Chapter II: Part 2

[Sidenote: Philippa of Henault came not over with Prince Edward.] In the same title also, yo{u} sett downe Quene Isabell, &c. and her sonne prince Edwarde withe his newe maried wyfe retourned oute of Henalte. In whiche are two unperfect{i}ons. the first whereof ys, that his wyfe came oute of Henalte w{it}h the prince, but that is not soo, for the prince maryed her not before he came into England, since the prince was onlye slenderly contracted and not maryed to her before his arryvall in Englande, beinge two yeres and moore after that contracte, (betwene the erle of henalt and his mother,) about the latter ende of the seconde yere of his reigne, thoughe others haue the firste, the solempnytye of that mariage beinge donne at Yorke. besides she came not ouer with Quene Isabell and the prince, but the prince sent for her afterwardes, and so I suppose sayeth Hardinge in his cronicle, yf I do not mysconceve yt, not havinge the historye now in my handes. But whether he saye so or no, yt ys not materiall, because the recordes be playne, that he sent for her into Henalte in the seconde yere of his reigne in october, and she came to the kinge the 23 of Januarye followinge, w{hic}he was aboute one daye before he beganne the thirde yere of his reigne, wherunto he entred the 25 of Januarye. and for prooffe of the tyme when and whoome the Kinge sente, and what they were allowed therefore, the pellis exitus of the Exchequier remayninge in master warders office hathe thus sett downe to the forthe daye of februarye [Sidenote: Bartholomew de Burgersh sent for Philippa of Henault.] “Bartholomeo de Burgershe nuper misso ad partes Douor ad obuiandu{m} filiæ comitis Hannoniæ consorti ipsius Regis &c.” but this recorde followinge is most pleyne, shewing bothe who went for her, the day when they tooke their yourneye towardes henalte, with the daye when and where they presented her to the kinge after their retorne into Englande, and the daye one whiche they wer payed their charges, beinge the forthe of marche one w{hic}he daye yt is thus entred in the records of pellis exitus, Michaell. 2. ed. 3. “Rogero couentry &c Lichefeld episcopo nuper misso in nuntiu{m} domini Regis ad partes Hannoniæ pro matrimonio inter dominu{m} Regem et filiam comitis Hannoniæ contrahendo, ab octavo die octobris proxime preterito, quo die reessit de Notingha{m} ipso domino Rege ibidem existente, arripiendo iter suu{m} predictu{m}, versus partes predictas, usqu{e} vicesimu{m} tertiu{m} diem Januarii proxime sequente{m}, quo die rediit ad ipsu{m} Regem predictu{m} apud Eboru{m} in comitatiua filiæ comitis Hannoniæ predictæ utroqu{e} die computato pro cviij diebus percipiendo per diem iij.^li vj.^s viij.^d pro expensis suis.” Thus muche the recorde, whiche confirmethe that w{hi}che I go aboute to prove, that she came not into Englande with prince Edwarde, and that he was not maryed at that tyme, no, not contracted, but only by agremente betwene the erle and his mother. [Sidenote: The conjecture that Chaucer’s ancestors were merchants, of no valydytye.] Next yo{u} seme to implye by a coniecturall argumente, that Chaucers auncesters sholde be m{e}rcha{n}ts, for that in place where they haue dwelled the armes of the marchantes of the staple haue bin seene in the glasse windowes. This ys a mere coniecture, and of no valydytye. For the m{a}rchantes of the staple had not any armes granted to them (as I haue bin enformed) vntill longe after the deathe of Chaucers parentes, w{hi}che was aboute the 10 or 12 of Edwarde the thirde; and those merchantes had no armes before the tyme of Henrye the sixte, or muchewhat thereaboutes, as I dobt not but wilbe well proued, yf I be not mysenformed. But admytte the staplers had then armes, yt ys no argume{n}te that chaucers auncesters were merchantes because those armes were in the wyndowes, as you shall well p{er}ceave, yf yo{u} drawe yt into a syllogisme, and therefore yo{u} did well to conclude, that yt was not materiall whether they were merchants or noo.

[Sidenote: Master Speight misquoteth Gower.] In the title of Chaucer’s educat{i}one, yo{u} saye that Gower in his booke entituled confessio amantis termethe Chaucer a worthye poet, and maketh hym as yt were the iudge of his woorkes; in w{hi}che Booke, to my knowledge, Gower dothe not terme hym a worthye poet, (althoughe I confesse he well deserueth that name, and that the same may be gathered oute of Gower comendynge hym,) nether doth he after a sorte (for any thinge I canne yet see) make hym iudge of his workes, (whereof I wolde be glad to be enformed,) since these be Gowers woordes, vttered by Venus in that booke of confessio Amantis:

And grete well Chaucer when ye mete,
As my disciple and my poet:
for in the flowere of his youthe,
In sondrye wise, as he well couthe,
of dytyes and of songes glade
the whiche for my sake he made,
the laude fulfilled is ouer all:
wherefore to hym in especiall
aboue all others I am most holde;
for thy nowe in his dayes olde,
thow shalt hym tell this message,
that he vppon his latter age
sett an ende of all his werke,
as he whiche is myne owne clerke
do make his _testament of Love_,
as thow hast done thy shrift ab[o]ue,
so that my Courte yt may recorde, &c.

[Sidenote: Chaucer submitteth his works to Gower, not Gower to Chaucer.] These be all the verses w{hi}che I knowe or yet canne fynde, in whiche Gower in that booke mentioneth Chaucer, where he nether nameth hym worthye poet, nor after a sorte submyttethe his workes to his iudgmente. But quite contrarye Chaucer doth submytte the correctione of his woorks to Gower in these playne woordes, in the latter ende of the fyfte booke of Troylus:

O Morall Gower, this booke I directe
To the, and the philosophicall stroode,
To vouchesafe where nede is to correcte
Of your benignityes and zeales good.

But this error had in you byn p{ar}doned, yf you had not sett yt downe as your owne, but warranted with the auctorytye of Bale in Scriptoribus Anglie, from whence yo{u} haue swallowed yt. [Sidenote: Gower the poet was not of the Gowers (or Gores) of Stittenham.] Then in a marginall note of this title yo{u} saye agayne oute of Bale, that Gower was a Yorkshire manne; but you are not to be touched therfore, because you discharge yo{ur} selfe in vouching yo{ur} auctor. Wherfore Bale hath muche mistaken yt, as he hath donne infynyte thinges in that Booke de scriptoribus Anglie, beinge for the most parte the collect{i}ons of Lelande. For in truth yo{u}r armes of this S^r Johne Gower beinge argent one a cheuerone azure, three leopardes heddes or, do prove that he came of a contrarye howse to the Gowers of Stytenham in Yorkeshyre, who bare barrulye of argent and gules a crosse patye florye sable. Whiche difference of armes semethe a difference of famelyes, vnlesse yo{u} canne prove that, beinge of one howse, they altered their armes vppone some iuste occas{i}one, as that soome of the howse maryinge one heyre did leave his owne armes and bare the armes of his moother; as was accustoomed in tymes paste. But this differe{n}ce of Cootes for this cause, or anye other, (that I colde yet euer lerne,) shall you not fynde in this famelye of Gower: and therefore seuerall howses from the fyrst originall. Then the marginall note goeth further out of Bale, that Gower had one his hedde a garlande of ivye and rooses, the one the ornamente of a knyghte, the other of a poet. [Sidenote: Gower’s chaplette for knighthood not for poetry.] But Bale ys mystaken, for yt ys not a garlande, vnlest you will metaphoricallye call euerye cyrcle of the hedde a garlande as Crownes are sometymes called garlandes, from whence they had their originall, nether ys yt of Ivye, as any manne whiche seethe yt may well iudge, and therefore not there sett for anye suche intente as an ensigne of his poetrye, but ys symplye a chapplett of Roses, suche as the knyghtes in olde tyme vsed ether of golde, or other embroderye, made after the fasshone of Roses, one of the peculier ornamentes of a knighte, as well as his coller of SSS, his guilte swoorde, and spurres. [Sidenote: The chaplette of roses a peculiar ornament of honour.] W{hi}che chaplett or cyrcle of Rooses was as well attributed to knights, the lowest degree of honor, as to the hygher degrees of Duke, Erle, &c. beinge knyghtes, for so I haue seene Johne of Gaunte pictured in his chaplett of Rooses; and kinge Edwarde the thirde gaue his chaplett to Eustace Rybamonte, only the difference was, that as they were of lower degree, so had the[y] fewer Rooses placed on their chaplett or cyrcle of golde, one ornament deduced frome the Dukes crowne whiche had thee rooses vppon the toppe of the cyrcle, when the knighte had them onlye vppon the cyrcle or garlande ytselfe. of whiche dukes crowne to be adorned with little rooses, [Sidenote: The knighting of Erle Mortone of Normandye.] Mathewe Paris, speakinge of the creatinge of Johne erle Mortone, duke of Normandye, in the yere of Christe 1199, dothe saye, Interim comes Johannes Rothomagu{m} veniens in octavis pasche gladio ducatus Normaniæ cinctus est, in matrice ecclesia, per ministeriu{m} Waltheri Rothomage{n}sis Archie{pisco}pi, vbi Archiepiscopus memoratus ante maius altare in capite eius posuit circulu{m} aureu{m} habente{m} in su{m}mitate per gyru{m} rosulas aureas artificialiter fabricatas, whiche chaplett of Rooses came in the ende to be a bande aboute oure cappes, sette with golde Buttons, as may be supposed.--In the same title yo{u} saye, yt semethe that these lerned menne were of the Inner Temple; [Sidenote: Chaucer being a grave man unlikely to beat a Franciscan Fryer but?] for that, manye yeres since, master Buckley did see a recorde in the same howse, where Geffrye Chaucer was fined two shillinges for beatinge a Franciscane Fryer in flete-streate. This is a hard collect[i]one to prove Gower of the Inner Temple, althoughe he studyed the lawe. for thus yo{u} frame yo{ur} argumente. Mr Buckley founde a recorde in the Temple, that Chaucer was fyned for beatinge the fryer; ergo, Gower and Chaucer were of the Temple. But for myne owne parte, yf I wolde stande vppon termes for matter of Antiquytye and ransacke the originall of the lawiers fyrst settlinge in the Temple, I dobte whether Chaucer were of the temple or noe, vnless yt were towardes his latter tyme, for he was an olde manne, as appereth by Gower in Confessione Amantis in the xvi yere of R. 2: when Gower wroote that Booke. [Sidenote: The lawyers not in the temple till the latter part of Edward III.] And yt is most certeyne to be gathered by cyrcumstances of Recordes, that the lawyers were not in the temple vntill towardes the latter parte of the reygne of kinge Edwarde the thirde; at w{hi}che tyme Chaucer was a grave manne, holden in greate credyt, and employed in embassye, so that me thinkethe he sholde not be of that howse; and yet, yf he then were, I sholde iudge yt strange that he sholde violate the rules of peace and gravytye yn those yeares. But I will passe over all those matters scito pede, and leave euerye manne to his owne iudgemente therein for this tyme.

[Sidenote: Speight knoweth not the name of Chaucer’s wife, nor doth Thynne.] IN THE TITLE OF Chawcer’s mariage yo{u} saye, yo{u} cannotte fynde the name of the Gentlewomanne whome he maryed. Trulye, yf I did followe the conceyte of others, I sholde suppose her name was Elizabethe, a waytinge womanne of Quene philippe, wyfe to Edwarde the thirde & daughter to Willi{a}m erle of Henalte. but I favor not their oppynyone, for, althoughe I fynde a recorde of the pellis exitus, in the tyme of Edwarde the thirde, of a yerely stypende to Elizabethe Chawcer, domicellæ reginæ Philippæ, wh{ic}he domicella dothe signyfye one of her waytinge gentlewomen: yet I cannott for this tyme thinke this was his wyfe, but rather his sister or kinswomanne, who after the deathe of her mystresse Quene philippe did forsake the worlde, and became a nonne at Seinte Heleins in london, accordinge as yo{u} haue touched one of that profess{i}one in primo of kinge Richarde the seconde.

[Sidenote: The children of John of Gaunt born pre-nupt, and legytymated by the Pope and the Parliament.] In the Latyne stemme of Chawcer you saye, speakinge of Katherine Swyneforde, Que postea nupta Johanni Gandauensi tertij Edwardi Regis filio, Lancastriæ duci, illi procreavit filios tres et vnica{m} filia{m}. Wherbye we may inferre that Johne of Gaunte had these childrene by her after the mariage. Whiche is not soo for he had all his children by her longe before that mariage, so that they beinge all illegitimate were enforced afterwarde vppon that maryage to be legytymated by the poope; & also by acte of Parliamente, aboute the two & twentythe of kinge Richarde the seconde; so that yo{u} cannott saye, que postea nupta procreavit Lancastriæ duci tres filios, etc.

[Sidenote: Chaucer’s children and their advauncement and of the Burgershes.] In the title of Chawcers children and their advauncemente, in a marginall noote yo{u} vouche master Campdene that Barthelmewe Burgershe, knyghte of the Garter, was he from whome the Burgershes, whose daughter & heyre was maryed to Thomas Chawcer, did descende. But that is also one error. for this Barthelmewe was of a collaterall lyne to that S^r Johne Burgershe the father of Mawde wyfe to Thomas Chawcer; and therefore coulde not that S^r Johne Burghershe be descended of this Barthelmewe Burgershe, though hee were of that howse. [Sidenote: Serlo de Burgo uncle and not brother to Eustace.] Then, in that title, yo{u} vouche oute of Mr. Campdene that Serlo de Burgo brother to Eustachius de Vescye builte Knaresborowe Castle. but that ys not right for this Serlo beinge called Serlo de Burgo siue de Pembroke was brother to Johne father to Eustace Vescye, as haue the recordes of the towre, and so vncle and not brother to Eustace. [Sidenote: Jane of Navarre maryed to Henry IV., in the 5th year of his reign.] for one other marginall noote in that tytle, yo{u} saye, that Jane of Navarre was maryed to Henrye the forthe in the fourthe yere of his reygne, wherein you followe a late englishe cronicler whome I forbeare to name.[5] But Walsingha{m} bothe in his historye of Henry the fourthe, & in his ypodigma, sayethe that she was maryed the 26 of Januarye in the yere of Christe 1403, whiche was in the fyfte yere of the kinge, yf you begynne the yere of oure lorde at the annu{n}tiat{i}one of the Virgine, as we nowe doo; but this is no matter of great momente. [Sidenote: The de la Pools gained advancement by lending the King money, but William was not the first that did so.] ffourthlye in that title yo{u} seme to attribute the advancemente of the Pooles to Williame de la poole, merchante of Hull, that lente the kinge a greate masse of moneye. But this Williame was not the fyrste advancer of that howse because his father Richarde at Poole beinge a cheife gouernor in hull, and serving the kings necessytye with money, was made pincerna Regis, one office of great accompte; by the same gyvinge the fyrste advancemente to the succedynge famelye. Whereof the Record to prove Ric. de la Poole pincerna Regis is founde in the pryvye seales of the eleventhe yere of kinge Edwarde the thirde, in master wardoures office, the lorde treasurers clerke. Where yt is in this manner: Edwardus dei gratia rex Angliæ et dux Acquitaniæ, &c. Supplicavit nobis dilectus noster Richardus de la Poole Pincerna noster, vt quum ipse de expensis officii Pincernariæ ac omnibus aliis officiu{m} illud tangentibus, ad dictu{m} Scaccariu{m} a festo sancti michaelis anno regni nostri decimo, vsque ad ide{m} festu{m} proxime sequens plenarie computaverit, et 2090^li: 13^s: et 11^d et vnus obulus sibi per computu{m} illud de claro debeatur: volumus ei solutione{m} inde, seu aliàs satisfactione{m} sibi fieri competentem: Nos eius supplicationi in hac parte, prout iustu{m} est, an{n}uentes, vobis mandamus, etc. Datu{m} apud Westmonasteriu{m} 14 Decembris, anno regni nostri vndecimo. To whose sonne this Williame de la Poole the older, and to his sonne Michaell de la Poole (who was after Chauncelor) and to his heyres, the kinge graunted fowre hundred markes by yere out of the custome of Hull, as apperethe in the record of pellis exitus of 46 Ed. 3. the same Michaell de la Poole recevinge the arrerages of that Annuytye. for thus yt is entred in Michaelmas terme one the first of December of that yere: Michaeli de la poole filio et heredi Will{iel}mi de la poole senioris per Tallia{m} levata{m} isto die continentem iij^c lxx^li xviij^s 1^d ob. eidem michaeli liberat per compotum suum factum ad Scaccariu{m} computator virtute cuiusdam brevis de magno sigillo, Thesaurario et Baronibus Scaccarii directum pro huius compoto faciendo, de quoda{m} annuo certo iiij^c marc. per annu{m} quas dominus rex Willielmo de la Poole seniori defuncto, et michaeli filio suo et heredibus suis de corpore suo exeuntibus, de Custumia in portis ville de kingeston super Hull per litteras suas patentes concess: percipendu{m} qua{m}diu vij^c xxxv^li xviij^s i^d ob. eidem Michaeli per compotu{m} predictu{m} sic debitu{m}, etc. D{omi}n{u}s Rex mandat vt ei satisfactionem vel assignationem competentem (in locis vbi ei celeriter satisfieri poterit) fieret et haberet, per breve de magno sigillo inter mandata de termino Paschæ anno quadragesimo tercio, etc. So that Richarde, Michaell de la Pooles grandfather, (a magistrate of greate welthe in Hull,) was the fyrste that gaue advancemente to that howse: although Williame, father to this michaell, were of lyke estate and a knyghte. nether canne I fynde (nor ys yt lyke) that michaell de la poole was a marchante, (havinge two such welthy marchantes to his ancestors before hym,) notwithstandinge that Walsingha{m} [Sidenote: The clergy offended that the temporal men were found as wise as themselves.] (moore offended than reasone, as all the Clergye were against temporall menne who were nowe become chief officers of the realme; and the spyrituall menne, till then possessinge those offices, displaced, w{hic}he bredd greate Sorseye in the Church menne againste them); sayethe that michaell de la poole fuerit à pueritia magis mercimoniis (vtpote Mercator Mercatoris filius) quam militia occupatus. [Sidenote: A merchant by Attorney is no true merchant.] And yet yt may bee that he mighte have some factors in merchandise, and deale by his attorneyes as many noble menne and great persons have donne, whereuppon Walsingham (who wroote longe after) might seme to call hym merchante by reasone of others mens dealinge for hym, althoughe in troothe he was neuer merchante in respecte of his owne persone, (for whiche they are properly called merchantes,) as may be supposed. [Sidenote: Alice, the wife of Richard Neville, was daughter of Thomas Montacute.] ffyftlye in the same title yo{u} saye, that Alice, wyfe of Williame de la poole duke of Suffolke, had a daughter, by her seconde husbande thomas montague erle of Sarisberye, named, after her mother, Alice, maryed to Richarde Neville sonne to Raphe Neuill erle of Westmerlande, by whome he had issue Richarde, Johne, and George. But this is nothinge so. for this Alice, the wyfe of Richarde Neville, (erle of Sarisbery in the righte of the same Alice,) was daughter of Thomas Montacute erle of Salisburye and of Alice his wyfe, daughter of Thomas Hollande erle of Kente; and not of Alice daughter to Thomas Chawcer and widdowe to William de la Poole duke of Suffolke.

[Footnote 5: Stowe.]

[Sidenote: He correcteth Master Speight his dates and history of printing.] IN THE LATTER END of the title of Chawcers deathe yo{u} saye, that printinge was brought oute of Germanye in the yere 1471 being the 37. H. 6. into Englande, beinge fyrst founde at Magunce by one Johne Cuthembergus, and broughte to Roome by Conradus one Almayne. But the yere of Christe 1471 was not the 37. H. 6. but the eleuenthe of kinge Edward the fourthe; and, as some have yt, was not fyrste founde at Magonce or mentz but at Strasborowe, and perfected at Mago{n}ce. David Chytreus in his historye sayethe, yt was fyrst founde in anno 1440, and brought to Rome by Henricus Han[6] a Germane in the yere 1470; whereof Antonius Campanus framed this excellente epigrame:

Anser Tarpeii custos Jovis, vnde, quòd alis
Constreperis, Gallus decidit; vltor adest
Vlricus Gallus, ne quem poscantur in vsum,
Edocuit pennis, nil opus esse tuis.

[Footnote 6: “Hahn,”--German, a cock. “Cognomine Latino
_Gallus_,” Maittaire _Ann. Typ._ i. 52.]

But others do suppose that yt was invented at Argenterote, as dothe Mathewe Parker in the lyfe of Thomas Bourchier Archbyshoppe of Canterburye; whiche for the incertentye thereof I leave at this tyme to farther examinat{i}one, not havinge nowe presente leysure therefore.

[Sidenote: The Romante of the Rose began by Guillm̄ de Loris, and finished by John de la Meune.] IN THE TITLE OF THE augmente to euerye tale and booke you write, that the Romante of the Roose was made in frenche by Johne Clopinell alias Johne Moone; when in truthe the booke was not made by hym alone: for yt was begonne by Guillame de Loris, and fynished fourtye yeres after the death of Loris, by Johne de Meune alias Johne Clopinell, as apperethe by Molinet, the frenche author of the moralytye vppon the Romante of the Roose, ca. 50. fo. 57. and may further appere also in the frenche Romante of the Roose in verse, w{hic}h Chaucer w{i}th muche of that matter omytted, not havinge translated halfe the frenche Romante, but ended aboute the middle thereof. Againste whiche Booke Gersone compiled one other, intituled La reprobat{i}o{ne} de la Romante del Roose; as affirmethe the sayed Molinett, in the 107 chapter of the sayed moralizatione, where he excusethe Clopinell and reprouethe Gersone for that Booke, because Gersone soughte no further meanynge than what was conteyned in the outewarde letter, this Clopinell begynnynge the Romante of the Rose, in these verses of Chaucer:

Alas my wane hoope nay, pardyee;
for I will neuer dispayred bee:
yf happe me fayle, then am I
vngratious and vnworthy, &c.

[Sidenote: Why the dream of Chaucer cannot be the book of the Duchess.] Secondlye, under that title yo{u} saye, the woorke, before this last edit{i}one of Chaucer, termed the Dreame of Chaucer, is mystermed, and that yt is the Booke of the Duches, or the Deathe of Blanche. wherein you bee greatlye mysledde in my conceyte, for yt cannott bee the Booke of the Duches or of the Deathe of Blanche, because Johne of Gaunt was then but fowre and twentye yere olde when the same was made, as apperethe by that tretyse in these verses:

Then founde I syttinge euen vprighte
A wonder well faringe knighte,
By the manner me thought so,
Of good mokell, and right yonge thereto,
Of the age of twentye fowre yere,
Vppon his bearde but little heare.

Then yf he were but fowre and twentye yeres of age, being born, as hath Walsingha{m}, in the yere of Christ 1339 the 13. of kinge Edwarde the thirde; and that he was maryed to Blanche the fourtene calendes of June 1359, the 33 of Ed: the thirde; he was at this mariage but twentye yeres of age; who within fower yeres after sholde make his lamentac{i}on for Blanche the duchesse which must be then dedde. But the duchesse Blanche dyed of the pestilence in the yere of xxe 1368, as hath Anonimus MS, or 1369, as hath Walsinghame w{hi}che by the first accompte was the {ix.} and by the last the {x.} yere after the mariage, and sixe or at the least five yeres after this lamentatione of Johne of Gaunte made in the fowre and twentye yere of his age. Wherfor this cannott be the boke of the Duches because he colde not lamente her deathe before she was deade. And yf you replye that yt pleinlye apperethe the same treatyce to be mente of the duches Blaunche, whiche signyfyethe whyte, by which name he often termethe his ladye there lamented, but especially in these verses,

Her throte, as I haue memoyre,
semed as a round towre of yuoire,
of good gretnesse and not to greate,
and fayre white she hete,
that was my ladies name righte;
she was thereto fayre and brighte,
she had not her name wronge,
right fayre sholders and body longe, &c.

I will answere, that there is no necessitye that yt must be of Blanche the Duchesse because he sayeth her name was white; since there ys a famelye of that denominatione, and some female of that lyne myghte be both white in name, and fayre and white in p{er}sonne; and so had not her name wronge or in veyne, as Chaucer sayeth. or yt mighte be some other louer of his called Blanche, [Sidenote: John of Gaunt, his incontinency.] since he had many paramou{r}s in his youthe, and was not verye contynente in his age. Wherefore, to conclude, yt apperethe as before, that yt coulde not be mente of the Duchesse Blanche his wyfe, whiche dyed long after that compleinte. for whiche cause that Dreame of Chaucer in mye opynyone may well (naye rather of righte sholde) contynewe his former title of The Dreame of Chaucer. for that, wh{ic}he you will haue the Dreame of Chaucer, is his Temple of Glasse; as I haue seene the title thereof noted, and the thinge yt selfe confirmethe.

[Sidenote: Doubteth master Speight’s ability in the exposition of old words, but commendeth his diligence and knowledge.] IN THE EXPOSITIONE of the olde wordes, as yo{u} shewe greate diligence and knowledge, so yet in my opynione, unlesse a manne be a good saxoniste, french, and Italyane linguiste, (from whence Chaucer hathe borowed manye woordes,) he cannott well expounde the same to oure nowe vnderstandinges, and therefore (thoughe I will not presume of much knowledge in these tounges) yt semeth yet to mee, that in your expositione, soome woordes are not so fullye and rightlye explaned as they mighte bee, althoughe peradventure yo{u} haue framed them to make sence. Wherefore I haue collected these fewe (from many others lefte for moore leysure) whiche seme to mee not to be fully explaned in their proper nature, thoughe peradventure yo{u} will seme to excuse them by a metaphoricall gloose.

[Sidenote: Aketon or Slevelesse jacket of plate for the war.] Aketon or Haketone you expounde a jackett w{i}thoute sleves, without any further addit{i}one, that beinge an indiffynyte speache, and therefore may be entended a comone garmente daylye vsed, suche as we call a jerken or jackett withoute sleues: But _haketon_ is a slevelesse jackett of plate for the warre, couered withe anye other stuffe; at this day also called a jackett of plate, suche aketon Walter Stapletone, Bishoppe of Excester and Custos or Wardene of Londone, had vppon hym secretlye, when he was apprehended and behedded in the twentyeth yere of Edwarde the seconde.

[Sidenote: A besant is a besant, and not a duckett.] Besante you expounde a duckett, But a duckett ys farre from a besante, bothe for the tyme of the invent{i}one, and for the forme; and as I suppose for the valewe, not withstandinge that Hollybande in his frenche-Englishe dictionarye make yt of the valewe of a duckett, whiche duckett is for the most part eyther venetiane or spanyshe, when the Besante ys mere Grekishe; a coyne well knowen and vsed in Englande (and yet not therefore one auncient coyne of Englande, as Hollybande sayethe yt was of france,) emongst the Saxons before, and the Normans after the Conqueste; the forme whereof I will at other tyme describe, onlye nowe settinge downe, that this besante (beinge the frenche name, and in armorye rightlye accordinge to his nature, for a plate of golde,) was called in Latine Byzant{i}um, obteyninge that name because yt was the coyne of Constantinople sometyme called Bizant{i}um; and because you shall not thinke this any fic{ti}one of myne owne, I will warrante the same with Williame of Malmesberye in the fourthe booke De Regibus, who hathe these wordes: Constantinopolis prim{u}m Bizantiu{m} dicta forma{m} antiqui vocabuli preferu{n}t imperatorii nu{m}mi Bizantiu{m} dicta; where one other coppye for nummi Bizantiu{m} hath Bizantini nu{m}mi, and the frenche hath yt besante or Bezantine, makinge yt an olde coyne of france, (when he sholde haue sayed one olde coyne in France and not of France,) of the valewe of a duckette.

[Sidenote: Fermentacione is fermentacione, and not dawbing even metaphorically.] Fermentac{i}o{n}e yo{u} expounde Dawbinge, whiche cannott anye way be metaphoricallye so vsed in Chaucer, althoughe yt sholde be improperlye or harsely applied. For fermentac{i}one ys a peculier terme of Alchymye, deduced from the bakers fermente or levyne. And therefore the Chimicall philosophers defyne the fermente to bee anima, the sowle or lyfe, of the philosophers stoone. Whereunto agreethe Clauiger Bincing, one chimicall author, sayinge, ante viuificatio{ne}m id est fermentac{i}o{ne}m, w{hi}che is before tinctinge, or gyvinge tincture or cooler; that beinge as muche to saye as gyvinge sowle or lyfe to the philosophers stoone, wherby that may fermente or cooler or gyue lyfe to all other metaline bodyes.

[Sidenote: Orfrayes not Goldsmith’s work, but frysed cloth of gold, a manufacture peculiar to the English.] Orfrayes yo{u} expounde Goldsmythes worke, w{hi}che ys as nere to goldsmythes woorke as clothe of golde, for this worde orefrayes, beinge compounded of the frenche worde (or) and (frays, or fryse,) the Englishe is that w{hi}che to this daye (beinge now made all of one stuffe or substance) is called frised or perled cloothe of gold; in Latyne, in tymes past, termed aurifrisium or aurifrixori{u}m. A thinge well knowen to the Saxons in Englande before, as to the Normans after, the Conqueste, and therfore fullye to satisfye you thereof, I will produce twoo auctorauctors of the weavinge and vse thereof before the conquest and since, wherin you shall pleynely see what yt was, and in what acco{m}pt yt was holden, beinge a worke peculier to the Englishe. The lieger booke of Elye, speakinge of Ediswetha daughter to Brightnothus, aldermanne, erle or duke, of northumberlande before the Conquest sayethe; cui tradita Coveneia, locus monasterio vicinus, vbi aurifrixorie et texturæ secretiùs cu{m} puellis vacabat; and a little after, Tunica Rubra purpura per gyrum et ab humeris aurifri vndiq{ue} circumdatu{m}. Then, after the conquest, mathew Paris speakethe thereof aboute ornamentes to be sente to the Poope. but because I haue not my mathewe Paris here, I will vouche one whose name hathe muche affinytye with hym, and that is Mathewe Parker Archbyshoppe of Canterburye, who, in the Lyfe of Bonifacius Archbishoppe of that see, hathe these wordes. “A^o. Domini 1246, Romæ multi Anglicani aderant Clerici, qui capis vt aiu{n}t chorealibus, et infulis, ornamentisq{ue} ecclesiasticis, ex Anglice tunc more gentis, ex lana tenuissima et auro artificiosè intexto fabricatis, vterentur. Huius modi ornamentoru{m} aspectu et concupiscentia provocatus Papa, rogavit cuiusmodi essent. Responsu{m} est, aurifrisia appellari, quia et eminens ex panno et lana qua{m} Angli fryse appellant, simul contexta sunt. Cui subridens et dulcedine captus Papa, Vere, inquit,” (for these are the woordes of Mathewe Paris whiche lyved at that tyme,) “Hortus noster delitiaru{m} est Anglia, verus puteus est inexhaustus, et vbi multa abundant, de multis multa sumere licet. Itaq{ue}, concupiscentia illectus oculorum, litteras suas Bullatas sacras misit ad Cistercienses in Anglia Abbates, quoru{m} orationibus se devotè commendabat, vt ipsi hec aurifrisia speciosissima ad suum ornandu{m} choru{m} compararent. Hoc Londoniensibus placuit, quia ea tum venalia habebant, tantiq{ue} quanti placuit vendiderunt.” In whiche discourse you not onlye see that orefryes was a weued clothe of golde and not goldsmythe worke, and that Englande had before and since the conqueste the arte to compose suche kynde of delicate Cloothe of golde as Europe had not the lyke; for yf yt hadd, the poope wolde haue made suche prouis{i}one thereof in other places, and not from Englande. And because you shall not thinke that yt was onlye vsed of the Clergye, you shall fynde in a record of the Towre that yt was also one ornamente of the kings garmente, since the Conqueste, for, in Rotulo Patentiu{m} 6. Joh{ann}is in Dorso (in whiche the kinge comaunded the templers to deliuer suche jewells, garmentes, and ornamentes as they had of the kings in kepinge,) are these wordes: “Dalmaticam de eodem samitto vrlatani de orfreyes et cu{m} lapidibus.” Whiche is to saye, the kings Dalmaticall garmente of the same samitte (spoken of before, whiche was crymsone,) vrled or bordrede (suche as we nowe calle garded) withe orfreyes.

[Sidenote: Oundye and Crispe meaneth wavy like water.] fforthlye Oundye and Crispe is by you expounded slyked and curled, whiche sence althoughe yt may beare after some sorte; yet the proprytye of the true sence of oundye (beinge an especiall terme appropriate to the arte of Heraldye) dothe signifye wavinge or movinge, as the water dothe; being called vndye, of Latyne vnda for water, for so her haire was oundye, that is, layed in rooles vppone and downe, lyke waves of water when they are styrred with the winde, and not slyked or playne, etc.

[Sidenote: Resager is ratsbane or arsenic.] ffyftlye You expounde not Resager, beinge a terme of Alchymye; as yo{u} leave manye of them vntouched. This worde sholde rather be resalgar, wherefore I will shewe yo{u} what resalgar ys in that abstruse science, whiche Chawcer knewe full well, althoughe he enveye againste the sophisticall abuse thereof in the chanons Yeomans Tale. This Resalgar is that w{hi}che by some is called Ratesbane, a kynde of poysone named Arsenicke, which the chimicall philosophers call their venome or poysone. Whereof I coulde produce infynyte examples; but I will gyve yo{u} onlye these fewe for a taste. Aristotle, in Rosario Philosophoru{m}, sayethe, “nullu{m} tingens venenum generatur absq{ue} sole et eius vmbra, id est, uxore.” whiche venome they call by all names presentinge or signifyinge poysone, as a toode, a dragon, a Basilyske, a serpente, arsenicke, and suche lyke; and by manye other names, as “in exercitacio{n}e ad turbam philosophorum,” apperethe, wher aqua simplex is called venenu{m}, Argentum vivum, Cinnabar, aqua permanens, gumma, acetu{m}, urina, aqua maris, Draco, serpens, etc. And of this poysone the treatyce _de phenice_,[7] or the philosophers stoone, written in Gothyshe rymynge verse, dothe saye;

Moribunda, corporis virus emanabat
quod materna{m} faciem ca{n}dida{m} fœdabat.

[Footnote 7: A copy of this curious poem in Thynne’s
hand-writing, and marvellously illustrated by him, is in the
Brit. Mus., MSS. Add. No. 11,388.]

[Sidenote: Begyns are nuns, though it cometh to mean superstitious and hypocritical women from their nature.] Begyn and Bigott yo{u} expounde sup{er}sticious hypocrites, whiche sence I knowe yt maye somewhat beare, because yt sauorethe of the disposit{i}one of those begins, or Beguines, for that ys the true wrytinge. But this woorde Begyn sholde in his owne nature rightlye haue ben expounded, sup{er}sticious or hipocriticall wemenne, as appereth by chaucer himselfe, w{hi}che nombrethe them emongest the wemen in the Romante of the Roose when he sayethe,

But empresses, & duchesses,
These queenes, & eke countesses
These abbasses, & eke Bigins,
These greate ladyes palasins.

And a little after, in the same Romante, he doth write,

That dame abstinence streyned
Tooke one a Robe of camelyne,
And ganne her gratche as a Bygin.
A large cover-cherfe of Thredde
She wrapped all aboute her hedde.

These wemene the Frenche call Beguynes or nonnes; being in Latyne called Bigrinæ or Biguinæ. Whose originall order, encrease, and contynuance are sett downe by mathewe Paris and Mathewe Westm{inster}. But as I sayed, since I haue not my mathewe Paris at hand, I will sett you downe the wordes of mathewe Westmynster (otherwise called “Flores Historiarum” or “Florilegus”) in this sorte. Sub eisdem diebus (w{hi}ch was in the yere of Christe 1244, and aboute the 28 of kinge Henry the thirde,) quidam in Almania precipuè se asserentes vitam et habitu{m} relligionis elegisse, in utroq{ue} sexu, sed maximè in muliebri, continentia{m}, cu{i}u{s} vitæ simplicitate profitentes, se voto priuato deo obligaru{n}t. Mulieresq{ue}, quas Bigrinas vulgaritèr vocamus, adeò multiplicatæ sunt, quòd earu{m} numerus in vna ciuitate, scilicèt Colonia, ad plus quam mille asseritur ascendisse, etc. After whiche, speakinge yn the yere of Christe 1250 of the encrease of relligious orders, he sayeth, Item in Alemania et Francia mulieres, quas Biguinas nominant, etc.

[Sidenote: Citrinatione or perfect digestion.] Citrinatione yo{u} do not expounde, beinge a terme of Alchymye. Whiche Citrinatione is bothe a color and parte of the philosophers stoone. for, as hathe Tractatus Avicennæ (yf yt be his and not liber suppositi[ti]us, as manye of the Alchimicall woorkes are foysted in vnder the names of the best lerned authors and philosophers, as Plato, Aristotle, Avicen, and suche others,) in parte of the 7 chapter. Citrinatio est que fit inter albu{m} et rubru{m}, et non dicitur coolor perfectus, whiche Citrinat{i}one, as sayethe Arnoldus de Nova Villa, li. i. ca. 5. nihil aliud est quàm completa digestio. For the worke of the philosophers stoone, following the worke of nature, hathe lyke color in the same degree. for as the vrine of manne, being whityshe, sheweth imp{er}fecte digestione: But when he hathe well rested, and slepte after the same, and the digestione p{er}fected: the vrine becomethe citrine, or of a depe yellowe cooler: so ys yt in Alchymye. whiche made Arnolde call this citrinatione perfect digestion, or the cooler provinge the philosophers stoone broughte almoste to the heigh[t]e of perfect{i}one.

[Sidenote: Forage is old and hard provision made for horses and cattle in winter,] Forage in one place you expounde meate, and in other place fodder. boothe whiche properly cannott stande in this place of chaucer in the reves prologue, where he sayeth, “my fodder is forage.” for yf forrage be fodder, then is the sence of that verse, “my fodder is fodder.” But fodder beinge a generall name for meate gyven to Cattle in winter, and of affynytie withe foode applied to menne and beasts, dothe onlye signyfye meate. And so the sence is, “my meate ys forage,” that is, my meate is suche harde and olde provis{i}one as ys made for horses and Cattle in winter. for so doth this worde forragiu{m} in latyne signyfye. and so dothe Chaucer meane. for the word next before dothe well shewe yt, when the Reve sayeth,

I ame olde, me liste not play for age,
Grasse tyme is donne, my fodder is forrage.

[Sidenote: or metaphorically, or to help out the ryme it may mean grass.] Yet metaphorically yt may be taken for other than drye horse meate, although improperlye; as Chaucer hathe, in Sir Topas Ryme, where he makethe yt grasse for his horse, and vseth the woorde rather to make vpp the ryme than to shewe the true nature thereof; sayinge,

That downe he layed hym in that place,
to make his steede some solace
and gyve hym good forage.

[Sidenote: Heroner is a long-winged hawk for the heron.] Heroner yo{u} expounde a certeyne kynde of hawke, whiche is true, for a gowshawke, sparrowe hawke, tassell, &c. be kyndes of hawkes. But this heroner, is an especiall hawke (of anye of the kyndes of longe winged hawkes) of moore accompte then other hawkes are, because the flighte of the Herone ys moore daungerous than of other fowles, insomuch, that when she fyndeth her selfe in danger, she will lye in the ayre vppon her backe, and turne vpp her bellye towardes the hawke; and so defile her enymye with her excrementes, that eyther she will blinde the hawke, or ells with her byll or talons pierce the hawkes brest yf she offer to cease vppon her.

[Sidenote: The Hyppe is the berye of the sweet bryer or eglantine.] The Hyppe is not simplye the redde berrye one the Bryer, vnlest yo{u} adde this epithetone and saye, the redde Berrye one the swete Bryer, (which is the Eglantyne,) to distinguyshe yt from the comone Bryer or Bramble beringe the blacke Berye, for that name Bryer ys comone to them boothe; when the Hyppe is proper but to one, neither maye yt helpe yo{u} that yo{u} saye the redd Berye, to distinguyshe yt from the Blacke, for the blacke berye ys also redde for a tyme, and then may be called the redde Berye of the Bryer for that tyme.

[Sidenote: Nowell meaneth more than Christmas.] Nowell yo{u} expounde Christmasse, whiche ys that feaste and moore, for yt is that tyme, whiche is properlye called the Advente together with Christmasse and Newe yeres tyde, wherefore the true etymologye of that worde ys not Christmasse, or the twelve dayes, but yt is godd with us, or, oure Godde, expressinge to vs the comynge of Christe in the fleshe, whiche p{er}adventure after a sorte, by the figure synecdoche, yo{u} may seeme to excuse, placinge ther xþemas (_Christmasse_) a p{ar}te of this tyme of Nowell for all the tyme that Nowell conteynethe. for in the same worde is conteyned sometyme xx, but for the most p{ar}te thirtye dayes before Christmesse, aswell as the Christmesse yt selfe, that woorde being deduced as hathe Will{iel}m{u}s Postellus in Alphabet. 12 Linguarum, from the hebrue worde Noell: for thus he writethe: נאלnoel, sonat deus noster sive Deus nobis advenit, solitaq{ue} est hec vox cantari a plebe ante xþi ({Christi}) natalitia viginti aut triginta dies quodam desiderio.

[Sidenote: Porpherye is a peculiar marble, not marble in common.] Porpherye you expounde marble, w{hi}che m{ar}ble ys genus, but porpherye is species, for as there is white and grey marble, so ys there redde marbell, whiche is this porpherye, a stone of reddish purple coolor, distincte or enterlaced with white veynes as yo{u} may see in the great pillars entringe into the royall exchange or burse in Cornhill.

[Sidenote: Sendale, a sylke stuffe.] Sendale you expounde a thynne stuffe lyke cypres. but yt was a thynne stuffe lyke sarcenette, and of a rawe kynde of sylke or sarcenett, but courser and narrower, than the sarcenett nowe ys, as my selfe canne remember.

[Sidenote: The trepegett is not the battering-ram, but an engine to cast stones.] Trepegett you expounde a ramme to batter walles. But the trepegete was the same that the magonell; for Chaucer calleth yt a trepegett or magonell; wherefore the trepegett and magonell being all one, and the magonell one instrumente to flynge or cast stones (as youre selfe expounde yt) into a towne, or against a towne walles, (an engine not muche vnlyke to the catapulte, an instrumente to cast forthe dartes, stones, or arrowes,) the trepeget must nedes also be one instrumente to cast stones or such lyke against a wall or into a towne, and not a Ramme to batter wales; since the Ramme was no engine to flinge anye thinge, but by mens handes to be broughte and pusshed againste the walles; a thinge farr different in forme from the magonell or catapulte, as appereth by Vigetius and Robertus Valturius de re militari.

[Sidenote: Wiuer or Wyvern, a serpent like unto a dragon.] Wiuer yo{u} expounde not. Wherefore I will tell you, a wyuer is a kynde of serpent of good Bulke, not vnlyke vnto a dragon, of whose kinde he is, a thinge well knowen vnto the Heroldes, vsinge the same for armes, and crestes, & supporters of manye gentle and noble menne. As the erle of Kent beareth a wiuer for his creste and supporters, the erle of Pembroke, a wiuer vert for his creste; the erle of Cumberlande, a wiuer geules for his supporters.

[Sidenote: Autenticke meaneth a thing of auctoritye, not of antiquitye.] Autenticke yo{u} expounde to be antiquytye. But howe yo{u} may seme to force and racke the worde to Chaucers meaninge, I knowe not; but sure I ame the proper signyficat{i}one of autenticke is a thinge of auctoritye or credit allowed by menne of auctoritye, or the originall or fyrste archetypu{m} of any thinge; whiche I muse that you did not remember.

[Sidenote: Abandone is not liberty though Hollyband sayeth so.] Abandone you expounde libertye; whiche in all Italiane, Frenche, and Spanishe, signifyeth relinquere, to forsake and leave a thinge; w{hi}che me thinkethe yo{u} most hardely stretche to libertye, vnlest yo{u} will saye that, when one forsakethe a thinge, he leaveth yt at libertye; whiche ys but a streyned speche, although the frenche Hollybande, not vnderstandinge the true energye of our tongue, hath expounded yt libertye; whiche may be some warrante vnto you.

VNDER THE TITLE OF YOURE Annotacions and Corrections.

[Sidenote: Of the Vernacle.] IN YOURE ANNOTACIONS you describe, oute of the prologues, the vernacle to be a broche or figure, wherein was sett the instruments wherewith Christe was crucyfyed, and withall a napkyn whereine was the printe of his face. but the vernacle did not conteyne the instrumentes of his deathe, but only the clothe wherein was the figure of his face; as I conceve yt with others.

[Sidenote: Master Thynne would read Campaneus for Capaneus, and giveth reasons.] Fo: 1. pa: 2. For Campaneus you wolde reade Capaneus, wherunto I cannott yelde. for althoughe Statius and other latine authors do call hym Capaneus; yet all the writers of Englande in that age call him campaneus; as Gower, in confessione amantis, and Lidgat in the historye of Thebes taken out of Statius, and Chaucer hym selfe in many other places. so that yt semethe they made the pronu{n}tiatione of Campaneus to be the dialecte of our tongue for Capaneus. Besides chaucer is in this to be p{ar}doned, in that taking his knightes tale out of the Thesayde of Bocas, written in Italiane (and of late translated into frenche,) doth there, after the Italiane manner, call him campaneus; for so the Italians pronounce woordes beginninge with cap: with the interposit{i}one of the l{ette}re m, pronouncinge yt camp: for, that w{hi}che the Latins call capitoliu{m}, the Italians call campidoglio; and suche lyke. Wherefore since yt was vniversallye receued in that age, to call him Campaneus: lett vs not nowe alter yt, but p{er}mytte yt to have free passage accordinge to the pronuntiat{i}one and wrytinge of that age. since, in deducinge woordes from one language to one other, there ys often additione and substract{i}one of letters, or of Sillabes, before, in the middle, and in the ende of those wordes. whereof infynyte examples mighte be produced, whiche I nowe shonne for brevytye.

[Sidenote: Liketh the reading of Eros, but preferreth that of Heros, and giveth reasons.] Fo: 3. pa: 2. (“Noughte comelye lyke to lovers maladye of Hereos.”) for whiche woorde hereos you reade eros, i. cupide, a very good and probable correct{i}one, well gathered out of Luciane. But (salua patient{i}a vestra, and reservinge to myselfe better iudgmente hereafter yf I nowe mystake yt,) I wolde, for the printed hereos of Chaucer, read heroes. whiche two woordes onlye differ in misplacinge of the letters; a comone thinge for the printer to do, and the corrector to overpasse. for Arcyte, in this furye of his love, did not shewe those courses of gouer[n]mente, whiche the Heroes, or valiante p{er}sons, in tymes past vsed, for thoughe they loued, yet that passione did not generallye so farre overrule them (althoughe yt mighte in some one p{ar}ticuler personne) as that theye lefte to contynewe the valor, and heroicke actions, whiche they before performed. for the Heroes sholde so love, as that they sholde not forgett, what they were in place, valor, or magnanymytye, whiche Arcite, in this pass{i}one, did not observe “lyke to lovers malady of Heroes.” Whereof I coulde produce six hundred examples, (as the proverbe ys,) were yt not that I avoyde tedious prolixytye.

[Sidenote: Of florins and their name from the Florentines.] Fo: 6. pa: 2. (“Manye a florence.”) In whiche noote yo{u} expounde a florence to be ij^s frenche, and a gelder to be the same in dutche. Wherein yo{u} mistake the valewe of the florens, suche as was vsed in Chaucers tyme, w{hic}he taking his name of the woorkemenne, beinge florentynes, (of the terrytorye of florence in Italye,) were called Florens; [Sidenote: Sterling money taketh its name from the Esterlings.] as sterlinge money tooke their name of Esterlinges, whiche refyned and coyned the silver in the tyme of kinge Henry the seconde. for two shillinges frenche ys not equall in valewe (as I nowe take yt) to two shillinges Englishe: and much lesse equall to the florens in Chaucers tyme, whiche was of the valewe of thre shillings, fowre pence, or halfe a noble, or, at the leaste, of two shillinges tenne pence farthinge, as apperethe by recorde and historye: some of them being called florens de scuto or of the valewe of the shelde or frenche crowne and some of them called florens regall. Whereof yo{u} shall fynde, in the recorde of pellis exitus in the exchequer in michelmas terme 41. Ed. 3. this note. Bartholomeo de Burgershe militi in denariis sibi liberatis in parte solutionis 8000 florenoru{m} de scuto pretii petii iij^s. iiij^d. sibi debitis de illis 30000 florenoru{m} de scuto in quibus Rex tenebatur eidem Bartholomeo pro comite de Ventadoure, prisonario suo apud Bellu{m} de Poyters in guerra capto, et ab eodem Bartholomeo ad opus Regis empt{o}, vt patet per litteras Regis patentes, quas idem Bartholomeus inde penes se habet. in Dors. de summa subscripta, per bre{ve} de magno sigillo, inter mandata de Term. Michaelis de anno 36 --xx^li. To the valewe whereof agreeth Hipodigma Neustriæ, pa. 127, [Sidenote: King John of France, his ransom of three millions of florens.] where setting downe the ransome of the frenche kinge taken at Poyters to the valewe of thre milliones of florens, he sayethe “of w{hic}he florens duo valebant vj^s. viij^d.” These florens the same Walsingha{m} in another place callethe scutes or frenche crownes, pa. 170, sayinge: Rex quidem Franciæ pro sua redemptione soluit regi Angliæ tres milliones scutoru{m}, quoru{m} duo valent vnu{m} nobile, videlicet, sex solidos et octo denarios. Whiche scutes in lyke manner, in the tyme of kinge Henry the sixte were of the same valewe, as apperethe in Fortescues commentaries of the lawes of Englande. But as those florens for the redempt{i}one of the frenche kinge, were of the valewe of half one noble: so at the tyme of that kings reigne there were also one other sorte of florens, not of lyke valewe, but conteyned within the price of ij^s. x^d. [QR]. called florene regales, as apperethe in this record, of Easter terme, of Pellis exitus before sayed, where yt is thus entred one the sixte of Julye: Guiscardo de Angles. Domino de pleyne martyne, In denariis sibi liberatis per manus Walteri Hewett militis in pretio 4000 florenoru{m} regaliu{m} pretii petii --ij^s. x^d. [QR] de quibus florenis regal{ibus} 7 computantur pro tribus nobilibus, eidem Guiscardo debitis. Whereby yo{u} see the meanest of these florens did exceed the valewe of ij^s. frenche, (although you sholde equall that with ii^s. Englishe,) as yt did also in other countryes. for in the lowe countryes at those dayes yt was much aboute the valewe of iij^s. iiij^d. beinge halfe a pistolet Italiane or Spanyshe. for so sayethe Heuterius Delphicus, (in the Historye of Burgundye, in the lyfe of Philippe le hardye,) lyving at that tyme, and sonne to the frenche kinge taken prisoner by the Inglishe. Heuterius’ woordes be these. Illustris viri aliorumq{ue} nobiliu{m} mors adeò comite{m} com{m}ovit, vt relicta obsidione exercitus ad co{m}meatus ducendos in proxima loca distribuerit. Decem millibus florenorum (moneta Belgica est semipistoletu{m} Italicu{m} pendens) pro Anglicani, aliorumq{ue} nobiliu{m} cadaverum redemptione solutis, &c.

[Sidenote: Of the oken garland of Emelye.] Fo: 7. pa: 2. For unseriall yo{u} will vs to reade cerriall, for cerrus[8] is a kynde of tree lyke one oke, bearinge maste; and therefore by yo{ur} correct{i}one yt sholde be a garland of grene oke cerriall: But for the same reasone (because cerrus ys a kynde of oke as ys also the Ilex) I judge yt sholde not be redde cerriall but unseriall, that ys, (yf you will nedes have this worde cerriall,) a garlande of greene oke not cerriall, as who sholde saye, she had a Garlande of Grene oke, but not of the oke Cerriall. and therefore a garlande of oke unseriall, signifyinge a garlande that was freshe and Grene, and not of dedd wannyshe Coolor as the oke Cerriall in some parte ys. for the Cerrus, being the tree w{hi}che we comonly call the holme oke, (as Cooper also expoundeth the ilex to be that which wee call holme,) produceth two kyndes; whereof the one hathe greater, and the other lesser acornes, whose leaves beinge somewhat grene one the one syde, and of one ouer russett and darkyshe Coolor on the other syde, were not mete for this garland of Emelye, whiche sholde be freshe and Grene one everye parte, as were her younge and grene yeres, lyke to the goddesse to whome she sacryfyced, and therefore a garlande of Grene oke unseriall, not beinge of oke cerriall, for yf yt had byn oke serriall, yt wolde haue shewed duskyshe and as yt were of dedishe leaves, and not freshe and orient as chaucer wolde haue her garlande. And this for yo{u}r e[x]posit{i}one of unseriall, in some parte: for I wolde suppose that this worde unseriall dothe not vnaptly signifye perfectione of coolor, so that She having a Garlande of Grene oke unseriall, doth signyfye the oke to be grene and unseriall, that is, (as some do expounde this worde unseriall,) unsered, unsinged, unwithered, of freshe coolor, lyke unto the oke Quercus whiche hath no sered nor withered cooloor in his leafes. And yt was of necessytye that Emely (sacryfysinge to Diana) must haue a garlande of the Grene oke Quercus, because that they whiche sacryfyced vnto Diana, otherwise called Hecate, (which name is attribute to Diana, as natalis Comes affirmethe with statius in his Acheleidos in his first Booke sayinge,