Chapter II (2)

Mr. Newton’s next plan of ascertaining, if possible, the boundary-wall of the _temenos_ was a happy one, as he thus, at once, discovered a mass of marble blocks, piled one above another, and intermixed with fragments of statues; and thus unearthed, (1) a colossal horse, in two pieces, and part of the head of another horse, with the bronze bridle still adhering to it; (2) a lion in fine condition, and another in two pieces; (3) a draped female figure broken in half; (4) a head of Apollo. All these sculptures were found heaped together, and had evidently not been disturbed since they had fallen.

The conclusion was inevitable, that parts of the colossal horses of the quadriga from the top of the monument had now been met with; and that this quadriga and much of the pyramid, its support, had been simply hurled upon and over the wall of the _temenos_, and that Mr. Newton had, in fact, found them just as they had fallen, it may be 1,700 years ago.[39] Near to the horse’s head, too, was found a face of a colossal male head, presumably that of some personage connected with the quadriga, and, from its general style, which is analogous to the idealized portrait of Alexander the Great on the coins of Lysimachus, most likely from a statue of Mausolus himself. The face has a noble expression, and by a happy accident, the outlines of the features have remained uninjured. Though we have no actual evidence on this subject, it is probable that the statue we have called Mausolus was standing in the chariot at the top of the monument. On the south side of the building Mr. Newton found several portions of what, when put together, were clearly parts of one of its wheels. The fragments consisted of part of the outer circle, half the nave, and a piece of one of the spokes. The wheel, originally, had six spokes, the alternate intervals between each spoke having been closed to ensure by its solidity the strength of the whole wheel. As what has been found shows that the wheel was 7.7 inches in diameter; and as the horses could scarcely have been less than 10 feet in length, we may fairly suppose the top of the pyramid on which the quadriga stood was at least 24 feet long. From other calculations it may be shown that the pyramid was 23½ feet high: but for these and other similar details we must refer our readers to Mr. Newton’s work on the Mausoleum.

Footnote 39:

It is reasonable to conjecture that the first ruin of the Mausoleum
was due to the earthquakes of the first and second centuries A.D., to
which we have already alluded.

We must, however, add that the measurements of the height and tread of the blocks of marble believed to have been the steps of the pyramid, formed an essential feature of the calculation. The results arrived at were mainly due to the ingenuity and mathematical knowledge of Lieut. Smith, R.E., who was also able to distribute Pliny’s 36 columns over a circumference of 412 feet, so as to preserve a uniform intercolumniation on each side of the building.

STEPS OF THE PYRAMID.
]

The difficulty of Lieutenant Smith’s theory is that so large a space from the centres of the columns to the walls of the cella is left unsupported; but the plan of support he has suggested occurs in other and nearly contemporaneous structures, as, for instance, in a tomb at Mylasa. Again the great height, 65 feet, between the bases of the columns and the ground, is found to agree with the proportions of other tombs, as in Lycia and at Souma in Algeria. In all probability, this lofty basement was ornamented by one or more friezes, while the lions, of which Mr. Newton found remains of no less than fourteen, may have stood between the columns or at the corners, looking out on the plain. Since their arrival in England, great skill has been shown in uniting the innumerable fragments into which some of the slabs and statues had been broken; and visitors to the British Museum are now able to form a good idea of the grandeur and beauty of the equestrian or Amazonian figure, whose costume resembles that of the Persians on the temple of the Wingless Victory at Athens; and of the two great statues it has been agreed to call Mausolus and Artemisia. In the same room, there may, also, now be seen the whole of the frieze that has been recovered; and it is interesting to observe how much less injured are the portions excavated by Mr. Newton, than those which, built into the castle wall, have for four centuries, at least, been exposed to the corroding action of the sea-breezes.

We take next CNIDUS, at the S.W. end of Asia Minor, and, after Halicarnassus, the most celebrated city of Caria. The description of its position by Strabo and Pausanias coincides exactly with the observations of modern travellers. Thus, Strabo speaks of its two ports, one of which can be closed; and of an island (now Cape Krio) in front of the city, lofty, in the form of a theatre, and joined by a causeway to the mainland; both of which statements are completely confirmed by Beaufort and Hamilton. Pausanias adds that the island was connected by a bridge. The whole district is covered by ruins, the northern wall being, according to Hamilton, nearly perfect: he adds, that “there is a round tower of great beauty at the extremity of the peninsula, near the northern harbour” (ii. 40). Some of the most important architectural features of the town may be seen in the “Ionian Antiquities.”

Cnidus is noticed first in the Homeric hymns, and later as a Lacedæmonian colony, and as a member of the Dorian Hexapolis, or assembly of six cities, whose place of meeting was the temple of the Triopian Apollo, on Cape Krio.[40] As a population, the Cnidians were great traders, combining with this a love for, and a high sense of, art. Thus we find them at a remote period in Egypt (Herod. ii. 178), and possessing a treasury at Delphi, while Lipara, near Sicily, was one of their colonies. In the various wars of the fifth and fourth centuries B.C., we find the Cnidians sometimes on one side and sometimes on the other. Thus, they submitted to Harpagus, the general of Cyrus;[41] then supported Athens, then deserted her after her losses in Sicily,[42] and then, again, in Roman times, were, generally, on the side of Rome.[43] The Cnidians derived much fame from their patronage of art. Thus, the famous painting of Polygnotus in the Lesche at Delphi was their gift;[44] as were also a statue of Jupiter at Olympia, and one at Delphi, of their founder, Triopas; with other statues of Leto, of Apollo, and of Artemis shooting arrows at Tityus. The most famous art- possession of Cnidus was the naked statue by Praxiteles so well known as the Cnidian Venus,[45] of which abundant notices are extant, especially in Lucian. It stood in a chamber with two doors, so that it could be seen all round, and many people visited Cnidus solely for this purpose. So proud were the Cnidians of this statue that, when Nicomedes offered to pay the whole public debt of Cnidus in return for the statue, they preferred keeping their statue and their debts. This statue, justly considered the fittest representation of the “Regina Cnidi Paphique,” continued long uninjured, and is mentioned by Philostratus in his life of Apollonius of Tyana; but, in the reign of Theodosius, having been removed to Constantinople, it was totally destroyed by fire in the palace of Lausus, about A.D. 475. There were also preserved at Cnidus two statues by Bryaxis and Scopas, two of the sculptors of the Mausoleum. Cnidus was also famous for her pottery, well known in ancient times by the name of “Κεράμια Κνίδια.”[46]

Footnote 40:

Near this temple the Cnidians held their assemblies and the games
(αγῶνες τοῦ Τριοπίου Ἀπόλλωνος, Herod. i. 144, or Ἀγὡν Δώριος, Arist.
ap. Schol. Theocr. Idyll. xvii. 69). The officer in charge of these
games was called δαμιουργὸς (Leake, p. 227).

Footnote 41:

The Cnidians wished to cut through the narrow neck of land between
their two harbours; but the Delphic oracle replied that, had Jupiter
intended Cape Krio should have been an island, he would have made it
so:—

Ζεὺς γὰρ κ’ ἔθηκε νῆσον εἴ κ’ ἐβούλετο—Herod. i. 174.

Footnote 42:

Cnidus paid dear for this desertion by loss of all her ships (Thucyd.
viii. 35, 42).

Footnote 43:

Hamilton (ii. 42) shows that more than one of Julius Cæsar’s personal
friends were connected with Cnidus.

Footnote 44:

See papers by W. W. Lloyd in “Museum of Classical Antiquities,” vol.
i. 1851.

Footnote 45:

Praxiteles made two statues of Venus, one naked, the other veiled. The
Coans chose the latter, the Cnidians the former.

Footnote 46:

The territory round Cnidus was rich in wine, corn, oil, and various
vegetables, noticed by Athenæus (i. p. 33, ii. p. 66), and by Pliny
(xiii. 35, xix. 32, &c.). Pliny adds (xvi. 64) that Cnidian reeds made
excellent pens; hence the fitness of Catullus’s lines—

“Quæque Ancona Cnidumque arundinosam
Colis” (Carm. xxx. vi. 11).

The historian Ctesias, Eudoxus, a disciple of Plato, and Agatharcides,
were natives of Cnidus. From Hierocles, the Notitiæ and the Acts of
Councils, it would seem to have existed as late as the seventh and
eighth centuries.

The report of the Dilettanti Society, to which we have alluded, and those of Captain Beaufort and others, having excited much interest in England, it was thought advisable that careful excavations should be made at a spot where there was so much promise of successful results; hence Mr. Newton, at the close of his work at Halicarnassus, resolved to do for Cnidus what he had done for the other Carian city.

DEMETER FROM CNIDUS.
]

Mr. Newton commenced his operations by examining a platform supported by polygonal masonry, and jutting out like a pier from the side of the mountain, soon discerning that he was on the site of the _temenos_ of Demeter, as a niche in the face of the rock above still retained a portion of a dedicatory inscription to that goddess. Shortly afterwards he found a small _stele_, and, near it, the statue noticed by the Dilettanti mission, the head, hands, and feet of which were wanting. Enough, however, remained to show that it had once been a work “of fine style and execution.” Inscriptions soon after turned up on the same spot: one of them recording the dedication of an edifice (οἶκος) and of a statue (ἄγαλμα) to Demeter and Persephone, and, what was of far higher interest, the head of the seated figure just noticed, exhibiting a countenance of exquisite beauty, with a most tender and refined expression. This head has recently been specially studied by Professor Brunn, and his paper on it (translated by Mr. Murray, of the British Museum) published in vol. xi. pt. 1 of the Trans. of the Royal Society of Literature. In this paper Professor Brunn traces, with a masterly hand, the intercrossing ideas suggested by the mixed character of Demeter as a wife, a mother, and a widow. “The character,” says he, “of mother pervades the whole mythology of Demeter: the mother who, without a husband, lived only for her child; who had to lose her child, and to be filled with anxiety for her; to have her anxiety lessened, but never silenced or removed, by occasional visits from her daughter.... The eye is sunk in the socket, as if physically weary; but anxiety of mind fights against the weariness, and will not yet surrender to it. The look is not sunk, but is directed upwards, only a little less sharply.” ... “Can it be,” adds the Professor, “only the result of chance that Christian artists have also represented the Madonna wearing the veil? ... In the centre of the Christian religion, also, is the figure of a mother who lives only for her Child and in her Child, who, in the same way, grieves for the loss of her Son, and finds blessedness in the spiritual contemplation of Him. Suppose a Christian artist were to give his Madonna the head of our Demeter, he would certainly not be censured for it.”

About the same time Mr. Newton met with two other statues, each of considerable interest: the one representing a female figure with a modius on her head, partially covered by the peplos, and in her right hand a pomegranate; the other, a female statue nearly six feet high, with its body draped to the feet. Its general character is that of an elderly woman wasted with sorrow, with little of that matronly comeliness which, in ancient art, generally characterizes Demeter. From the Homeric hymn to Demeter we learn that the goddess, while wandering in search of her daughter Persephone, was wont to assume the garb of an old woman, and thus traversed the earth for days without tasting food. She is likened, also, to an aged nurse or housekeeper in a regal house, a description well agreeing with this statue. This type of the sorrowing Demeter has not, we believe, been previously recognized in any extant monument of ancient art. A passage, however, in Clemens Alexandrinus (Cohort. ad Gentes, i. 30, ed. Potter) suggests that she was sometimes represented in sculpture under this aspect.

Near the first statue of Demeter, the sitting figure, were several thin nearly decayed sheets of lead, which, on being unrolled, proved to have been inscribed with curses and imprecations in the names of Demeter, Persephone, and other of the infernal gods. Such inscriptions have been occasionally met with before, and are known by the name of _Diræ_.

On pursuing his researches in this _temenos_, Mr. Newton came upon the entrance to a large chamber, full of miscellaneous antiquities, including many bases of former statues, some with remains of stelæ, others with hollowed spaces for the feet of statues. Most of them bore dedications to Demeter in the Doric dialect; and, with them, were many other objects connected with her worship, as three boar pigs, a calathus, and many votive female breasts in marble. The date of these objects is probably, as Mr. Newton suggests, about B.C. 370-320. Below these, again, were layers of lamps, _amphoriskoi_, vessels in Samian ware, hair-pins of bone, bodkins, and glass bottles, all probably Roman. It is likely that this chamber was formerly a treasury connected with one of the temples; and, that it has never been disturbed since it became a ruin is certain from the fact that the edges of the fractured stones are still clean and sharp. It is curious that, besides the marble pigs, the bones of many young pigs were also found, manifest remains of sacrifices to Demeter.

The clearing out of the Theatres did little to reward Mr. Newton’s labours; indeed, it soon became but too clear that all, or nearly all, the finer works had long since been removed, probably, like the Venus, to Constantinople. Hence, shortly afterwards, he gave his chief attention to a thorough examination of the Necropolis, the vast extent of which naturally inspired hopes of important discoveries. This necropolis, the general character of which is very well shown in one of the plates in the “Ionian Antiquities,” must in former days have been one of the most striking features of the town. One of the structures still remaining _in situ_ was, Mr. Newton observes, not unlike in form to an early Christian church, with a chamber, vestibule, and apse or alcove at the south end. On each side were smaller apses, and, in front of each of them, a marble sarcophagus. The sarcophagi generally exhibit good Roman work of the time of Domitian, but have suffered much by the fall of the roof; they must once have been magnificent specimens of the decorative style of their day, though they exhibit the decay of good taste in the lavish prodigality of ornament with which they have been covered. In the earth around were abundant fragments of Greek inscriptions, nearly all of them decrees of the Senate and people of Cnidus. One of the tombs Mr. Newton considered to have been that of a certain Lykæthus, as an inscription records decrees in his favour, by show of hands (χειροτονία), at the festival of the greater Dionysia, together with the erection of a statue to him at the public expense. There is no satisfactory proof as to when this Lykæthus lived; but his tomb would seem to date from the early Seleucidan period, when Cnidus was a free city.

Having completed the survey of Cnidus itself, Mr. Newton proceeded next to examine the villages in the neighbourhood, the result being the discovery of a colossal lion. Reports of its existence had reached him before, but it was left to Mr. Pullan, the architect of the expedition, to make its actual discovery, at a distance of between three and four miles to the E. of Cnidus, in a position wherein, except by accident, it might have remained unnoticed for another twenty-one centuries. The exact spot where the lion was found may be seen in the Admiralty chart, which shows, on the summit of a cliff, opposite Cape Crio, the ruins of an ancient tomb, which are strewn all around. Below this, some 60 feet, the lion was reposing on a ledge of rock, beneath which, again, is a sheer precipice of 300 feet into the sea. The lion was lying on its right side, and its upper portion had suffered much from exposure to the weather. It had been carved, as well as the base on which it reposes, of one piece of Parian marble, and measures nearly 10 ft. in length, by 6 ft. in height. This noble lion is probably earlier than the Mausoleum, and exhibits a more severe and majestic style than those of the Mausoleum.[47] The removal of the lion was a labour of much toil and difficulty; indeed, could hardly have been accomplished had Mr. Newton not had the aid of some sailors from an English ship of war.

Footnote 47:

See Frontispiece.

The tomb itself was a nearly equal square of 39 ft. 2¾ inches, with the remains of a pyramid like that of the Mausoleum.[48] Its present height is about 17 ft.; the four lower feet being composed of immense blocks of marble, supporting eleven courses of travertine. On the west, and most perfect side, a portion of the lower step of the stylobate still remains. No _data_ have been obtained of the exact height of the columns once round the monument; but, as, in an angle step, one tread was 13½ inches, and the other only 10½, it is clear that this structure, like the Mausoleum, was oblong. Although the action of an earthquake was probably the primary cause of the ruin of this monumental tomb, there can be no doubt, also, that it has suffered much from plunderers, who, in search for treasure, have torn up as much of the inner pavement as they could move. The jambs of the doorway still exist, and the interior was shaped like a beehive. The top has been closed in by one immense block, and, as its upper side was somewhat broader than the lower, this block must have been dropped into its position, like the bung of a gigantic cask, after the rest of the building was finished. The chamber, itself, exhibits in its sides a series of openings expanding outwards like embrasures—no doubt, θῆκαι, or resting-places for bodies: indeed, on clearing the rubbish away, a number of human bones were met with. Mr. Newton considers this monument can hardly be later than 350 B.C., and that it was built as a monument to many citizens who had fallen in battle. To what period, then, can it be assigned? Probably to either the repulse of the Athenians by the Cnidians in B.C. 412; or to the defeat of the Lacedæmonians by Conon in B.C. 394; and, of the two, it is more likely it was erected in commemoration of the former event, which was one of much glory to the town. To the north and further inland, are two other tombs of precisely similar construction, but inferior in size.

Footnote 48:

Mr. Falkener found at Ouran, in Phrygia, a monument he has restored as
similar to this Lion-tomb. We wish he had also given a sketch of the
ruin as he found it. (Museum Class. Antiq. i. p. 174.)

Having now devoted a considerable space to Halicarnassus and Cnidus, owing to their being, from recent researches, of such high importance, we must notice very briefly the other towns of Caria. The small town of PHYSCUS is chiefly of interest for its magnificent bay and harbour, so well known to modern navigators (under the name of Marmorice), as one of the finest in the world for vessels of the largest size. Possibly it was this very character that led to its being so little noticed in antiquity, as ancient galleys did not value depth of water. The capacity of the bay of Marmorice will be best comprehended, when we remind our readers that Nelson anchored his whole fleet within it, just before the battle of the Nile. Not far from this was CAUNUS, the ancient capital of a population whom Herodotus held were not Carians; indeed, their coins and architecture seem to prove them Lycians. The site of Caunus has been identified, there being still considerable monumental remains and walls of so-called Cyclopean masonry. The Caunians were an active and high- spirited race, and made a gallant resistance to the Persians, a few years later joining with equal enthusiasm in the great Ionian revolt (Herod. v. 103). Towards the close of the Peloponnesian war we find Caunus constantly mentioned. Having been rejected by the Romans in a petition against Rhodes, they conceived against them the bitterest hatred, and hence carried out with great atrocity the massacre of the Romans planned by Mithradates (Appian, Mithr. c. 23). Caunus was so unhealthy in the summer that “pale-faced Caunians” became a proverb.

STRATONICEA (now Eski-hissar), one of the chief inland towns of Caria and mainly built by Antiochus Soter, derived its name from his wife Stratonice. The great Mithradates married thence his wife Monima. Not far from the town was the famous temple of Jupiter Chrysaorius, the centre of the political union of the Carian states. Stratonicea has been much explored by travellers; and, so early as 1709, Mr. Consul Sherard presented to the Earl of Oxford a book of Greek inscriptions copied by him at various places in Asia Minor. This volume is now in the Harleian collection. The most important monument of the town is the celebrated edict of Diocletian—in Greek and Latin—the first copy of which, by Sherard, is in the volume just mentioned. The late Colonel Leake[49] has shown that its date is about A.D. 303, and its object to direct those engaged in the traffic of provisions not to exceed certain fixed prices in times of scarcity. Fellows states that the names of many of the articles of food enumerated therein are still used by the peasantry of Asia Minor. _Inter alia_, we learn that silken garments were in common use, as Ammianus[50] pointed out, seventy years later; as also the rough coat or _birrhus_, the _caracallis_, or hooded cloak (afterwards adopted by the monks), the Gallic breeches and socks. The late date of the inscription is shown by its barbarous Latinity, above all, by the reduced value of the _drachma_ or _denarius_. Thus a denarius appears as the equivalent of a single oyster, or of the hundredth part of a lean goose! The names of the provisions recorded not only indicate the ordinary food of the people, but also the costly dainties of the epicure. Thus several kinds of honey, of hams, of sausages,[51] of salt and fresh-water fish, of asparagus and of beans, are noted. Gibbon has not failed to notice this inscription, though, in his day, it had been very imperfectly copied.

Footnote 49:

See Trans. Roy. Soc. of Literature, 1st series, 4to. vol. i. p. 181.
1826.

Footnote 50:

Ammianus was not acquainted with the true origin of silk. He still
describes it, as did Virgil and Pliny, as a sort of woolly substance
(_lanugo_) combed from a tree in China.

Footnote 51:

The derivation of the word “sausage” may not be generally known.
“Icicium” means “minced meat”; “salsum icicium,” the same salted. From
the latter comes the Italian _salsiccio_, the French _saucisse_, and
the English sausage. So _jecur ficatum_ (Greek, συκωτὸν), hog’s liver,
derived from the fattening of geese with figs (“pinguibus et ficis
pastum jecur anseris albi,” Horat. Satir. ii. 8, 88) is preserved in
the Italian _fegato_ and the modern Greek συκώτι, used for liver in
general. It is curious to meet on a decree on the walls of a temple in
Caria with _pernæ Menapicæ_, Westphalian hams.

APHRODISIAS was a considerable place, and, at a very late period, as appears from Hierocles, the capital of Caria. It is but little mentioned in ancient history, but Tacitus records that, setting forth decrees of Cæsar and Augustus in its favour,[52] it pleaded before the Senate for the right of sanctuary attached to its temples, when Tiberius was wisely attempting to abridge these injurious immunities. Aphrodisias was chiefly famous for its magnificent Ionic temple of Venus, many columns of which are still standing. They may be seen in the third volume of the “Ionian Antiquities,” 1840,[53] and in Mr. Pullan’s work.

Footnote 52:

“Dictatoris Cæsaris ob vetusta in partes merita et recens Divi Augusti
decretum” (Tacit. Ann. iii. 62). An inscription published by Chishull
in his Antiq. Asiat. (p. 152), but, we believe, first copied by
Sherard, confirms the statement of Tacitus.

Footnote 53:

The name of Aphrodisias was more than once changed. Thus when
Christianity began to prevail, the first change was to Tauropolis (as
is shown on an inscription copied by Fellows), and, again, to
Stauropolis (or the city of the Cross). When, however, towards the end
of the fifth century, the festivals of Venus were revived by
Asclepiodotus of Alexandria, the ancient name was revived also.

Sir Charles Fellows has given an excellent description (Lycia, p. 32) of the state in which he found the ruins, with a beautiful drawing of the Ionic temple. “I never,” says he, “saw in one place so many perfect remains, although by no means of a good age of the arts”: he thinks, too, that the early city must have been in great measure destroyed. “These (the later) walls are,” he adds, “composed of the remains of temples, tombs, and theatres removed, although uninjured. The reversed inscriptions, and inverted bas-reliefs bear testimony to this change.” Sir Charles Fellows quotes one inscription as showing how carefully the owners of these tombs endeavoured to secure their preservation and sole occupancy. “But if,” says the legend, “contrary to these directions, anybody shall bury another (in this monument), let him be accursed, and besides pay into the most holy treasury 5,000 denarii, of which one- third is to be his who institutes the proceedings.” Inscriptions with similar curses are, indeed, common enough.

MYLASA _and_ LABRANDA may be taken together, as from the former a Sacred Way led to Labranda. The former was, no doubt, in early times one of the chief places in Caria, before Halicarnassus was adopted as the royal residence; indeed, we find a proof of this in the fact that it had a temple to which Lydians and Mysians were alike admitted (Herod, i. 171). Physcus, to which we have already referred was considered as its port. Mylasa, in ancient times, as Strabo avers, a city of great beauty, owed much to its having been built close to a mountain of the finest white marble. It was, indeed, so close, that one of the provincial governors observed that the founder of the town ought to have been ashamed of his blunder, if not frightened.[54] It was, also, so full of sacred buildings, that when Stratonicus came there, thinking there were more temples than people, he exclaimed, in the middle of the forum, “Hear, oh ye temples”! (Athen. viii. p. 348).

Footnote 54:

Strabo’s words are: Ταύτην γὰρ, ἔφη, τὴν πόλιν ὁ κτίσας εἰ μὴ
ἐφοβεῖτο, ἆρ’ οὐδ’ ᾐσχύνετο; (xiv. 659).

The people of Mylasa having made a successful resistance to the attacks of Philip, the son of Demetrius, were rewarded by being made “free” by the Romans. Modern travellers, from Pococke to Chandler, fully confirm the statements of the ancients as to the abundance of marble monuments; and Colonel Leake adds that, since they were there, the Turks have pulled down the best ruin, that of the Temple of Romulus and Augustus. Sir Charles Fellows, on his second journey, observed on the key-stone of a gateway the double-headed axe (bipennis), indicating that the building to which it belonged had once been consecrated to the Jupiter of Labranda, a name said to have been derived from λαβρὺς, the Carian word for an axe;[55] and succeeded, also, in identifying it (pp. 66-67). He says of it, “The only conspicuous building of the place is a beautiful temple of the Corinthian order, but I think not of the finest age.... It stands in a recess in the hills, and is consequently not seen without approaching close to it.”[56]

Footnote 55:

Strabo calls the temple νεὠς άρχαῖος, and Herodotus adds that there
was a holy grove of plane-trees near it, ἅγιον ἂλσος πλατανίστων (v.
119). Plutarch (ii. p. 302 A) states that λαβρὺς was the Lydian and
Carian word for axe (which we find represented also on the coins of
Mausolus and Pixodarus). On one of the Oxford marbles (ii. 12),
probably an altar, occur the words Διός Λαβραύνδου.

Footnote 56:

Since Sir Charles’s visit, this spot has been carefully examined by
Mr. Pullan, who states that the building (of which the fifteen columns
still stand) is really of Roman times and work, though engraved (under
the auspices of Dr. Chandler) as a Greek temple in the “Ionian
Antiquities,” vol. i. (Pullan, “Ruins of Asia Minor,” p. 26).

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