Chapter XIII: Part X (7)

Lord JOHN MANNERS, M.P., came forward, amidst very loud and general cheering, to second the resolution. The noble lord said that in terminating the proceedings of that most remarkable meeting--remarkable not only for the ability of the speeches which they had heard, and the unanimity that had characterised their proceedings, but also for the presence of so many delegates, representing, and representing so truly, every suffering interest in this great community--he felt that he had a task at once most difficult and most gratifying to perform. Most truly had Lord Eglinton said that in the presence of the noble duke a certain reserve was necessary in speaking of those qualities which commanded their admiration; but still they should not be doing justice to their feelings if they permitted that opportunity to pass without saying that they did not know in the whole peerage one man who more justly commanded the respect, the admiration, and the affection of the industrious classes of this country. (Cheers.) Lord Eglinton had said some thing in favour of that house to which the noble duke belonged; and he (Lord J. Manners) hoped he might be allowed for one moment to say something in favour of that house to which he had so recently been returned. He could not, like some of the gentlemen who had that day addressed them, despair even of the present graceless House of Commons. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) If they asked him his reason, he should tell them that he found one in the fact, that, when that House of Commons had first met, the majority then against those principles which that meeting had assembled to enforce, and which they intended to carry into successful operation, amounted to not less than 100; while at the present moment that majority could not, he believed, be estimated at more than a score of votes. Another reason why he did not despair of the present House of Commons was derived from the recent election of the hon. and gallant colonel the member for Cork, who was then assisting at their proceedings. (Hear, hear.) He had no doubt but that at future elections they would continue further to increase the number of members ready to advocate and support their cause. If he might be permitted to give one word of advice, he would suggest that, while they took every precaution for returning, for the future, members who were prepared to vindicate the great principle of protection to native industry, they ought not to discourage, but to aid, those members in the present House of Commons who zealously sought to put down that system which they believed in their consciences to be working the destruction of this mighty empire. (Hear.) He should further say, that he found a fresh justification for a return of their somewhat waning confidence in the House of Lords, in the presence among them that day of the noble duke to whom they were going to offer by acclamation the vote of their unbounded confidence and admiration. (Cheers.) When they saw the noble duke supporting the dignity of the peerage with so much gallantry, so much honesty, and such unswerving onwardness of purpose, they might, he thought, well take courage; and believe that both Houses of Parliament would yet faithfully represent, and faithfully carry out, the principles on which the Constitution of this country had so long depended, and on which it must continue to depend if it was still to remain the Constitution of the greatest empire of the known world. (Hear, hear.) He called on them to vote by acclamation the resolution which he had the honour to second. He called upon them to rise as one man and give three lusty cheers for their noble chairman the Duke of Richmond. (The call was responded to with enthusiasm, the whole meeting rising as one man.)

The NOBLE DUKE proceeded to acknowledge the compliment as follows:--I rise, as you may well conceive that I must, impressed with a deep feeling of gratitude to you, the delegates from nearly every county in England and Scotland, for the very kind and flattering manner in which you have been pleased to pass the present resolution. I claim no merit for myself for what I have done in Parliament and out of Parliament, with the view of preventing the adoption of the Free-trade policy, or with a view of regaining protection to native industry. I claim no merit to myself for the course I have pursued, because I think that course is absolutely necessary, not only for the welfare and the prosperity of the landed interest of the country, but for the welfare of all classes of our fellow-subjects. (Hear, hear.) I never advocated protection to the farmer without also advocating protection to the silk weaver and to the manufacturer. (Hear, hear.) I am called on in Parliament not to legislate for one class, but to legislate for all classes, and I therefore have not pledged myself to the maintenance of the principle of protection without an earnest inquiry into the whole subject. I have, however, thought it my duty to give a pledge, and, with God's help, I will never violate it. (Cheers.) I am not made of that stuff which would permit me to veer about like the wind, and to flatter every popular demagogue. (Hear, hear.) I have one English quality in me, which is, that I will not be bullied into any course of which my judgment disapproves. (Hear, hear.) I will not allow a knot of Manchester Free-traders to dictate to the good sense of the community at large. (Hear, hear.) I will not consent to lose the colonies of this great empire. (Hear, hear.) I will not help to carry out a system which is bringing ruin to our shipping interest, (cheers,) and which forces to emigration those honest and industrious mechanics, who, by their skill, their energy, and their good conduct, have, up to the time of the repeal of the Navigation Laws, been able to get a fair day's wages for a fair day's work. (Cheers.) Neither will I consent to have the honour and glory of this great country dependent upon Mr Cobden and his party. (Cheers.) I am for English ships, manned by English hearts of oak. (Renewed cheers.) I am for protecting domestic industry in all its branches. (Hear, hear.) I feel, however, that at this time of the evening I ought not to trespass at any length on your attention; but cordially agreeing with all the resolutions that have been put here to-day, and carried unanimously, and agreeing with much that has fallen from the different eloquent gentlemen who have addressed you, I must speak out my own mind; and I hope that you, the farmers of England, will not respect me the less for doing so. (Hear.) Well, then, I must say that I only recommend constitutional means, (hear, hear,) and I certainly do not recommend the adoption of any threats of violence or force, and still less do I recommend that we should band ourselves together not to pay taxes, (Hear, hear.) We are the representatives of a truly loyal people. By constitutional means we shall gain a victory of which we shall afterwards have reason to be proud; but if we descend to the miserable and degrading tricks of the Anti-Corn Law League, (hear, hear,) we cannot be respected, because we cannot respect ourselves. I thank you for the confidence you have shown towards me. I thank you, in my own name, and in the name of many Protectionists who have not been able to be present here to-day, for the unanimous manner in which you have carried the resolutions, and the patience with which you have listened to him who is now addressing you, who is so little worthy of attention. But as long as I shall continue to have health, I shall take every opportunity of meeting the tenant-farmers of this country, (hear, hear,) notwithstanding that I may be told in the House of Lords, in a majority of whose members I have no confidence, (hear, hear,) that by presiding at meetings of this description I am creating a panic among the tenantry. That, gentlemen, is the last attack that has been made on me and on my noble friends around me. I was told the other night, in the House of Lords, by a noble lord who is a disciple of Sir R. Peel, that it was to myself and to those who pursued a similar course to mine that the lowness in the price of corn is to be attributed. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) His assertion was, "That the speeches delivered in this country found their way into the German newspapers, and that the German farmers, believing that shortly a duty on the import of foreign corn would be imposed, sent over their corn to this country and sold it here at a loss." In reply I stated that, if this statement was correct, I could not regret that I had contributed to the foreigners losing money, if they choose to send their corn here. I have no bad feeling to the foreigner; but I may say that, if we are exposed to taxes from which he is exempt, I could feel no pity for any loss that he might sustain in his competition with the agriculturists of this country. (Cheers.) One word on the subject of the income tax, which is now so oppressive to the tenant-farmer. When I stated in the House of Lords, a few evenings ago, that the farmers had no right to be called upon to pay that tax whilst they derived no profit from their holdings, Lord Grey said that he admitted the hardness of the case, but that he and his party had not originally enacted the law, but that it emanated from Sir R. Peel. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) To that I felt it my duty to say, that although they did not originally enact the law, they had extended the time of its operation. (Hear, hear.) At the same time, I certainly did not attempt to justify Sir R. Peel; for I would be the last man to undertake such a task. (Hear, hear.) I again thank you for the confidence you have shown towards me; and if my services can ever be of the slightest use to the tenantry of this country, or to its domestic industry, I can only say that those services, such as they are, will ever be at your disposal. (The noble Duke concluded amidst enthusiastic cheering.)

The meeting immediately separated, Mr G. F. Young informing the delegates that the National Association was anxious for their presence at their rooms, at the South Sea House, on the following morning, at eleven o'clock.

PRESENTATION OF THE MEMORIAL TO LORD JOHN RUSSELL.

The delegates re-assembled in considerable numbers at the South Sea House on Saturday morning, when they agreed to the following address to the Prime Minister, which had been prepared, in conformity with the resolutions passed at the great aggregate meeting at the Crown and Anchor on Tuesday last:--

"TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE LORD JOHN RUSSELL, M.P., FIRST LORD OF THE TREASURY, &C.

"May it please your Lordship,--We are deputed to address
you in the name and at the desire of a public meeting held
in this metropolis on the 7th inst., which, consisting of a
considerable number of members of both Houses of Parliament,
merchants, shipowners, tradesmen, and others connected with the
most important interests of the nation, and comprising nearly
500 owners and occupiers of land, specially delegated by the
agriculturists of every part of the United Kingdom, to represent
the present condition of their respective localities, and to
express their opinion on the public policy of your lordship's
administration, presents a just claim to the serious attention
of her Majesty's Government.

"On the authority of this meeting, unanimously expressed, it is
our duty to declare to your lordship that intolerable distress
now almost universally pervades the British agricultural
interest; that many branches of the colonial interest are fast
sinking into ruin; that the shipping and other great interests
of the country are involved in difficulty and deep depression;
and that large masses of the industrial population are reduced
to a state of lamentable deprivation and suffering.

"It must be obvious that such a condition of affairs is fraught
with consequences disastrous to the public welfare; and if not
speedily remedied, it is the conviction of the meeting that it
will endanger the public peace, prove fatal to the maintenance
of public credit, and may even place in peril the safety of the
State.

"It is our duty further to declare to your lordship that the
dangerous evils we have thus described are, in the deliberate
judgment of the meeting, attributable to the recent changes
made in those protective laws by which the importation of
articles of foreign production had long been regulated, which
changes it regards as most rash and impolitic. It considers
the ancient system of commercial law to have been based on
the most just principles, and dictated by the soundest views
of national policy. It cannot forget that, under that system,
Great Britain attained an unexampled state of prosperity and a
proud pre-eminence in the scale of nations; and it is its firm
conviction that if the principle of fostering and protecting
British industry and British capital be abandoned, many of
the most important interests of the State will be utterly and
cruelly sacrificed, and the national prosperity and greatness be
ruinously impaired.

"The meeting is further of opinion that no relief from
general or local taxation, which would be consistent with
the maintenance of public faith and the efficiency of public
establishments, could enable the British and colonial producer
successfully to compete with foreign productions; and that
the only hope of replacing the agricultural and other native
and colonial interests in a state of prosperity rests on the
re-establishment of a just system of import duties.

"The meeting deeply deplores that the distressing and
destructive consequences of the system of miscalled Free Trade
having been repeatedly and urgently pressed on the attention of
Parliament, the House of Commons has treated the just complaints
of the people with indifference, has exhibited a total want of
sympathy for their sufferings, and has refused to adopt any
measures for removing or alleviating the prevalent difficulty
and distress.

"This conduct has naturally produced a widely-diffused feeling
of disappointment, discontent, and distrust, which is rapidly
undermining the reliance of the people in the justice and wisdom
of Parliament, the best security for loyalty to the Throne,
and for the maintenance of the invaluable institutions of the
country.

"Having thus faithfully represented to your lordship the general
views on the policy of the country, expressed in the recorded
resolutions of the meeting we represent, we proceed to discharge
the further duty intrusted to us of addressing your lordship as
the head of that Administration by which the policy so strongly
deprecated is continued and defended.

"We are charged earnestly to remonstrate and protest on the
part of the deeply injured thousands whose property has been
torn from them by the unjust and suicidal impolicy of which
we complain; and still more emphatically on behalf of the
millions of the industrial population dependent on them for
employment, and consequently for subsistence, against the
longer continuance of a system which, under the specious name
of Free Trade, violates every principle of real freedom,
since it dooms the taxed, fettered, and disqualified native
producer to unrestricted competition in his own market with the
comparatively unburdened foreigner. We not only deny the moral
right of any government or of any legislature to have involved
in certain loss and suffering large masses of a flourishing
community, for the sake of giving trial to a mere experiment;
but we assert that the experiment has been tried, and has
signally and disastrously failed, and we demand therefore, as
the right of those we represent, the prompt restoration of that
protection from unrestricted foreign import which can alone
rescue them from impending destruction.

"It is painful for us to declare, but it is our duty not to
disguise, that the pertinacious adherence of the Cabinet, of
which your lordship is at the head, to the policy of miscalled
Free Trade, and its determined rejection of the appeals of
the people for a reversal of that policy, have extended to
the executive government of the country the same feelings of
distrust and discontent which are widely diffused with respect
to the representative branch of the Legislature. We solemnly
adjure your lordship to remember that discontent unattended to
may ripen into disaffection.

"We know that the loyalty of the people to their most gracious
Sovereign, under all their grievances and wrongs, remains, and
will remain, unshaken; but we are aware, and it is our duty,
therefore, to warn her Majesty's Government, that the state of
feeling in many districts of the country is most critical and
alarming, hazardous to its peace, perilous to the maintenance of
public credit, and dangerous to its established institutions;
nor must we be deterred, either by our unqualified respect for
your lordship's personal character, or by the just consideration
we owe to the elevated position you occupy, from casting on your
lordship and your colleagues the awful responsibility of all the
consequences that may result from a continuance of your refusal
either to redress the wrongs of the people, or to allow them the
constitutional opportunity for the vindication of their rights,
by dissolving the Parliament and appealing to the voice of the
country.

"London, May 11, 1850."

(Signed)
George Frederick Young, Chairman of Acting Committee,}
F. Cayley Worsely, Vice Chairman, }
James Blyth, Vice Chairman, }
Augustus Bosanquet, Chairman of Colonial Committee, } Of the National
Richard Davis, } } Association.
Benjamin B. Greene, } Members of Ditto, }
David Charles Guthrie, } }
Charles Beke, Secretary.

W. Tindall.
H. C. Chapman, Liverpool.
Wm. Layton, Cambridgeshire.
Nathaniel Barthropp, Suffolk.
Edward Tull, Berkshire.
James Linton, Huntingdonshire.
Paul Foskett, East Surrey.
John King, Somerset.
John Elliot, South Devon.
Robert Baker, Essex.
Joseph Pain, Bedfordshire.
Samuel Cheetham, Rutland.
Thomas Vowe, Leicestershire.
John Simpson, Suffolk.
Frederick King, Wilts.
Richard Strange, Wiltshire.
John Walker, Nottinghamshire.
George Storer, Nottinghamshire.
William Skelton, Lincolnshire.
J. H. Walker, Warwickshire.
John Ellman, Sussex.
Rowland Goldhawk, West Surrey.
William Mallins, South Derbyshire.
Charles Day, clerk, South Essex.
W. E. Russell, West Kent.
Reynolds Peyton, Herefordshire.
Math. Henry Bigg, West Sussex.
Daniel Baker, Monmouthshire.
E. J. Perkins, North Warwick.
Thomas Hartshorne, South Staffordshire.
Thomas Jesty, Dorsetshire.
G. P. Dawson, Yorkshire, West Riding.
W. T. Lockyer, North Stafford.
Samuel Lovell, Oxfordshire.
Douglas Lynes, West Norfolk.
E. Cayley, jun., East Yorkshire.
R. Hewett, Northamptonshire.
William Gray, Northamptonshire.
Philip Box, Buckinghamshire.
S. Musgrave Hilton, East Kent.
Charles Lillingston, Ross-shire.
Edward Trood, Devonshire.
Richard Franklen, Glamorganshire.
Thomas Bold, Liverpool.
J. Parsons Cook, Leicestershire, South.
John Wood, East Somersetshire.
Charles Harland, North Riding of Yorkshire.
M. White Ridley, Northumberland.
Richard Belton, South Shropshire.
John Hall, Bart., East Lothian.
R. Scot Skirving, Haddingtonshire.
H. St. V. Rose, Ross-shire.
James A. Cheyne, Argyllshire.
George Burtt, North Hampshire.

Shortly after twelve o'clock the deputation proceeded to the Premier's official residence in Downing Street. It consisted of the several gentlemen whose names were appended to the address, and was accompanied by Mr Newdegate, M.P., Colonel Sibthorp, M.P., Mr Bickerton, (Shropshire,) Sir J. F. Walker Drummond, Bart., (Midlothian,) Mr Hugh Watson, (Keillor,) Forfarshire; Mr John Dudgeon, (Spylaw,) Roxburghshire, &c.

On the deputation being ushered into the reception-room, Lord John Russell welcomed the gentlemen composing it with characteristic courtesy, and cordially shook Mr Young by the hand, at the same time expressing his regret that the Duke of Richmond was unable to attend.

Mr YOUNG.--I was about to explain to your lordship that his Grace is unable to attend from indisposition, and that I this morning received a letter from his Grace, which I will read to your lordship:--

"Goodwood, May 10, 1850."

"My Dear Sir,--I write to ask you to make my excuses to the
deputation if I do not make my appearance to-morrow at a quarter
past twelve in Downing Street. I have not been able to leave
my room to-day from a violent cold and rheumatism, and if not
better, shall not be able to go to London for some days.

"Believe me, my dear sir, yours sincerely,

"G. F. Young, Esq. (Signed) "RICHMOND."

Mr Young continued--I feel deep regret that his Grace is unable to attend here to-day; but I beg to assure your lordship that we have his Grace's concurrence in all our proceedings, and I am about to place in your lordship's hands a document which has been drawn up under his full sanction, and to which his Grace's signature would have been affixed if his absence from indisposition had not prevented it, and we had not been ignorant of that fact until it was too late to transmit it to him for signature. Your Lordship is, no doubt, aware that a large public meeting took place in this metropolis on Tuesday last, at which certain resolutions were adopted relative to protection to native industry; and amongst them one appointing a deputation to wait upon your lordship with a memorial, and to furnish you with such explanations as you may require. With your lordship's permission, I will now proceed to read the address with which I have the honour to be intrusted. Mr Young here read the address, and continued thus:--I do not know, my lord, that it becomes me to make any comments upon this document, which has been prepared with the unanimous assent of the gentlemen whom I have here with me to-day, except to refer you generally to the opinions which it contains, and on their behalf to tender any explanation which your lordship may deem requisite in reference to the assertions therein made, or to any point connected with the subject which is now brought under your lordship's notice with very great pain on the part of those for whom I have the honour to speak.

Lord J. RUSSELL.--I may be allowed to say--and I do not do so without due consideration--that, of course, I am ready at all times to take upon myself all the responsibility which belongs to the executive government; but with regard to the assertions in this address respecting the House of Commons, you state--"That the meeting is further of opinion that no relief from general or local taxation which would be consistent with the maintenance of public faith, and the efficiency of public establishments, could enable the British and colonial producer successfully to compete with foreign productions." Now, that proposal for relief from general and local taxation, consistent with the maintenance of public faith and the efficiency of public establishments, is, in fact, the only proposition of a large nature that has been rejected by the House of Commons. You also say here, "that the only hope of replacing the agricultural and other native and colonial interests in a state of prosperity, rests on the re-establishment of a just system of import duties." I do not deny, or wish in any way to shrink from the responsibility which rests upon her Majesty's government for the line of policy they have adopted; but no such proposition has been made to the House of Commons, and the House of Commons has not rejected any such proposition.

Mr YOUNG.--It is intended to express the deep disappointment we felt that no such proposition has been made, whether as emanating from the Government, or from any party in the House of Commons.

Mr NEWDEGATE.--Your lordship will permit me to remind you, that although no direct motion has been made in the House of Commons for the immediate restoration of Protection, that great question has been admitted to have been involved in the course of discussions that have arisen upon other questions.

Lord J. RUSSELL.--That is true; but whilst some persons have said it would be beneficial, there are others who say that it would be injurious.

Mr YOUNG.--I wish to impress upon your lordship's mind that I, and those with whom I am associated, do not attach much importance to those discussions in the House of Commons, because we are perfectly well aware that, if such a proposition were made, it would certainly be rejected. We attach no importance to them. We think that the House of Commons, as at present constituted, does not truly represent the feelings and opinions of the majority of the people of this country, and we should be glad to have the opportunity of seeing whether it does or not.

Mr JOHN H. WALKER (of Leamington.)--I am here as the representative of South Warwickshire, to express to your lordship my conviction that a great change has taken place in the opinions of the people with regard to free trade. I am in the habit of travelling a great deal, and I never enter a railway carriage or go into company that I do not find those who were formerly regular Free-traders, and have now become quite the reverse. They object to the operation of free trade, that the foreigner gets all the benefits which we are losing.

Mr YOUNG.--It does not become us now to attempt to enter upon the discussion of so wide a question as that. I feel that we should not be able to do so with advantage, or be justified in intruding upon your time for that purpose. There is, however, one part of the proceedings at the recent meeting, a report of which your lordship has no doubt seen, upon which I wish to make a few observations. You will there have seen that some rather strong expressions were used. Without at all wishing to apologise for those expressions, or giving an opinion as to their propriety or impropriety, I will take the liberty of expressing our hope that, whatever opinion your lordship may have formed of those expressions, you will not take them as speaking the general sentiments of the meeting--which ought alone to be held responsible for the opinions expressed in their recorded resolutions. I allude to this simply as a matter of explanation, for I should be sorry if your lordship were led to depart from the general principle laid down, of only recognising the acts of the meeting, without judging of its character by merely isolated expressions falling from individual speakers.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL.--I can assure you, Mr Young, that I should not have adverted to that circumstance, as I am quite aware that in public meetings, where a number of persons are desirous of giving expression to their opinions, great latitude of speech must be allowed. With regard to the expressions alluded to, though I may think them rather stronger than necessary, I observed in the report of the proceedings that the Duke of Richmond, in his reply, went as far in censure of them as I should be disposed to do; and having every confidence in the Duke of Richmond's loyalty, his wish to support the law, and his discretion, I think what he said upon the subject was amply sufficient.

Mr YOUNG.--I will only add that many of us are magistrates ourselves, and that we are fully conscious of the duty which devolves upon us to do all we can for the maintenance of the public peace. What was said, I believe, was only intended to show the facts of our position to the House of Commons, from whom we claim protection, as an act of justice.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL.--Mr Newdegate, do you wish to say anything further?

Mr NEWDEGATE.--I wish merely to express my concurrence in the objects of the deputation, and that I consider it fortunate that your lordship has permitted the deputation this opportunity of bringing before your notice the reality and extent of the distress which prevails in many districts, the severity of its pressure, and the danger from the feelings of discontent which has unhappily but indubitably grown up under the severe depression to which a large portion of the community is now exposed.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL, (addressing Mr Young.)--You have very truly stated that it would be quite useless to enter into a discussion here upon, not only one large question, but the several large questions, which are involved in this memorial, and which refer to our commercial laws, the state of agriculture and shipping, and the condition of the country at large. These various subjects would lead to a most extended discussion, if once we were to enter upon it. All I can say, therefore, is, that I take upon myself the whole responsibility of any advice which I may consider it my duty to give to my Sovereign. Certainly my experience leads me, I confess it, to a directly opposite conclusion with respect to the main point contained in this memorial--I think it would neither be desirable to go back from free trade to prohibition or restriction; nor advisable to dissolve Parliament in order to ask the opinion of the country upon the subject. That is the conclusion to which I have come. With respect to the suffering which has been stated to exist, it is neither inconsistent with my expectations, nor inconsistent with what I have heard, that in various parts of the country deep suffering does exist, and that that suffering is partly--and I should say in part only--owing to recent changes in our commercial laws. I believe that these changes were, in their general aspect, inevitable. I believe that ten years ago it might have been foreseen that this country, as it became more opulent and commercial, would require great changes in that direction, and my object was at that time to make the transition accompanied by as little suffering and distress as possible. But the advice I gave with that view was rejected, not only with contempt, but with indignation. Other changes have taken place since then, and the changes which have now taken place have been certainly of a much more decisive character than those which I originally proposed. I am sorry to say that I think the conduct of the agricultural, the colonial, and other interests, was not prudent in declaring that there should be no change in 1841. Still that was their decision, and in 1846 a much greater change was effected in those laws. In 1847 a general election took place, by which the electors had to decide upon the conduct of those who had taken part in the adoption of these changes, and the result was the election of the present parliament, which has decided upon continuing the policy which the House of Commons had laid down in 1846. I own I do think it was very unwise--if I may be allowed to say so--in 1841, not to have sought some compromise; but I think it would be far more unwise now to seek to restore a system of protective duties. I believe that that, so far from leading to a settlement of this great question, would lead to fresh agitation, and a renewal of the present law--the law repealing those protective duties. I would put it to any man who is engaged in industrial pursuits of any kind, however he may think it would be advisable to restore the ancient system of protection, whether it would be wise or advantageous to have those laws re-enacted in 1851, again to be repealed in 1852 or 1853? I own I must think that to all interests concerned, especially to the agricultural interest, those changes and those renewals would be the very worst measures that could be adopted. All return to the former system being, as I believe, impossible, it may be desirable to equalise, if possible, the charges upon land, which I believe to be the wish of all parties. The changes which have been made, I believe to be, in their general aspect, agreeable to the progress of society in this country, and that the endeavour of all interests should henceforth be to adapt themselves to those changes rather than attempt their reversal. I may be mistaken in these views, but in the position I occupy, whether as a minister of the Crown or as a member of parliament, I feel that I cannot do otherwise than act upon convictions which I so strongly entertain; and if I held your opinions I should act as you do.

MR YOUNG.--Perhaps you will not deem me unreasonable if I advert to one or two remarks which have just fallen from your lordship. In the first place, your lordship says it will not be wise again to return to a system of protection and restriction. I can speak especially for the interest to which I belong--and being almost altogether unconnected with the landed interest, I could have wished some of the gentlemen whom I see around me stood in the position in which I have been unexpectedly placed; but I can speak especially for the shipping interest, and I believe I may also for the agricultural interest, when I say that they do not seek, that they do not desire, a system of prohibition. If you refer to the expressions which are contained in that memorial, you will find that all they ask is a just and equitable system of import duties. We do not presume to dictate the degree which would constitute justice; but we believe that, if the principle were once acknowledged, there would be no difficulty in placing the details upon such a basis as to give satisfaction to all parties. The next point upon which I would venture to offer one word by way of explanation, and as the expression of that which I know to be the universal sentiment of this deputation, is, that although, after the enactment of the changes of 1846, namely, in 1847, a general election did take place, yet your lordship will recollect that which is imprinted upon the mind of the country at large, that that election took place under circumstances which had shattered to pieces all parties in the state, and had placed the constituencies in such a position that, as we think, the election of 1847 was not a fair exponent of the sentiments and opinions which were entertained by the people at large.

MR GUTHRIE.--Your lordship has expressed it as your opinion that it was unwise to reject the proposition which you made in 1841, for imposing a fixed duty of 8s. per quarter on wheat. Now, supposing your lordship acted wisely in proposing that measure, and the other party unwisely in rejecting it, if the other party should come round to your lordship's former opinion upon that subject, allow me to ask if you think it would be wrong, in 1850, to revert to the proposal which you deemed to be so perfectly right in 1841.

LORD J. RUSSELL.--I can easily answer that question. Without going into other considerations, supposing the price of corn to be at that time 58s., a law that would reduce the average to 50s. would be well taken; whereas, if the price were 42s., the law which would raise it from 42s. to 50s. would be ill taken.

MR YOUNG.--Allow me, on behalf of the deputation, to thank your lordship for the attention with which you have heard us, and to express a hope that, should any of the observations in the address which I have had the honour to place in your lordship's hands appear too strong, you will not consider it as any mark of disrespect to yourself, but merely as an indication of the feelings which we entertain on the subject. I can now only apologise for having detained your lordship so long, but trust the important nature of the interests we represent will be a sufficient excuse.

MR GUTHRIE.--Are you not going to say anything relative to the colonial interests?

MR YOUNG.--I left that in your hands. I thought you were going to speak upon that subject rather than upon agriculture.

MR GUTHRIE.--Then, perhaps, your lordship will excuse me for again occupying your attention for a few moments relative to the interests of the colonies. I had the honour to wait upon you once before on the same subject, and can assure you that the difficulties under which the colonies laboured last year are in no degree diminished. Indeed, since that time the creditors have become the possessors of the estates, and the proprietors are now between sinking and swimming. Whether or not they shall he ruined will depend upon whether the differential duties shall be continued or not. I consider that the colonists have a right to demand that some protection should be given to them, seeing the difficulties that have been thrown in their way in obtaining labour. Those duties are to be again reduced in July next, and go off entirely in the following July; but I consider that some measure ought to be introduced to put the produce of the colonies on an equal footing with the produce of slave countries. Immense sums have been spent by this country to put a stop to the slave trade, while every encouragement is given to the produce of slave-holding countries. The tendency of all the legislation of late years has been to raise the value of foreign produce, and depress the property of the colonies. I am sure that I need not inform your lordship that a deep sympathy is felt throughout the country for the sufferings of the colonists, and I hope that your lordship will give the subject your early consideration and attention, as the distress existing among the various interests of the country bound us as in a common bond to endeavour to revise and amend our present position.

The audience then terminated, and the deputation withdrew to the large room at the King's Arms, Palace Yard, where several delegates delivered spirit-stirring addresses, which contained earnest exhortations to each other, and to their friends in the country, to combine and manfully to fight the battle of protection for England's best interests; and a determination was expressed to act, in their respective localities, upon the advice of the committee of the National Association, to "Register, register, register."

THE DELEGATES' ADDRESS TO LORD STANLEY, AND HIS LORDSHIP'S REPLY.

Lord STANLEY having complied with the request which had been made to him, founded upon a resolution agreed to at the meeting at the South Sea House, on Thursday last, to receive an address from the delegates, on the termination of the above proceedings, a large body of gentlemen, headed by Mr William Layton, the chairman of the Isle of Ely Protectionist Society, proceeded to Lord Eglinton's mansion in St James's Square, for that purpose, there being no room in Lord Stanley's residence sufficiently large for their reception. In addition to the delegates already named, there were present the noble owner of the mansion; the Earl of Malmesbury; Mr W. Forbes Mackenzie, M.P.; Mr Newdegate, M.P.; Colonel Sibthorp, M.P.; Mr Albert Williams; Mr W. Long of Hurts Hall, Suffolk; Major Playfair, St Andrew's; Mr Ritchie, Dunbar; Professor Aytoun, and Mr Blackwood.

Mr LAYTON, who was intrusted with the duty of presenting the address to Lord STANLEY, said that the gentlemen then present had been deputed by their co-delegates to wait upon his lordship, as the leader of the Protectionist party in the House of Lords, to make known to him the extent of the distress which was at this time prevailing in all parts of the country, and to ask his advice with regard to the course which it was most advisable for them to pursue in the midst of their difficulties. They felt that they had been deserted by a considerable portion of the members of both houses of the legislature, and in this extremity they turned to his lordship, who had so long been the ablest and most powerful of the advocates in this cause. (Hear.) They had that morning had the honour of waiting upon Lord John Russell; but grieved to heart was he to say that the noble lord, the Prime Minister of England, was unwilling in any way to respond to the appeal which had been made to him on behalf of the suffering tenantry of the country. He (Mr Layton) held in his hand a copy of the address which had been submitted to Lord J. Russell, and, with Lord Stanley's permission, would lay it before him, that he might gather therefrom what were the feelings and sentiments which were entertained by the great body of the agricultural community. The delegates were prepared, if his lordship would give them encouragement, to return to their respective localities, and use their best exertions for the purpose of accomplishing the overthrow of that insane policy to which was attributable the distress of which they complained. (Hear.) Mr Disraeli had stated that it was outside the walls of the Houses of Parliament that this great battle was now to be fought. And we are prepared to fight the battle--exclaimed Mr Layton--we are prepared to go into our respective localities, and convince the House of Lords that the yeomanry and tenant-farmers of this country, amongst whom this great movement emanates, will not cease agitating until we have attained our object. (Hear, hear.) We have to-day been taunted by Lord J. Russell that there has been no movement made by the Protectionist party in parliament to reverse the present policy. But, as you, my Lord Stanley, know well, this is for the best of all possible reasons. You know that we have not that support and encouragement in either house, which will warrant an attempt to reverse that iniquitous policy. (Hear, hear.) We have come to town at great expense and inconvenience to ourselves. I myself am deputed from a locality which is distinguished in every respect, alike for the richness of its soil, and the industry, the virtuous habits, and the loyalty of its people--the Isle of Ely. That district comprises 300,000 acres of the most fertile and productive land in the United Kingdom, and yet, with all these advantages, we have been plunged into difficulties; and unless we have the powerful aid and co-operation of men like your lordship, we must inevitably be ruined. (Hear, hear.) If such be the case with a country like that of the Isle of Ely, what must be the state of those districts where the cold clay soils prevail? (Hear, hear.) I am the owner of property, and I find it impossible to collect my rents. Believe me that we do not come here under false colours. We simply desire, as honest men, to inform your lordship of the exact position in which we are placed; and also, I regret to say, of the deplorable condition to which the agricultural labourers are being reduced. With your lordship's permission I will now read the address:--

"TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE LORD STANLEY, &C.

"My Lord,--We have the honour to wait upon your lordship, in
your acknowledged character of leader of the great Protection
party in the House of Lords. We form a portion of a numerous
body of delegates this week assembled in London, from the
various local agricultural societies in Great Britain, and our
object in troubling your lordship is to represent to you the
sentiments of those delegates, and of their constituents, on the
present alarming position of the agricultural interest in this
kingdom.

"Your lordship has probably seen in the public prints the
reports of the proceedings of the great meeting of delegates,
held at the Crown and Anchor Tavern, in the Strand, on Tuesday
last. The resolutions of that meeting embody generally the
sentiments of the delegates on the subjects then under
discussion, and to them, therefore, we beg respectfully to refer
your lordship, and also to the very important facts stated by
the various speakers, and the arguments advanced by them in
support of the resolutions.

"Your lordship will be able to collect from them the following
distinct propositions:--

"That the existing system of a free importation of foreign
agricultural produce is destroying the income of the farmer, and
gradually undermining his capital.

"That the labourer, from inadequacy of wages and dearth
of employment, is fast approaching a state of poverty and
destitution, and that he is becoming discontented, dispirited,
and dissatisfied with the laws of his country.

"That land is rapidly declining in value, and in many districts,
as well as in the colonies, is becoming unsaleable, except at
great sacrifices on the part of the owners.

"That the difficulties of entering into new engagements for the
hire of farms are increasing to an alarming extent, and that
in various parts of the country occupations have been already
abandoned.

"That many of the great trading interests of the country are
beginning to feel the mischievous effects of the free trade
policy; and the home trade, already in a languishing state, will
soon become greatly depressed.

"That in some parts of Scotland and England an extensive
emigration of small farmers and labourers prevails, affording
the strongest proof that can be adduced of their perilous
condition in this country.

"That the evils adverted to are fraught with imminent danger to
the best interests of the state, which can only be averted by a
just system of import duties based on a fair remuneration to the
cultivators of the soil.

"That prompt and efficacious measures of relief ought to be
adopted, and any postponement of them to a future session, or
a future parliament, may be fatal in its consequences, and may
have the effect of seriously damaging, if not of destroying,
some of the most valuable of our institutions in Church and
State.

"The aforegoing propositions, my lord, we sincerely believe will
be found on examination to contain indisputable truths. We have
already been in communication on the subject with the First
Lord of the Treasury, and we have felt it our bounden duty, in
a matter of such vast importance to the national interests,
to convey to your lordship a frank and explicit avowal of our
sentiments. We firmly believe that any delay in redressing the
grievances under which the agricultural and other interests
labour, will be found pregnant with danger to the institutions
of the country, and, as loyal subjects of the Throne, firmly
attached to those institutions, we have not hesitated to
give warning of it in every quarter where any degree of
responsibility may be considered to rest. We feel well assured
your lordship will give to this communication, and to any
observations any member of the deputation may address to you, a
most anxious and earnest consideration.

"With great respect,
"I have the honour to be, my Lord,
"Your Lordship's very obedient servant,
"WILLIAM LAYTON, Chairman,

"And on behalf of the Delegates now assembled in London."

Having informed Lord Stanley of the intended Protectionist
meeting at Liverpool at which a great number of agricultural
delegates were to be present, Mr Layton concluded by assuring
his lordship of the determination of those gentlemen to be
guided by his counsels in prosecuting their future crusade
against the destructive system of free trade. (Hear, hear.)