Chapter XXV (5)

The Dr Goad here mentioned was Dr Thomas Goad, of whom Fuller, in his _Worthies_ of England, makes mention as "a great and general scholar, exact critic, historian, schoolman, divine." He was chaplain to the Archbishop of Canterbury, and in that capacity possessed the power of licensing books. He knew both Bishop Chaderton and his granddaughter; and we shall now let him speak for himself in the matter; for he it was whose official _imprimatur_ is impressed on this little book, which he introduces to the reader in the following quaint but beautiful "_Approbation_:"--

"Ovr lawes disable those that are vnder _Couertbaron_, from
disposing by Will and Testament any temporall estate. But no law
prohibiteth any possessor of morall and spirituall riches, to impart
them vnto others, either in life by communicating, or in death by
bequeathing. The reason is, for that corruptible riches, euen to
those who haue capacity of alienating them, bring onely a ciuil
propriety, but no morall and vertuous influence for the wel
dispensing, or bestowing them: whereas vertue and grace haue power
beyond al empeachment of sex or other debility, to enable and
instruct the possessor to employ the same vnquestionably for the
inward inriching of others.

"This truly rich bequeather, taking that care for the prouiding an
euerlasting portion for her hoped issue, which too many parents bend
wholly vpon earthly inheritance, by her death already hath giuen
vnto her Testament that life and strength, whereof the Scripture
speaketh, _A Testament is of force after death_--[Heb. ix. 17]--Now
remained the other validitie & priuilege of a Testament, that it bee
enacted in perpetual and inuiolable Record. Which in this was
necessary not so much for the security of the chiefe and immediate
Legatary, as for the benefit of all those, who, by the common
kindred of Christianity, may claime their portion in this Legacy,
left _in pios vsus_; whereout, whosoeuer taketh, yet leaueth no whit
the lesse for others in remainder.

"Wherefore vpon the very first view, I willingly not onely
subscribed my _Approbat_ for the registring this _Will_, among the
most publique Monuments, (the rather worthy, because proceeding from
the weaker sex) but also, as bound to do right vnto knowne vertue,
vndertooke the care of the publication thereof, my selfe hauing
heretofore been no stranger to the Testators education and eminent
vertues. Whereof, I here beheld reflection cleere enough, though
perhaps not so particularly euident to those that take knowledge of
them onely by this Abstract.

"In her zealous affection to the holy Ministry, thereto dedicating,
(if by sex capable) her yet scarce budding first fruits, I saw the
lineaments of her owne parentage: Shee being the onely offspring
deriued from a reuerend Grandfather, Doctor _Chaderton_, sometime
Master of _Queens Colledge_ in _Cambridge_, and publique _Professor_
of _Diuinity_ in that _Vniuersitie_, afterward Lord _Bishop_, first
of _Chester_, and thence of _Lincolne_: by and vnder whom shee was
from her tender yeeres carefully nurtured, as in those
accomplishments of knowledge in Languages, History, and some Arts,
so principally in studies of piety. And thus _hauing from a childe
knowne the holy Scriptures_, _which made her wise vnto saluation
through faith in Christ_, _how well shee continued in those things_,
_which shee had learned_,--[2 Tim. iii. 15, 16]--appeareth, as
otherwise to those that knew her, so here to all by the frequent and
pertinent application of them in these instructions.

"In her prosecution of the duty of obedience vnto Parents, I view
the deepe impression, long since, when shee was not aboue six yeeres
old, made in her minde by the last words of her owne Mother,
charging her vpon her blessing to shew all obedience and reuerence
to her Father (Sir _Richard Brooke_) and to her reuerend
Grandfather.

"In the whole course of her pen, I obserue her piety and humility:
these her lines scarce shewing one sparke of the elementary fire of
her secular learning: this her candle being rather lighted from the
lampe of the Sanctuary.

"In her commission of the office of an _Ouerseer_ to her husband,
what eies cannot behold the flames of her true and vnspoted loue
toward her dearest, who enioyed her about the space of six yeeres
and a halfe, being all that while both an impartiall witnesse of her
vertues, and an happy partner of those blessings both transitory and
spirituall, wherewith shee was endowed.

"Beside the domestique cares pertaining to a wife, the former part
of those yeeres were imployed by her in the studies of morality and
history, the better by the helpe of forreigne languages, not without
a taste and facultie in Poetrie: Wherein some essay shee hath left,
ingenious, but chaste and modest like the Authour. Of all which
knowledge shee was very sparing in her discourses, as possessing it
rather to hide, than to boast of.

"Among those her eminencies deseruing our memory, was her owne most
ready memory, enabling her vpon the first rehersall to repeat aboue
forty lines in English or Latine: a gift the more happy by her
imployment of it in carrying away an entire Sermon, so that she
could (almost following the steps of the words, or phrase) write it
downe in her Chamber.

"The latter yeeres of her life shee addicted to no other studies
than Diuinity, whereof some imperfect notes remaine, but principally
this small Treatise found in her Deske vnfinished, by reason either
of some troubles befalling her about a moneth before her end, or of
preuention by mis-reckoning the time of her going with this her
first (now also last) Childe: which Treatise, intended for her
childe, shee so leauing, recommended the same to her husband by her
letter to him, written and subscribed by her owne hand, as hereafter
followeth.

"The many blessings, shee enioyed, were not without some seasoning
of afflictions, which by the good vse shee made of them, bred in her
a constant temper of patience and more than womanly fortitude:
especially in her latter time, when as the course of her life was a
perpetuall meditation of death, amounting almost to a propheticall
sense of her dissolution, euen then when she had not finished the
27. yeere of her age, nor was oppressed by any disease, or danger,
other than the common lot of child-birth, within some moneths
approaching. Accordingly when she first felt herselfe quicke with
childe (as then trauelling with death itselfe) shee secretly tooke
order for the buying a new winding sheet: thus preparing and
consecrating herselfe to him, who rested in a _new Sepulcher wherein
was neuer man yet layd_. And about that time vndauntedly looking
death in the face, priuatly in her Closet betweene God and her, she
wrote these pious Meditations; whereof her selfe strangely speaketh
to her owne bowels in this manner, _It may seeme strange to thee to
receive these lines from a mother, that died when thou wert borne_.

"_October 12. 1622._ In Cambridgeshire shee was made a mother of a
daughter, whom shortly after, being baptized and brought vnto her,
shee blessed, and gaue God thankes that her selfe had liued to see
it a Christian: and then instantly called for her winding sheet to
bee brought forth and laied vpon her.

"So hauing patiently borne for some nine daies a violent fever, and
giuing a comfortable testimony of her godly resolution, she ended
her prayers, speech, and life together, rendring her soule into the
hand of her Redeemer, and leauing behinde her vnto the world a sweet
perfume of good name, and to her onely childe (besides a competent
inheritance) this Manuell, being a deputed Mother for instruction,
and for solace a twinne-like sister, issuing from the same Parent,
and seeing the light about the same time.

"Which composure because it commeth forth imperfect from the pen,
doth the more expect to be supplied and made vp by practise and
execution.

"_Sic approbauit_

"Tho. Goad."

Let us frankly own that we came to the close of this simple and touching narration with tears in our eyes; and those tears fell on reading the first few lines of the death-doomed expectant mother, which follow. Let who can read them unmoved; we know of nothing in print that is more melting to a heart of even but ordinary sensibility.

"TO MY TRVLY
louing, and most dearly
loued Husband,
_Tourell Iocelin_.

"Mine owne deare loue, I no sooner conceiued an hope, that I should
bee made a mother by thee, but with it entred the consideration of a
mothers duty, and shortly after followed the apprehension of danger
that might preuent mee from executing that care I so exceedingly
desired, I meane in religious training our Childe. And in truth
death appearing in this shape, was doubly terrible vnto mee. First,
in respect of the painfulnesse of that kinde of death, and next of
the losse my little one should haue in wanting mee.

"But I thank God, these feares were cured with the remembrance that
all things work together for the best to those that loue God, and a
certain assurance that he will give me patience according to my
pain.

"Yet still I thought there was some good office I might do for my
Childe more than onely to bring it forth (tho' it should please God
to take me) when I considered our frailty, our apt inclinations to
sin, the Devil's subtility, and the world's deceitfulness; against
these how much desired I to admonish it! But still it came into my
mind that death might depriue me of time, if I should neglect the
present; I knew not what to do; I thought of writing; but then mine
owne weakness appeared so manifestly, that I was ashamed and durst
not undertake it. But when I could find no other means to expresse
my motherly zeale, I encouraged my selfe with these reasons.

"First, that I wrote to a Childe, and though I were but a woman, yet
to a childes iudgement, what I vnderstood might serue for a
foundation to a better learning.

"Againe, I considered it was to my owne, and in priuate sort, and my
loue to my owne might excuse my errours.

"And lastly, but chiefly, I comforted my selfe, that my intent was
good, and that I was well assured God is the prosperer of good
purposes.

"Thus resolued, I writ this ensuing Letter to our little one, to
whom I could not finde a fitter hand to conuey it than thine owne,
which maist with authority see the performance of this my little
legacy, of which my Childe is Executor.

"And (deare loue) as thou must be the ouerseer, for Gods sake,
whō it shal faile in duty to God, or to the world, let not thy
indulgence winke at such folly, but seuerely correct it: and that
thy trouble may bee little when it comes to yeeres, take the more
care when it is young. First, in prouiding it a nurse: O make
choise, not so much for her complexion, as for her milde and honest
disposition. Likewise if the child be to remain long abroad after
waining, as neere as may be chuse a house where it may not learne to
sweare, or speak scurrilous words.

"I know I may be thought too scrupulous in this: but I am sure thou
shalt finde it a hard matter to breake a childe of that it learnes
so young. It will be a great while, ere it will bee thought old
enough to be beatten for euill words, and by that time it will bee
so perfect in imperfections that blows will not mend it. And when
some charitable body reproues or corrects it for these faults, let
no body pitty it with the losse of the mother.

"Next; good sweet heart, keepe it not from schoole, but let it
learne betimes: if it be a son, I doubt not but thou wilt dedicate
it to the Lord as his Minister, if he wil please of his mercy to
giue him grace and capacity for that great work. If it be a
daughter, I hope my mother _Brook_ (if thou desirest her) will take
it among hers, & let them all learne one lesson.

"I desire her bringing vp may bee learning the Bible, as my sisters
doe, good housewifery, writing, and good workes: other learning a
woman needs not: though I admire it in those whom God hath blest
with discretion, yet I desired not much in my owne, hauing seene
that sometimes women haue greater portions of learning than wisdome,
which is of no better vse to them than a main saile to a flye-boat,
which runs it vnder water. But where learning and wisdome meet in a
vertuous disposed woman, she is the fittest closet for all
goodnesse. She is like a well-balanced ship that may beare all her
saile. She is, Indeed, I should but shame my selfe, if I should goe
about to praise her more.

"But, my deare, though she haue all this in her, she will hardly
make a poore mans wife: Yet I leaue it to thy will. If thou desirest
a learned daughter, I pray God giue her a wise and religious heart,
that she may vse it to his glory, thy comfort, and her owne
saluation.

"But howsoeuer thou disposest of her education, I pray thee labour
by all meanes to teach her true humility: though I much desire it
may be as humble if it be a son as a daughter; yet in a daughter I
more feare that vice; Pride being now rather accounted a vertue in
our sex worthy praise, than a vice fit for reproofe.

"Many Parents reade lectures of it to their children how necessary
it is, and they haue principles that must not be disputed against.
As first, looke how much you esteeme your selfe, others wil esteeme
of you. Again, what you giue to others, you derogate from your
selfe. And many more of these kindes. I haue heard men accounted
wise that haue maintained this kind of pride vnder the name of
generous knowing or vnderstanding themselues. But I am sure that hee
that truly knowes himself shall know so much euill by himselfe, that
hee shall haue small reason to think himselfe better than another
man.

"Dearest, I am so feareful to bring thee a proud high minded child,
that, though I know thy care will need no spur, yet I cannot but
desire thee to double thy watchfulnesse ouer this vice, it is such a
crafty insinuating deuill, it will enter little children in the
likenesse of wit, with which their parents are delighted, and that
is sweet nourishment to it.

"I pray thee, deare heart, delight not to haue a bold childe:
modesty humilitie are the sweetest ground-works of all vertue. Let
not thy seruants giue it any other title thā the Christen name,
till it haue discretion to vnderstand how to respect others.

"And I pray thee be not profuse in the expence of clothes upon it.
Mee thinkes it is a vaine delight in parents to bestow that cost
vpon one childe which would serue two or three. If they haue not
children enow of their owne to imploy so much cost upon, _Pauper
vbique iacet_.--[There wants not poore at euery doore.]

"Thus, Deare, thou seest my beleefe, if thou canst teach thy little
one humility, it must needs make thee a glad father.

"But I know thou wonderest by this time what the cause should bee
that we two continually vnclasping our hearts one to the other, I
should reserue this to writing. Whē thou thinkest thus deare,
remember how grieuous it was to thee but to heare mee say, I may
die, and thou wilt confesse this would haue beene an vnpleasant
discourse to thee, and thou knowest I neuer durst displease thee
willingly, so much I loue thee. All I now desire is, that the
vnexpectednesse of it make it not more grieuous to thee. But I know
thou art a Christian, and therefore will not doubt of thy patience.

"And though I thus write to thee, as heartily desiring to be
religiously prepared to die, yet, my deare, I despaire not of life,
nay, I hope and daily pray for it, if so God will be pleased.

"Nor shall I thinke this labour lost, though I doe liue: for I will
make it my owne looking glasse wherein to see when I am too seuere,
when too remisse, and in my childes fault through this glasse to
discerne mine owne errors. And I hope God will so giue me his grace,
that I shall more skilfully act than apprehend a mothers duty.

"My deare, thou knowest me so well, I shall not need to tell thee I
haue written honest thoughts in a disordered fashion, not obseruing
method. For thou knowest how short I am of learning and naturall
indowments to take such a course in writing. Or if that strong
affection of thine haue hid my weaknesse from thy sight, I now
professe seriously my owne ignorance: and though I did not, this
following Treatise would bewray it: But I send it onely to the eies
of a most louing Husband, and of a childe exceedingly beloued, to
whom I hope it wil not be altogether vnprofitable.

"Thus humbly desiring God to giue thee all comfort in this life, and
happinesse in the life to come, I leue thee and thine to his most
gracious protection.

"_Thine inuiolable_,
"Eliza Iocelin."

Is there a mother, is there a woman living, who can read this heart-subduing passage without lively emotion and sympathy? What must have been the feelings of the lovely writer,--who, in the homely language of worthy Dr Goad, "when she first felt herselfe quicke with childe, (as then trauelling with death it selfe) secretly tooke order for the buying a new winding sheet, ... and vndauntedly looking death in the face, priuatly in her Closet betweene God and her, wrote these pious meditations!"

Of her husband, Mr Tourell Joceline, to whom she was married in her twentieth year, little more seems to be known, than that he was a gentleman, probably a relation of the learned John Joceline, chaplain of Archbishop Parker; and it is indeed, as Principal Lee informs us,

"Most satisfactory to know that he possessed the unbounded
confidence and affection of his amiable wife, whose letter,
addressed to him in the immediate prospect of death, is so tender
and touching, and so replete with practical wisdom and hallowed
principles, that no human being who is not past feeling can read it
without deep emotion. Of the maternal counsels bequeathed to the
unborn child, it is unnecessary to anticipate the judgment of the
reader. We are told by Dr Goad, that 'this small treatise was found
in her desk unfinished;' and it is affecting to know that the
serenity of her mind, in looking forward to the eternal world, was
not unclouded by occasional visitations of sadness. But these
seasons of affliction were happily instrumental in weaning her from
the deceitful allurements of things temporal, and establishing her
soul in the perfect work of patience, and in the blessed hope of an
eternal weight of glory."[O]

[O] Introduction, p. 11.

_The Mothers Legacie_, which, as we have seen, is "a small treatise found in her desk unfinished," consists of fourteen little sections, applicable to a "child" of either sex; every one of these sections breathing a spirit of solemn and exalted piety, and evidencing a writer whose brief life had been spent in profound meditations upon religious subjects. Its perfectly orthodox character is sufficiently guaranteed by the responsible editorship of the Reverend Principal; but in addition to that circumstance, we have no hesitation in adding our own humble testimony, that every line is redolent of _religion pure and undefiled_. _The Mothers Legacie_ also affords decisive evidence of its accomplished writer's having received an education far higher than falls to the lot of women of our day. Several delicate and appropriate classical allusions here and there present themselves, as from a mind imbued with such subjects; the composition is pure and nervous, and the tone uniformly grave and earnest. The following is the Introductory Section, and affords an excellent specimen of the character and tendency of the whole:--

"Hauing long,[P] often and earnestly, desired of God that I might be
a mother to one of his children, and the time now drawing on, which
I hope hee hath appointed to giue thee vnto mee: It drew me into a
consideration both wherefore I so earnestly desired thee, and
(hauing found that the true cause was to make thee happy) how I
might compasse this happinesse for thee.

[P] Her first and only child was not born till she had nearly completed her twenty-seventh year, and consequently after she had been married seven years.

"I knew it consisted not in honour wealth, strength of body or
friends (though all these are great blessings) therfore it had beene
a weake request to desire thee onely for an heire to my fortune. No,
I neuer aimed at so poore, an inheritance for thee, as the whole
world: Neither would I haue begged of God so much paine, as I know I
must endure, to haue only possest thee with earthly riches, of which
to day thou maist bee a great man, to morrow a poore beggar. Nor did
an hope to dandle thy infancy moue mee to desire thee. For I know
all the delight a Parent can take in a childe is hony mingled with
gall.

"But the true reason that I haue so often kneeled to God for thee,
is, that thou mightest bee an inheritour of the Kingdome of Heaven.
To which end I humbly beseech Almightie God thou maist bend all thy
actions, and (if it bee his blessed will) giue thee so plentifull a
measure of his grace, that thou maist serue him as his Minister, if
he make thee a man.

"It is true that this age holds it a most contemptible office, fit
only for poore mens children, younger brothers, and such as haue no
other means to liue. But for Gods sake bee not discouraged with
these vaine speeches; but fortifie, your self with remembring of how
great worth the winning of one soule is in Gods sight, and you shal
quickly finde how great a place it is to be a Priest vnto the liuing
God. If it will please him to moue your heart with his holy Spirit,
it will glow and burne with zeale to doe him seruice. The Lord open
thy lips, that thy mouth may shew forth his praise.

"If I had skill to write, I would write all I apprehend of the happy
estate of true labouring Ministers: but I may plainly say that of
all men they by their calling are the most truly happy; they are
familiar with God, they labour in his Vineyard, and they are so
beloued of him, that hee giues them abundance of knowledge. Oh bee
one of them, let not the scorne of euil men hinder thee. Look how
God hath prouided for thee sufficient means; thou needest not hinder
thy study to look out for liuing, as the Israelites hindred their
worke to looke for straw: If thou beest not content with this, thou
wilt not be with more; God deliuer thee from couetousnesse.

"I desire thee that though thou takest a spirituall calling, thou
wilt not seeke after the liuings of the Church, nor promotions,
though I honour them as I haue great cause, but I would haue thee so
truly an humble and zealous Minister, that thy onely end should bee
to doe God seruice, without desire of any thing to thy selfe, saue
the Kingdome of Heauen. Yet as I would not haue thee seeke these
things, so I would haue thee as carefull not to neglect Gods
blessings, but with all thankfulnesse to receiue what hee bestowes,
and to bee a carefull steward, distributing it to those that haue
need.

"I could not chuse but manifest this desire in writing, lest it
should please God to depriue me of time to speake.

"And if thou beest a daughter, thou maist perhaps think I haue lost
my labour; but read on, and thou shalt see my loue and care of thee
and thy saluation is as great, as if thou wert a sonne, and my feare
greater.

"It may peraduenture when thou comest to some discretion, appeare
strange to thee to receiue these lines from a Mother that died when
thou wert borne; but when thou seest men purchase land, and store vp
treasure for their vnborne babes, wonder not at mee that I am
carefull for thy saluation, being such an eternall portion: and not
knowing whether I shall liue to instruct thee when thou art borne,
let me not be blamed though I write to thee before. Who would not
condemne mee if I should bee carelesse of thy body while it is
within me? Sure a farre greater care belongs to thy soule; to both
these cares I will endeauour my selfe so long as I liue.

"Againe, I may perhaps bee wondred at for writing in this kind,
considering there are so many excellent bookes, whose least note is
worth all my meditations. I confesse it, and thus excuse my selfe. I
write not to the world, but to mine own child, who, it may be, will
more profit by a few weake instructions comming from a dead mother
(who cannot euery day praise or reproue it as it deserues) than by
farre better from much more learned. These things considered,
neither the true knowledge of mine owne weaknesse, nor the feare
this may come to the worlds eie, and bring scorne vpon my graue, can
stay my hand from expressing how much I covet thy saluation.

"Therefore deare childe, reade here my loue, and if God take mee
from thee be obedient to these instructions, as thou oughtest to bee
vnto mee. I haue learnt them out of Gods Word, I beseech him that
they may be profitable to thee."

The Principal informs us in his "Introduction," addressed to the Marchioness of Bute, that the present is "a fac-simile impression of an early and _genuine_ edition" of the work, which he had lent to her ladyship; and with equal justice and sternness, he reprobates certain spurious impressions, containing several unwarrantable deviations from the original text--to an extent which, in several instances, materially alters the author's meaning; alluding especially to a recent republication, twelve years ago, at Oxford, of one of these spurious editions, as an appendix to a volume of Sermons." These are matters unsuited for detailed notice in our columns; but the Principal amply vindicates the propriety of his censures, and entitles himself to our gratitude for the pious care with which he has presented this beautiful and instructive little performance, one quite unique, to the notice of the public.

THE APPEAL TO THE COUNTRY.

Not thoughtlessly, nor in a spirit of vaunting triumph, do we hail the accession of Lord Derby's Ministry to power. It is an event of by far too great importance to be classed with other Ministerial changes: it is not, in any point of view, to be regarded as a party victory. The Whig Free-Trade Cabinet has fallen from its own inherent weakness and the consummate folly of its chief. With the country it never was popular. Whiggery, in the abstract, is not an enticing creed. It is founded upon pure negations: it neither seeks nor receives the sympathy of mankind. With a selfishness that would appear surprising, if Whig history did not afford us so many instances of its recurrence, the members of the late Cabinet, though ever ready, in obedience to popular clamour, to sanction any innovation, studiously kept themselves aloof, in their official character, from the great bulk of the men whom they counted as their regular supporters. The whole affairs of the State were lodged in the hands of a family alliance. Each Cabinet Council resembled rather a meeting of relatives than an assemblage of statesmen. Fathers, sons, and brothers-in-law, with other near kinsmen and connections, met to arrange the affairs of State, and to settle among themselves the succession to important offices. In their instance nature had not been bountiful in her gifts beyond the average. There was no plethora of talent among them--not a single vestige of genius. They were simply officials, so made by fortune rather than desert--some of them glib and adroit, as the better class of officials are--some of them singularly and preternaturally dull. And so, with hunger in their hearts, from quarter-day to quarter-day, they tried to rule the colossal empire of Britain and her colonies.

Of course, this arrangement, though convenient to the monopolisers, gave vast disgust to the men who were actually the props of the Government. The veteran Joseph, with an appetite unimpaired by age, querulously complained of his exclusion from every kind of Board. The Manchester men desired, not only an extension, of the suffrage, but an extension of patronage, which might conveniently take them in. All the Radicals grew sulky at being called upon to give their votes gratuitously. No one can be surprised at this. Patriotism, in its highest form, is not a common virtue, and very often is found combined with self-interest--just as the gold of California usually appears in combination with worthless quartz. Although anxious to avoid anything like illiberality in estimating our opponents, we cannot conscientiously state it as our opinion that the bulk of the Radical party are actuated by pure patriotism. Even if it were otherwise, it is evident that they had ground for complaint; and we all know how soon action follows upon a sense of injury or neglect. Therefore, in the House of Commons, there was little enthusiasm displayed in favour of the Whig Cabinet by the ultra-liberal faction.

Out of doors Lord John Russell had contrived, in one way or another, to disgust almost everybody. We are informed, on good authority, that up to the present moment he is wholly ignorant of the view which is entertained of his conduct by men of all parties--believing, in his own mind, that he is rather popular than otherwise, and wondering why the people have not petitioned _en masse_ for his immediate restoration to office. We should be sorry to dispel any such agreeable impression; but truth compels us to say, that a grosser delusion never occupied the mind of any man. Lord John Russell's career, during the last seven years, has ruined him in the public estimation. He has not attempted to govern by principle, but by expediency. He has never risen to the proud elevation of a British statesman--he has simply shown himself to be an unscrupulous party leader. Whether in office or out of it, his measures have uniformly been based upon considerations of Whig supremacy--not upon those higher views of public policy which a Premier of Great Britain should entertain. He issued his famous letter from Edinburgh propounding the abolition of the Corn Laws, not because he considered such a measure necessary for the welfare of the nation, but because he thought he had discovered an admirable opportunity of ousting the Government of Sir Robert Peel. He roused the Protestant feeling in 1850, although he was the man of all others directly chargeable with the measures which invited the Papal Aggression. And finally, at the last hour of his official existence, he produces a Reform Bill, which he had no expectation of carrying, simply that it may be made, at some future period, the instrument of party strife. These things are patent to all men, and are in every mouth; and therefore it is no wonder if Lord John Russell has lost all hold of the affections, and forfeited the confidence, of the country. Expediency may be tolerated, though we doubt the propriety of its ever being adopted in lieu of broad principle, but in cases only where expediency can be shown to conduce to the immediate public welfare. But that is not the sort of expediency which Lord John Russell affects. The public interest has been to him as nothing in comparison with the maintenance of party. Whig ascendency has been, and is, the leading object of his life. So strong is that feeling in him, that he cannot even comport himself with a show of ordinary forbearance towards his political opponents. His Cabinet falls to pieces, almost without any external violence. He is compelled to resign; and, in resigning, takes the opportunity of flinging down, like the ill-favoured Ate, an apple of discord. Hardly is the new Ministry formed, before we find him actually engaged in the work of faction, and in direct communication with the acknowledged chiefs of the democracy.

This is not conduct which will find favour in the eyes of the British public. We do not regret, except for the character of public men, that Lord John Russell has thought fit to adopt this course; on the contrary, we rejoice that he has indicated the policy which he intends hereafter to pursue. He cannot hope, and he does not expect, again to govern with the old Whig party. The history of the last two years has demonstrated that to be impossible. He has entered into a new compact, not more scandalous, but decidedly more dangerous, than that of Lichfield House. He has thrown himself into the arms of Cobden and the men of Manchester, as he did before into those of O'Connell and his tail. He has taken sweet council with them already, and the terms of the union are sealed. If he should return to power, he can only return, not as a Whig, but as a Democrat.

Let no one be deceived in this matter. The coming strife is not as to the mere nature of the commercial policy which this country ought to pursue--it is not a simple question of import duties, or of direct or indirect taxation--it is a grand struggle between constitutional principle and that innovation whereof no man can foresee the end. Already it is so felt and acknowledged. The Roman Catholic clergy believe, and with reason, that the hour is now come when they can make their most vigorous assault upon Protestantism. Already the Irish priests have cursed and excommunicated from the altar those of their flock who had presumed to exercise their political privilege, by pledging themselves to support a member of Lord Derby's ministry. The Protestant champion of 1850 is now in league with the minions of the Pope. Radical and Papist go arm in arm together; for it is through the triumph of democracy that the apostate Church of Rome now seeks to accomplish her ends. Upon the ruins of the Protestant churches she hopes to establish her dominion.

Already are we told by Sir James Graham, the Spartacus of the present Parliament, that the voice of the country at next election, should it pronounce in favour of Lord Derby's Administration, will not be accepted as a clear indication of the public opinion. If in favour of Russell, Cobden, and Graham, all will be right; if otherwise, it will only be a proof that a farther extension of the suffrage is required. Can faction go farther than this? We scarce believe it possible. Already, without waiting for an explanation of Lord Derby's intended policy, the old Anti-Corn-Law League has been resuscitated, and the old hocus-pocus of paper subscriptions has been renewed, on the understanding that only ten pounds shall be exacted for every hundred pounds nominally subscribed! Already has Mr Cobden, like Mars in the _Iliad_,[Q] yelled from the tops of the factories, exerting himself to the utmost to prevent the formation of any kind of Government. Already have attempts been made to excite the prejudices and to rouse the passions of the populace. If we had been at all apprehensive as to the results of these combinations, the experience of the last three weeks would have quieted our minds, by exhibiting the harmlessness of the movement. But, in truth, we never did entertain the slightest apprehension. Not courting office--not having used any Parliamentary means to attain to it, by defeating the Russell ministry--Lord Derby could not refuse to comply with the wishes of his Sovereign, when directed to undertake the task of forming a new Administration. Nay, more, it was _at the suggestion of Lord John Russell himself_, that Lord Derby was sent for, and honoured with her Majesty's commands. The position of parties in the House of Commons was such that no other arrangement was practicable, if the Government was to be carried on at all. The Whigs need not have resigned on account of their Palmerstonian defeat; nor do we believe they would have resigned, but for the certainty that, in the following week, at latest, they were doomed to ignominious exposure and total overthrow. It was Lord Derby's duty, as the leader of the only compact body of politicians in the Legislature--a duty which he owed alike to his Sovereign and his country--to form a new Ministry, and to undertake the conduct of the public affairs. Lord Derby did so; and has expressly and unequivocally declared his intention of abstaining, during the existence of the present Parliament, from introducing any measure which shall tend to unsettle that system of commercial policy which is at present in operation. Without concealing his opinions as to the effect of that system, he is willing--nay, desirous--to wait for the deliberate judgment of the people of Great Britain, expressed in the only constitutional method, before attempting to modify or to change it. But he refuses, with equal wisdom and fairness, to explain to the present Parliament the nature of that policy which he may consider it his duty to submit for the consideration of another body. How was it possible to suppose that, in the face of so clear and distinct a declaration as this, any kind of agitation directed against the existence of the present Ministry could succeed? What pretext was there for agitation, seeing that the decision which must ultimately regulate the nature of our commercial policy depends upon the will of the constituencies?

[Q] The passage to which we allude is certainly remarkable. It occurs in the twentieth book of the Iliad, and is as follows:--

"Αὖε δ' Ἄρης ἑτέρωθεν, ἐρεμνῇ λαίλαπι ἶσος,
Ὀξὺ κατ' ἀκροτάτης πόλεως Τρώεσσι κελεύων,
Ἄλλοτε πὰρ Σιμόεντι θέων ἐπὶ Καλλικολώνῃ."

Which is thus literally reduced into English:--"And Mars yelled aloud on the other side, like to a dark whirlwind, sharply animating the Trojans from the summit of the city, at other times running beside the Simois upon CALLICO-LONE." Great is the ingenuity which the commentators have displayed in their researches as to the nature of this place, Callico-lone, which appears to have puzzled them. The most learned of them, however, agree in this, that it was a building situated without the walls of Troy, and _decorated with a tall shaft_; in short, that it bore a striking resemblance to a modern cotton factory! The reader need not be surprised at finding such allusions in Homer, who was not only a great poet, but an enlightened political economist. He was decidedly against unrestricted imports, as appears from the following passage, which is put into the mouth of Hector:--

"Πρὶν μὲν γὰρ Πριάμοιο πόλιν μέροπες ἄνθρωποι
Πάντες μυθέσκοντο πολύχρυσον πολύχαλκον·
Νῦν δὲ δὴ ἐξαπόλωλε δόμων κειμήλια καλὰ,
Πολλὰ δὲ δὴ Φρυγίην καὶ Μῃονίην ἐρατεινὴν
Κτήματα περνάμεν' ἵκει, ἐπεὶ μέγας ὠδύσατο Ζεύς."

We believe that the following translation will be found to express the meaning of the original in its integrity:--

Once we were a wealthy city, and our fame abroad resounded
As a place where gold and silver, and all precious things, abounded;
BUT WE TOOK TO IMPORTATION, and the sad effect has been,
That but little of our former wealth within the walls is seen.
It has gone away to Phrygia, and Moeonia growing-grain,
And we've eaten all they gave us--Jove has made our thrift in vain.

--_Iliad_, xviii. 288-292.

Really it is difficult to know what the Whigs would be at. They cannot keep office themselves--they cannot even agree among each other while in power--and yet they seem resolved that the functions of Government shall not be exercised by other hands. They insist, almost before Ministers have taken their seats, on Ministerial explanations; and, these explanations being given, they are extremely wroth and dissatisfied to find that they have no valid pretext for proceeding at once to extremities. They are furious at Lord Derby because he will not immediately propose a reversal of the existing commercial system! They even take up the cause of the farmers, insinuating that they have been desperately ill used by Lord Derby, and that the latter has been guilty of an entire abandonment of his principles!

We have no respect for the Whigs; but we really are sorry to see men who, a week or two ago, were engaged in the administration of public affairs, degrade themselves in so pitiable a manner. We have respect for the general character of public men; and, although of late years, that character has suffered considerably in the estimation of the country, we are very anxious that it should not be rated at too low an estimate. The appearance which Lord John Russell and his friends have made upon this occasion is purely lamentable. They have shown themselves able neither to rule respectably, nor to fall decently. The character which they have lost in power, they cannot redeem in Opposition. As for their attacks upon Lord Derby, they have greatly mistaken the nature of the men with whom they have to deal, if they suppose that, by any representations of theirs, they can shake the confidence, even of a single individual, in the integrity, honour, and prudence of that distinguished nobleman who is at the head of her Majesty's Government. There is not one supporter of the interests of British industry in the country, who is not willing, with the most perfect confidence, to leave the conduct of the cause in the hands of Lord Derby, and to accord to him, in the present crisis, his firm and unconditional support. Already the great Protection Associations, both in England and Scotland, have spoken out unequivocally on the subject; and here it may be worth while to quote one or two paragraphs from the address of the Council of the Scottish Protective Association, agreed to after Lord Derby had intimated, in the House of Lords, the line of policy which he intended to pursue during the sitting of the present Parliament:--

"In common with those who ardently desire that the Government of
this great country should be conducted upon just, rational, and
constitutional principles, we hail the recent accession of your
Lordship and your colleagues to office, with the warmest gratitude
towards our beloved Sovereign, who has thus graciously confided to
you the Administration of the Empire. Your Lordship's high
character, great experience, and commanding intellect, are to us so
many guarantees that the condition of all classes of the community
will receive your most earnest consideration, with the view to
promote and re-establish that harmony of interests which is
essential for the permanent welfare and tranquillity of the nation.

"Since the establishment of our Association, we have seen no reason
to modify the views we originally entertained. We still continue to
think that, under the pressure of the existing and necessary
taxation, it is impossible for the great classes of British
producers to maintain their ground in the home market against open
and invited competition on the part of foreign nations. We believe
that the effect of this system has been to depreciate invested
capital, to lower incomes, and to depress the retail trade generally
throughout the country; whilst its grievous operation upon the
interests dependent on shipping, on the sugar-producing colonies,
and on those interested in the produce of land, is too evident to
require illustration.

"In these circumstances, we desire to express to your Lordship our
hearty and implicit confidence in your Lordship's justice and
wisdom, being satisfied that the course which you may think fit to
follow, cannot fail to be dictated by honour and tempered by
prudence, and that the interests of all classes of the community
cannot be lodged more safely than in your hands. We, therefore, take
this opportunity of assuring your Lordship, that no effort of ours,
collectively or individually, shall be spared, whereby we may
contribute, in any degree, towards the stability of the present
Government, as, by so doing, we are satisfied that we shall best
promote the true interests of the country."

We have no manner of doubt that the sentiments so well expressed in this address will be responded to generally throughout the kingdom; and, in spite of all the efforts and misrepresentations of our enemies, we feel assured that a course so wisely and temperately begun, cannot but prove acceptable to the great body of the nation. Here are Lord Derby's own words explanatory of the course which he intends to follow; and it is most important, at the present moment, that these words should be thoroughly understood. Of their eloquence we need say nothing.

"My Lords, I go to the country when I think it is consistent with my
duty to my Sovereign and my country that I should go there, not on
any narrow view of whether a duty be imposed on corn or not--that
question I leave to the deliberate judgment of the country, and to
the general concurrence of the country, without which I will not
bring forward that proposition. (Cheers.) I will not shrink from
performing my duty for fear of any noisy agitation, if the general
consent of Parliament and the country shall be with me in supporting
a measure which I believe to be a useful measure for the country;
but I will not strain the influence which may belong to the
Government--I will not abuse the trust confided to me by my
Sovereign--I will not coerce the consciences of the
constituencies--I will not, by a mere majority in Parliament, force
on the country a measure to which a great portion of the country
should be adverse. (Cheers.) There may be those who will unite with
us on general principles, and who, agreeing with us as to the
distress which various interests in the country suffer, may be ready
to join in the endeavour to afford them relief, though there may be
a difference as to the specific mode of affording that relief. But
there are higher interests at stake. We are threatened with far more
serious consequences than the result of the imposition or the
non-imposition of a 4s., a 5s., or a 7s. duty on foreign corn. It is
a question whether the Government of this country can be carried on,
and on what principles it is to be carried on; and when I appeal to
the country I appeal on this ground. Will you--Protectionist or
Free-Trader--you who desire the advance of all the interests of the
country--will you place your confidence and give your support to a
Government which, in the hour of peril and danger, did not hesitate
to take the post of danger when the helmsman had left the helm?
(Loud cheers.) Will you support a Government which is exerting
itself to protect this country against hostile attack, to maintain
the peace of the world, to maintain and uphold the Protestant
institutions of this country--(cheers)--to support, to the utmost of
its power, religious and moral education throughout the land, and
which will exert itself, moreover, I do not hesitate to say, to
afford some opposition, to oppose some barrier against the
recurrence of that continually encroaching democratic influence in
this country--(cheers)--which is bent on throwing the whole power
and authority of the country nominally into the hands of the masses,
practically into the hands of demagogues and republicans, who
exercise an influence over those unthinking masses? Will you support
a Government which is determined to resist that dangerous and
obnoxious influence, to preserve the influence and prerogative of
the Crown, the rights of your Lordships' House, and the liberties of
a freely-elected House of Parliament? (Loud cheers.) These are the
questions on which, when I go to the country to make my appeal on
behalf of myself and my colleagues, I claim--to use the words which
the worst felon who stands in the prisoner's dock has a right to
employ, but which I do not deem unworthy of the first minister of
the crown of the first nation in the world, and to say--I elect to
be tried by God and my country." (Loud cheers.)

We have, of course, no reason to complain of any efforts which may be made to give the Revolutionary party a majority in the next Parliament. That is all fair and natural. It will be for the constituencies to decide whether they will return men pledged to the maintenance of the Constitution as it exists, and desirous to adopt such measures only as shall remedy injustice, and promote the harmony of interests throughout the country, or whether they will pronounce decidedly in favour of downright democracy. The question of Free Trade or Protection is undoubtedly one of immense importance, but it is not the only question which is now before the country. By bringing forward his mischievous Reform Bill, and, still more, by indicating his intention that, when brought forward again, that measure shall appear in a more extended shape, Lord John Russell has appealed, _as a democrat_, to the whole constituencies of Great Britain. If he returns to power, it can only be on the shoulders of the Radical party, with whose proceedings, indeed, he is now and for ever identified. The frail barrier of sentiment or opinion which separated the Ministerial Whig from the more sturdy Liberal, has been broken down by the hand of the late Premier. There is no room now for any distinction. He cannot retract what he has said, or retrieve what he has done. Of his own free will he has espoused the cause of revolution.

Therefore it is the more necessary that, at the coming election, men should distinctly understand what principle they virtually adopt in voting for particular candidates. The most strenuous efforts will be made to sink all other questions in that of the Corn Laws. We shall again hear the rhetorical commonplaces about taxing the bread of the people; and no doubt some ingenious gentlemen will illustrate their arguments, by reference to a couple of fabricated loaves of grossly unequal dimensions. For all this we are quite prepared. It has been the policy of our opponents for years back, both in their speeches and in their writings, to represent Free Trade as nothing more than the free importation of corn. In this way they get rid of the ugly circumstance, that many important branches of manufacture are still protected by large duties, and owe their present existence in this country simply to the retention of these. In this way, too, they try to persuade the other classes of the community, who are suffering under the operation of a cruel and unnational system, that they are compensated for diminished profits by the reduced price of bread, and that what they lose in wages they gain in the baker's account. A very favourite question of theirs is this--"You say that your wages are low--admitted. That is owing to the badness of the times, and circumstances over which we have no control; but we ask you to consider what your situation would be now, had the price of bread been kept up by an artificial Corn Law?" Of course, while putting such questions, they take especial care to conceal the fact, that the admitted "badness of the times" arises simply from the pernicious operation of Free Trade in another quarter; and thus they attempt to set the artisan against the agriculturist--to maintain the discord of interests, instead of promoting their harmony.