they exclude better Artists from their Societies, unless they purchase their Freedoms at unreasonable Rates.

[Sidenote: Hamburgh.]

Another great Market for our Manufactures in _Hamburgh_: This City vents great Quantities of our Cloth, Sugar, Tobacco, and other Plantation Commodities, which are thence sent into _Germany_; from whence we have Linnens, Linnen Yarn, and other Commodities, very necessary both for the use of our selves and our Plantations, and no way thwarting with our own Manufactures.

[Sidenote: Poland.]

_Poland_ also takes off many of our Manufactures, wherewith it is supply'd chiefly from _Dantzick_ within the _Sound_, whither they are first carry'd, and thence disperst into all parts of that Kingdom, which hath but little Wool of its own, and that chiefly in _Ukrania_; but the Expence of our Cloth hath been lessened there, since _Silesia_ and the adjoyning parts of _Germany_ have turned their Looms to that Commodity, occasioned by our disusing their Linnens, and wearing Calicoes in their room; We have thence some Linnens, also Potashes.

[Sidenote: Russia.]

_Russia_ is likewise supplyed both from _Dantzick_, and also by way of St. _Angelo_ with our Woollen Manufactures, and in Returns we have Linnen, Potashes, Hemp, Leather, and many other Commodities, both useful at Home, and fit to be carry'd Abroad.

[Sidenote: Sweden.]

_Sweden_ and its Territories take off great quantities of our Manufactures both fine and course, besides Tobacco and Sugars; but the Sale of our Broad Cloth hath been much lessened there of late, occasioned by their loading it with great Duties, on purpose to encourage a Manufacture of their own, their Wool is course, but _Scotland_ sends them finer to mix with it, so consequently the Cloth made thereof must be ordinary, however the King encourages its wearing by his own Example, and thinks it his Interest so to do, as it advances his Revenue by better enabling his People to pay it, yet this Manufacture must fall, especially if _Scotland_ sets up any themselves, however all sorts of Serges, Stuffs, and Perpets, are carry'd thither as freely as before; whither we formerly sent also great Quantities of Calamy, till by a late Act its Exportation was loaden with a Duty above its value, occasioned by a wrong Information given the _House of Commons_, that it could not be supplyed from any other place, the smart whereof those concerned in the raising and calcining that Commodity have felt, none being Shipt off ever since, _Sweden_ being furnished therewith from other Countrys, who formerly sent it thither, tho' they could not do it on such reasonable Terms as we did, whereby we beat them out of the Trade, but by this means having the Market wholly to themselves will thereby receive such Encouragement as to put an end to ours, unless that Act be soon repealed.

[Sidenote: Denmark and Norway.]

_Denmark_ hath no Supply of Woollen Manufactures but from us, yet takes no great Quantities, and _Norway_ less, the People of the latter being generally very poor are content with any thing they can get to cover themselves; some Tobacco and Sugar is also Shipt hence, and spent amongst them.

From these Northern Kingdoms we are supply'd with Pitch, Tar, Hemp, Masts, Timber, Iron, all very useful in our Navigation, and without which we cannot carry it on, Commodities which we must have though purchased with Money; I look on any thing which saves our Timber at Home to be advantageous to this Nation, which the great quantities of Baulks and Boards imported thence do.

[Sidenote: France.]

The _French_ Trade hath every age grown less and less profitable to our Woollen Manufactures, not only as the Inhabitants make wherewith to supply themselves, but also other Nations, which they could not do were they not furnished with Wool from hence and _Ireland_, their own being unfit to work by it self; if the latter were reduced to the Terms of a Colony it would put a stop to it there, and then ways might be found out to prevent it here; nor doth _France_ spend much of our other Manufactures, or of the growth of this Kingdom, or Product of our Plantations, some Tobacco it doth, also Coals, Butter, Calve-Skins, Bottles, and a few other things; it also furnishes us with nothing to be manufactured here; so that the Trade we drive thither turns rather to their Advantage than ours, which being generally for things consumed amongst us, and our Imports exceeding our Exports, must needs be loss to this Kingdom; But if Linnen Manufactures can be setled in _Scotland_ and _Ireland_, Distilling, Paper, and Silk Manufactures, encouraged here, the Ballance will soon be altered, especially if the _Portuguese_ make Improvements in their Wines, for which they now receive great Encouragement, the People of _England_ being not so fond of the _French_ as they were.

[Sidenote: What Foreign Trades are profitable, and what are not to our Manufactures.]

And thus I have run thro' most of the Trades driven from this Kingdom, and shew'd how they advance its Interest by taking off our Product and Manufactures, and supplying us with Materials to be manufactured again, wherein `tis a certain Rule that so far as any Nation furnishes us with things already manufactured, or only to be spent among our selves, so much less is our Advantage by the Trade we drive thither, especially if those Manufactures interfere with our own; therefore I think the _East-India_ Trade to be unprofitable to us, hindring by its Silks and Calicoes the Consumption of more of our Manufactures in _Europe_ than it doth take from us; the _Spanish_, _Turky_, and _Portugal_ Trades are very advantageous, as they vend great Quantities of our Product and Manufactures, and furnish us with Materials to be wrought up here, and disperse our Commodities to other places where we could not so conveniently send them our selves; This _Spain_ doth to all parts of its Settlements in _America_, _Turkey_ to the _Black Sea_, _Persia_, and all its Territories both in _Europe_ and _Asia_; _Portugal_ doth the same to _Brazile_; the _Dutch_, _Hamburgh_, and _Dantzick_ Trades are very useful, as they supply _Germany_, _Poland_ and _Russia_, with our Manufactures, and little interfere with us therein; _Sweden_ and _Denmark_ are profitable, both in what they take from us, and what they supply us with again; _Ireland_ as now managed is destructive to us; _Scotland_, for want of Stock is not capable of making any Advance either in Manufactures or Plantations to our Prejudice; _Italy_ takes off great Quantities of our Worsted Manufactures, and sends us little of its own save wrought Silks, whereof we shall every Year Import less as we encrease that Manufacture here; but above all I esteem the _African_ and _West-India_ Trades most profitable to the Nation, as they imploy more People at home, and encourage Navigation abroad, all their Product is our Wealth, and hath been a means to ballance our Losses this War, and yet they might be better improved to our Advantage; but the _French_ Trade is certainly our Loss, _France_ being like a Tavern, with whom we spend what we get by other Nations; 'tis strange we should be so bewitch'd to that People, as to take off their Growth which consists chiefly of things for Luxury, and receive a value only from the Esteem we put on them, whilst at the same time they prohibit our Manufactures, in order to set up the like amongst themselves, which we encourage by supplying them with Materials; and not only so, but they lay a Tax on our Ships for fetching away their Product, which must else perish on their Hands.

[Sidenote: The Ballances of Foreign Trades.]

The Ballance of that Trade is always against us, from whom we have in Goods more than we Ship them; The Ballance of _Spain_ and _Portugal_ is always in our Favour; as for the _Dutch_, _Germany_, and _Hamburgh_, their Ballances in Trade are not yet agreed on, some think we ship them most, others that we receive most from them, I encline to the former, the Exchange at all times seems to confirm me therein, and tho' a Pound in _Holland_ is now worth above a Pound sterling, yet I judge it to proceed from the great Remittances we are forced to make for our Armies, which the Exchangers know how to improve to their own Advantage; the Northern Crowns supply us with more than they take from us, but the Commodities we have from them are better than Money; _Turky_ takes Money from us, yet is very beneficial; _Italy_ will grow more and more in its Ballance on our side every year, as the Importation of Wrought Silks is lessened and turned into Raw and Thrown; Now considering that almost the whole World is supplyed by our labour, and that our Plantations do daily bring us such Incomes, 'tis strange if this Nation should not grow Rich, which doubtless it would do above all its Neighbours were things well managed.

[Sidenote: What Nations do chiefly cope with us in our Manufactures.]

Those who cope with us in our Manufactures are chiefly, the _French_, _Dutch_, and _Ireland_; as to the latter, it lies in our Power to give Rules to them; and for the _French_, let due care be taken to prevent their being supply'd with Wool from hence and _Ireland_, and we shall soon see an alteration therein; 'tis true they are of more danger than the _Dutch_, because they have more Wool of their own, but this they cannot work without ours or Irish; The Commodities they make are generally pretty slight Stuffs, wherein they use a great deal of Combing Wool, and these they not only wear themselves, but send to _Portugal_ and other Places with good Success, to countermine which we have fallen on the same by Assistance of the _French_ Refugees; I wonder at the fancy of those who are always finding fault that we do not make our Manufactures as good and as strong as formerly we did, wherein I think they are to blame, for we must fit them to the humours of the Buyers, and slight Cloth brings an equal Profit to the Nation with strong, and gives the same Imployment to our People; yet where Seals and other Marks are set I would have them be certain Evidences to the truth of what they certifie, either to the length of the Peece, or that the inside is suitable to the outside, or that 'tis truly wove, and without Flaws; the same in respect to the Colour, that 'tis woaded, or madder'd, or the like; and I take it to be a great deal of difference between this and obliging the Manufacturer to make his Cloth or Stuff to a certain weight and thickness, without any respect to the humour of the Buyer, or the Climate of the Country to which it is sent; As for the _Dutch_, as I take them to be no good Planters, so no good Manufacturers, their Heads are not turned that way, but rather to Navigation and Traffick, they were once famous in the Art of Cloth-making, which was maintained by the Wool they fetch'd hence, but King _Edward_ the III. considering the Advantage they made by imploying their People with our Growth whilst our own stood still, prohibited the Exportation of Wool, and the Importation of Foreign Cloth, and cunningly perswaded the _Dutch_ Manufacturers by Priviledges granted them to settle here; if then the prohibiting Wool to be carried out had so good an effect at a time when cloathing was the great Support of that People, why should not our greater Care to prevent it now have a far better, when the whole Trade of that Nation seems to be in the _United Provinces_, and they chiefly set on Buying and Selling? We cannot hinder them from _Spanish_ Wool, but we may from our own and _Irish_: As for _Scotland_ and _Sweeden_, their Manufactures will come to nothing, and it would be the great Wisdom of this Nation to encourage them to bring all their Wool hither, though at some charge to the Publick; as for _Germany_, the Woollen Manufacture is not so natural to them as the Linnen, which they would soon turn to, if we gave them Encouragement by wearing it here and in our Plantations; this would be more advantageous to _England_ than by the use of Calicoes to force a Neighbouring Nation to fence with us at our own Weapons, which they very unwillingly undertake; the Woollen Manufactures in _Italy_ are but small, and those chiefly among the _Venetians_, something among the _Genouese_, these we cannot hinder, being supply'd with Wool from those parts of _Spain_ which are near to them, except we could promote a Contract with the _Spaniard_ for all he hath, to which we never had a fairer Opportunity, and I do not believe the _Dutch_ would much oppose it if we gave them liberty to bring it in as Merchandize, I should be glad to see such a Barter made, tho' by relinquishing to them our part of the _East-India_ Trade; Had we once the Command of all the Wool of _Europe_, we might then set what Prices we would on our Manufactures in Foreign Markets, which now we cannot do, but must sell them cheap, lest we be undersold by other Nations who vye with us therein, and our Manufactures selling well abroad, Wool would yield a good Price at home; But if it be doubted that too much Wool will be Imported, 'twould be better to burn the Overplus at the charge of the Pub¦lick (as the _Dutch_ do their Spices) than to have it wrought up abroad, which there is no reason to fear, seeing all the Wool of _Christendom_ is manufactured some where or other; and if the _Act_ for _Burying in Woollen_ did extend to our Plantations, 'twould be of great use towards the Consumption of our Wool: Thus when the Nation comes to see that the Labour of its People is its Wealth, 'twill put us on finding out Methods to make every one work that is able, which must be done either by hindring such swarms from going off to Idle or Useless Imployments, or by preventing such Multitudes of lazy People from being maintained by Begging.

[Sidenote: Difference between imploying our own Ships, and those of other Nations.]

And this is farther to be noted, that where a Nation doth fetch from us our Manufactures themselves, and Imports to us Materials, we get less by that Trade than if we did it in our own Bottoms, because that doth also encourage our Navigation; thus we get more by the _Spanish_ Trade, because we both supply them with the former, and fetch their Wool, Oyl, &c. in our own Ships; and we lose more by the _French_ when they bring us their Wines and Brandy than when we fetch them our selves, and accordingly we must take our Measures in judging of all other Trades.

[Sidenote: Whither the Ballance of Foreign Trade may be truly judged.]

It hath been a great Debate how the Ballance of our Foreign Trade shall be computed, and what Methods must be taken to know whither we get or lose thereby; some have thought that if we Export more than we Import we lose by Trade, others that if we Export of substantial Commodities more in value than we Import in such we then lose by it, and this seems to be the most rational Computation, but I do not think there is any certainty in the Account we can have of either; our Exports indeed are better known than our Imports by the _Custom-House_ Books, the Bullion and such things being not entered there, and seldom presented, besides many Commodities both outward and inward are run, and never come under the Cognizance of those Officers; but suppose a more exact Account could be kept, since so great a part of the Trade of _England_ is driven by Exchange, and such vast quantities of Commodities are imported from the _West-Indies_ and others exported thither for Account of the Inhabitants of those Plantations, the Ballances whereof they design to lie here as foundations of a secure Settlement for themselves at home, which Commodities are Exported to Foreign Nations on the Accounts of its Inhabitants, who pay for them here by Bills of Exchange, I cannot see how any moderate Computation can be made thereby of our general Trade, much less of that we drive with any particular Nation, the Commodities which we receive at one place being often carried to another; Thus we transport to _Italy_ the Sugars we receive for our Manufactures in _Portugal_, and bring thence Silks and other things to be manufactured here; thus we carry to _Turky_ the Money we receive at _Cadiz_, which helps us there in the selling our Manufactures, and purchasing Materials more protable to this Nation than the Money would be if Imported in Specie; and yet we must not conclude we lose by the _Portugal_ or _Spanish_ Trades because the Returns fall short by the _Custom-House_ Books, or that we get more by the _Italian_ Trade because it doth not appear by them how we exported Commodities to pay for those we Import, so the thing must still remain doubtful.

[Sidenote: A Committee of Trade would be of great advantage to the Kingdom.]

I think it would be a consideration becoming the wisdom of the Nation if a standing Committee of Trade were appointed at the charge thereof, made up of Men both honest and discreet, and I doubt not such may be found, whose only business should be to consider the State thereof as to its Trade; to find out ways how it may be improved both in its Husbandry, Manufactures, and Navigation; to see how the Trade with Foreign Kingdoms grows more or less profitable to us; how and by what Methods we are outdone by others in the Trades we drive, or hindred from enlarging them; what is necessary to be prohibited both in Imports and Exports, and for how long time; to hear Complaints from our Factories setled in Foreign Kingdoms; to correspond with our Ministers abroad about Trade, and to represent all things rightly to the Government, with their advice what Courses are proper to be taken for its Encouragement; and generally to study by what Means and Methods the Trade of this Nation may be improved both abroad and at home; if this was well setled, the good Effects thereof would soon be seen; but then great care must be taken that these Places be not fill'd up with Courtiers, who know nothing of the Business, and so this excellent Constitution become only a Matter of Form and Expence; and herein I would propose for Pattern the Members of the Bank of _England_, who wisely foresaw if that project should fall into such Hands, 'twould soon come to decay; therefore the first thing they did was by fundamental Rules to shut out all from having a share in the management, who had not a good Interest in its Profits or Losses, and next to choose out of that number such for their Officers, who being bred up in Business knew how to improve it to the best advantage: The _French_ King found this Method very useful in the Management of his War, and his Opponents soon saw that Monsieur _Colberts_ Head did them more Mischief than an Army in the Field, because the latter only put in Execution abroad what he advised at home; and I think there is not more need of Policy in War than in Trade, the curious Fibres by which it moves are so fine and thin that if strained by injudicious Hands they are soon broken, and yet our Parliaments generally handle it very coursely, and usually do more Hurt than Good when they meddle with it, not foreseeing the ill consequences of what they do will overballance the Good they intend, and that the Methods they use will not answer their ends, the reason whereof is because the Conceptions they have of it are too gross for a thing so full of Spirit as Trade is; He that will but consider the _Irish_ Prohibition Act, the Clogg put on _Distilling_ by the Barly Act, and on Navigation by the Tunnage Act, will soon see they are in Truth Hindrances to what that Honourable Assembly intended by them, the Advancement of Land.

[Sidenote: Insurance.]

I cannot close this Discourse without saying something of Insurance, the first design whereof was to encourage the Merchant to export more of our Product and Manufactures, when he knew how to ease himself in his Adventure, and to bear only such a proportion thereof as he was willing, but by the irregular Practices of some Men (especially since this War) the first Intention is wholly obviated, who without any Interest have put in early Policies, and gotten large Subscriptions on Ships, only to make advantage by selling them to others, and therefore have industriously promoted false Reports, and spread Rumours on the _Exchange_ to the Prejudice of the Ship or Master, filling all Mens Minds with Doubts, whereby the fair Trading Merchant when he comes to insure his Interest either can get no one to underwrite, or at such high Rates that he finds it better to buy the others Policies at great advance; by this means these _Stockjobbers of Insurance_ have as it were turned it into a Wager, to the great Prejudice of Trade; likewise many ill-designing Men their Policies being over-valued have it's to be feared to the Disparagement of honest Traders contrived the loss of their Ships; on the other side the Underwriters when a Loss is ever so fairly proved boggle in their Payments, and force the Insured to be content with less than their Agreements, only for fear of engaging themselves in long and chargeable Sutes.

Now if the Parliament would please to take these things into consideration, they might reduce Insurance to its first Intention, by obliging the Insured to run a proportionable part of his Adventure the _Premio_ included, and the Insurers to pay their full Subscriptions without abatement, and if any differences arise, to direct easie ways for adjusting them, without attending long Issues at Law, or being bound up to such nice Rules in their Proofs as the Affairs of Foreign Trade will not admit; and for the better security of the Insured it will be worth consideration whither the Subscriptions of the Insurers should not be of equal force in Law with their Bonds.

[Sidenote: Whither the Price of Labour discourages our Manufactures, or hinders Improvements in our Product.]

Here I intended to have made an end; but being lately present where among other Discourses the question was put by an Ingenious and Worthy Gentleman, (a true Lover of his Country) whither the labour of our Poor in _England_ being so high does not hinder the Improvement of our Product and Manufactures? Which having some Relation to the Subject Matter of this Discourse, I humbly make bold to offer my Thoughts thereon, _viz._ That both our Product and Manufactures may be carried on to advantage without running down the labour of the Poor.

As for the first, our Product, I am of opinion that the running down the Labour of the Poor is no advantage to it, nor is it the Interest of _England_ to do it, nor can the People of _England_ live on such low Wages as they do in other Countrys; for we must consider that Wages must bear a Rate in all Nations according to the prices of Provisions, where Wheat is sold for One Shilling _per_ Bushel, and all things suitably, a labouring Man may work for Three Pence _per diem_, as well as he can for Twelve Pence where it is sold for Four Shillings; and this price of Wheat must arise from the Rates of Land; it cannot be imagined that the Farmer whose annual Rent is Twenty Shillings _per_ Acre can afford it as low as he who pays but Half a Crown, and hath the same Cropp, nor can he then expect labour so cheap as the other; This is the case of _England_, whose Lands yielding great Rents require good Prices for their Product; and this is the Freeholders advantage, for suppose Necessaries were the currant Payment for Labour, in such case whither we call a Bushel of Wheat One Shilling or Four Shillings it is all one to him for so much as he pays, but not for the Overplus of his Cropp, which makes a great difference into his Pocket; you cannot fall Wages unless you fall Product, and if you fall Product you must necessarily fall Land.

And as for the second, our Manufactures, I am opinion that they may be carried on to advantage without running down the labour of the Poor; for which I offer,

1. Observation, or Experience of what hath been done, we have and daily do see that it is so; the Refiners of Sugars lately sold for Six Pence _per_ Pound what yieled twenty Years since Twelve Pence; The _Distillers_ sell their Spirits for one third part of what they formerly did; Glass-Bottles, Silk-Stockings, and other Manufactures, (too many to be enumerated) are sold for half the Prices they were a few Years since, without falling the labour of the Poor, or so little as not to stand in Competion with the other.

But then the question will be, how this is done? I answer, It proceeds from the Ingenuity of the Manufacturer, and the Improvements he makes in his ways of working thus the Refiner of Sugars goes thro' that operation in a Month, which our Forefathers required four Months to effect; thus the _Distillers_ draw more Spirits, and in less time, from the Simples they work on, than those formerly did who taught them the Art; the _Glass-maker_ hath found a quicker way of making it out of things which cost him little or nothing; Silk-Stockings are wove instead of knit; Tobacco is cut by Engines instead of Knives; Books are printed instead of written; Deal-Boards are sawn with a Mill instead of Men's Labour; Lead is smelted by Wind-Furnaces, instead of blowing with Bellows; all which save the labour of many Hands, so the Wages of those imployed need not be lessened.

Besides this, there is a Cunning crept into Trades; the _Clockmaker_ hath improved his Art so high, that Labour and Materials are the least part the Buyer pays for; The variety of our Woollen Manufactures is so pretty, that Fashion makes a thing worth both at Home and Abroad twice the Price it is sold for after, the humour of the Buyer carrying a great sway in the value of a Commodity; Artificers by Tools and Laves fitted for different Uses make such things as would puzzle a Stander by to set a price on according to the worth of Mens Labour; The _Plummer_ by new Inventions casts a Tun of Shott for Ten Shillings, which an indifferent Person could not guess worth less than Fifty.

The same Art is crept into Navigation; A Tun of Sugars which cost a few Years since from Six to Eight Pounds Freight from the Plantations, was commonly brought home before the War for Four Pounds Ten Shillings, and whereas it then weighed but Twenty-five Hundred, 'taws increased to Forty-five, and yet Saylors Wages were still the same; Ships are built more for Stowage, and made strong enough to carry between Decks; Wool is steeved into them by Skrews, so that three or four Baggs are put where formerly one would scarce lie; Cranes and Blocks draw up more for One Shilling than Men's Labour could do for Five.

New Projections are every day set on foot to render the making our Manufactures easie, which are made cheap by the Heads of the Manufacturers, not by falling the Price of poor Peoples Labour; cheapness creates Expence, and Expence gives fresh Imployments, so the Poor need not stand idle if they could be perswaded to work.

The same for our Product; Pits are drained and Land made Healthy by Engines and Aquaeducts instead of Hands; the Husband-man turns up his Soil with the Sullow, not digs it with his Spade; fowes his Grain, not plants it; covers it with the Harrow, not with the Rake; brings home his Harvest with Carts, not on Horse-backs; and many other easie Methods are used both for improving of Land, and raising its Product, which are obvious to the Eyes of Men verst therein, though do not come within the Compass of my present Thoughts; all which lessen the number of Labourers, and make room for better Wages to be given those who are imploy'd.

[Sidenote: Cheapness of our Product no Advantage to our Inland Trade.]

Nor am I of opinion with those People who think the running down the Prises of our Growth and Product (that so they may buy Provisions cheap) is an advantage to the _Inland_ Trade of this Kingdom, but on the contrary I think 'twould be beter for it if they were sold higher than they are, which may seem a Paradox at first, till the thing be rightly stated; suppose then the common and usual price of Beef to be Two Pence half-penny _per_ Pound, and Wheat Three Shillings and Six Pence _per_ Bushel, and all Flesh and Grain suitable, 'twould be better for our _Inland_ Trade if the former yielded Four Pence, and the latter Five Shillings, and other things in Proportion.

To prove this, let us begin with the Shop-keeper or Buyer and Seller, who is the Wheel whereon the _Inland_ Trade turns, as he buys of the Importer and Manufacturer, and sells again to the Country; suppose such a Man spends Two Hundred Pounds _per Annum_ in all things necessary for his Family, both Provisions, Cloaths, House-Rent, and other Expences, the Question will be what proportion of this is laid out in Flesh, Corn, Butter, Cheese, &c. barely considered according to their first cost in the Market? I presume we shall find Fifty or Sixty Pounds _per Annum_ to be the most, and suitably the advance thereon will be about Twenty-five to Thirty Pounds _per annum_, but the Consequence thereof in the Profits of his Trade will be much more; for by this Means the Farmer may give a better Rent to his Landlord, who will be enabled to keep a more Plentiful Table, spend more Wines, Fruit, Sugars, Spices, and other things wherewith he is furnished from the City, wear better Cloaths, suit himself and his Family oftner, and carry on a greater Splendor in every thing: The Farmer according to his condition may do the same, and give higher Wages to the Labourers imployed in Husbandry, who might then live more plentifully, and buy new Cloaths oftner, instead of patching up old; by this means the Manufacturer would be encouraged to give a better price for Wool, when he should find a Vent as fast as he could make; and a Flux of Wealth causing variety of Fashions would add Wings to Mens Inventions, when they shall see their Manufactures advanced in their Values by the Buyer's Fancy; this likewise would encourage the Merchant to increase his Exports, when he shall have a quick Vent for his Imports; by which regular Circulation Payments would be short, and all would grow rich; but when Trade stops in the Fountain, when the Gentleman and Farmer are kept poor, every one in his order partakes of the same fate; and this hath been a certain Rule grounded on the Observation of all Men who have spent time to look into it, that in those Countrys where Provisions are low the People are generally poor, both proceeding from the want of Trade: So that he who would give a right judgment must not always consider things _primâ facie_, as they offer themselves to us at first sight, but as they appear to be in their Consequences.

[Sidenote: The Poor.]

Having thus gone through the State of this Nation in respect to its Trade, we will next consider it with respect to the Poor.

And here it cannot but seem strange that _England_ which so much abounds in Product and Manufactures, besides the Imployment given in Navigation, should want work for any of its People; the _Dutch_ (who have little of the two former if compar'd with us, and do not exceed us in the latter) suffer no Beggars; whereas we whose Wealth consists in the labour of our Inhabitants seem to encourage them in an idle way of living, contrary both to their own and the Nation's Interest: Idleness though it cannot be called the Image of the Devil, who is a busie active Spirit, yet fits for any Impression, for whilst People neglect by some honest Labour to serve the publick Good, they too often fall on such Courses as render them publick Evils: _Livy_ (that famous Historiographer) observed it was the greatest Sedition that ever was in _Rome_, when the Citizens went about with their Hands in their Pockets, and would do nothing: Hence it is that so many die Spectacles at _Tyburn_, and offer themselves up Victims to Vice, no councels could perswade nor Examples fright them from those evil Habits they had contracted by Idleness: The Curse under which Man first fell was Labour, _That by the Sweat of his Brows he should eat his Bread_; this is a State of Happiness if compared to that which attends Idleness; he that walks the Streets of _London_, and observes the Fatigues used by the Beggars to make themselves seem Objects of Charity, must conclude that they take more pains than an honest Man doth at his Trade, and yet seem to me not to get Bread to eat; and I wish that was all the Encouragement they met with, I fear it is not, such swarms of idle Drones would not then fill the Streets, who are a Nursery of Vice: Beggary is now become an Art or Mystery, to which Children are educated from their Cradles; any thing which may move Compassion seems a livelihood, a sore Leg or Arm, or (for want thereof) a pretended one; the Tricks and Devices I have observed therein have often made me think that those parts if better imployed might be more useful to the _Common-Wealth_.

In handling this subject let us consider,

1. What hath been the cause of this Mischief of Idleness, and how it hath crept in on the Nation.

2. What must be done to restrain it from growing farther.

3. What Methods may be used to provide for those who are past their Labours.

As to the first; we shall find that Sloath and a Desire of Ease is the principal Cause; which appears by People's setting themselves on such ways of Living as our Fore-fathers would have been ashamed of; nothing but this could induce young Men in their full Strengths slavishly to attend on selling a Cup of Ale, or depreciate themselves to be Pimps to Vice, they think by these ways to be maintained in Sloth; Hereby Religion is despised, and Vice promoted, Men thinking if they should profess the first or discountenance the last they could not live on such lazy Terms; and whence doth this proceed? Truly partly from the abuse of those Laws we have, and partly from want of better: Licenses for Ale-houses were heretofore granted for good Ends, not to draw Men aside from their Labour by Games and Sports, but to support and refresh them under it; And as they were then a Maintenance to the aged, so poor Families had opportunities of being supplyed with a Cup of Ale from Abroad, who could not keep it at Home; great observation was also made to prevent idle Tipling, our Forefathers considered that time so spent was a loss to the Nation, whose Interest was improved by the work of its Inhabitants; whereas now Ale-houses are encouraged principally to promote the Income of Excise, on whom there must be no Restraint, lest the King's Revenue be lessened; thus we live by Sence, and look only to things we see, without revolving what the Issue will be, not considering that the Labour of each Man if well imployed whilst he sits in an Ale-house would be worth more both to the King and Nation than all the Excise he pays; Industry usually brings Wealth as its Concomitant, and though Success may not always accompany private Men's Labours, yet the Publick gets thereby.

Nor did we fall into this Habit of Sloath at once, but by degrees; when Luxury first crept in this was in the Embrio, but hath been cocker'd up under it to the Pitch 'tis now arrived; much proceeds from Imitation, our Gentry who have Estates betaking themselves to an useless way of Living, those who had them not soon fell in love therewith, and to this much of the Misery of the Nation is owing, Men affect to be thought what they are not, and leaving honest Labour spend their Patrimonies in fine Cloaths, and keeping Company, till being put to their shifts they are forced to betake themselves to play or begging.

Another thing which hath increased our useless People is the Nobility and Gentrys leaving the Country, and choosing to reside in _London_, whither they bring up with them Multitudes of lusty young Fellows, who might have done good Service at the Plough had they continued there, but having now no other Imployments than to hang on their Masters Coaches forget to work, and rarely or never return again to Labour.

Add to this the great Numbers who are employed in Offices about the Revenue, Men who might have been serviceable either in Husbandry or Manufactures, but now they and their Families are wholly taken off from both, the Fathers chief Aim being to get the Son into the same way of Living.

What Multitudes of Coffee-houses are there in _London_ and other places, who keep lusty Servants, and breed them up to nothing whereby they may be profitable to the Kingdom?

What swarms of Youth go off to the Law, who being the Sons of Yeomen and Handecrafts Trades had been more useful to the Nation if bred up in their Father's Imployments?

Besides those who live only by Buying and Selling, wherein wanting Success they have no way to maintain themselves or their Families.

But above all, our Laws to put the Poor at work are short and defective, tending rather to maintain them so, then to raise them to a better way of Living; 'tis true those Laws design well, but consisting only in generals, and not reducing things to practicable Methods, they fall short of answering their Ends, and thereby render the Poor more bold, when they know the Parish Officers are bound either to provide them Work, or give them Maintenance.

Now if _England_ delighted more in improving its Manufactures, ways might be found out to imploy all its Poor, and then 'twould be a shame for any Person capable of Labour to live idle; which leads me to the second consideration, what must be done to restrain this habit of Idleness from growing farther; Here I find that nothing but good Laws can do it, such as will provide work for those who are willing, and force them to work that are able.

To begin with Manufactures; Here I should think Work-houses very expedient, but then they must be founded on such Principles as may employ the Poor, which can never be done on any thing I have hitherto seen; nor will such Work-houses take effect till the Poor can every Week make Returns of their Stock, which might be contrived did the Genius of the Nation set in earnest about it; they must be fitted for the Poor and the Poor for them; Imployments must be provided in them for all sorts of People, who must also be compelled to go thither when sent, and the Work-houses to receive them; the Stocks whereby they are maintained must likewise turn often, for to put the Poor on ways of Traffick is too dilatory for the Ends intended, they must be rather Assistants to the Manufacturers than such themselves.

Now the Materials which seem most proper for these Work-houses are Simples, such as Wool, Hemp, Cotten, and many others, which might either be sent in by the Manufacturers on such equal Shares as the Justices should think fit, or be bought up on a stock raised for that end, in both cases to be taken off and paid for when brought to such a perfection as the Rules of the House should direct, and that every week, or so often as the Stock should require to let the Poor have their Wages to serve their Occasions; these things would employ great Numbers of People, of both Sexes, and all Ages, either by beating and fitting the Hemp for the _Ropemaker_, or dressing the Flax for the Shops, or more especially by Carding and Spinning the Wool and Cotten, of different finenesses, which would be used in the various sorts of Manufactures we make; and if a reward were given to that Person who should spin the finest Thread of either, to be adjudged yearly, and paid by the County, 'twould very much promote Industry and Ingenuity, whilst every one being prickt on by Ambition and Hopes of Profit, would endeavour to exceed the rest, by which means we should grow more excellent in our Manufactures.

Nor should these Houses hinder any who desire to work at home, or the Manufacturers from imploying them in their own, the design is to provide places for those who care not to work any where, and to make the Officers of Parishes industrious to find out such Vermin, when they shall know where to send them, by which means they would be better able to maintain the Impotent.

It seems also convenient that these Work-Houses when setled in Cities and great Towns should not be Parochial only, but one or more in each place as will best suit it, which would prevent the Poor's being sent from Parish to Parish as now they are, and provided for no where.

_Oakham_ also is a fit Material for them, which might be beat there, and for that end _Old Junk_ be bought up, and those who caulk Ships be obliged to take it off at a certain Price.

Tobacco also would imploy multitudes of People, in picking, stripping, cutting, and rowling it, which might be wrought up either in Publick or Private Work-houses, where Boys might be imploy'd till they came to Years fit for the Sea; and when once the Poor shall come by use to be in Love with Labour, 'twill be strange to see an idle Person; then they will be so far from being a Burthen to the Nation, that they will be its Wealth, and their Lives also will become more comfortable to themselves.

There are other things which will employ the Poor besides our Manufactures, and more proper for Men, which are also equally beneficial to the Nation, such as are Navigation, Husbandry, and Handecrafts, Here if these or such like Rules were observed, they might be made more Advantageous to all.

As first let every Gentleman who takes a Footboy be obliged to put him into some way for his future Livelihood, to whom he should be bound for a certain number of Years, and no Person should be permitted to continue so after such an Age.