Chapter VI (4)

"If it be still said, that there is a difficulty in perceiving how
the natural increase of population should be restrained,--implying
that marriages should in general be rendered later and less
productive,--by laws which give protection against destitution, I
can only repeat what I formerly stated, that in order to
understand this, it is only necessary to suppose, what is quite in
accordance with individual observation, that human conduct, and
particularly the conduct of young persons, is more generally
influenced by hope than by fear,--that more are deterred from
early and imprudent marriages by the hope and prospect of
maintaining and bettering their condition in life, than by the
fear of absolute destitution. The examples of the Highlands and of
Ireland are more than enough to show, that this last is not a
motive on which the legislator can place reliance, as influencing
the conduct of young persons in extreme poverty. No legislation
can take from them the resource of mendicity, of one kind or
another, as a safeguard, in ordinary circumstances, against death
by famine; and _experience shows_ that those who are brought up in
habits of mendicity, or of continued association with mendicants,
will trust to this resource, and marry and rear families, where no
other prospect of their maintenance can be perceived; whereas
those who have been brought up in habits of comparative comfort,
and accustomed to artificial wants, will look to bettering their
condition, and be influenced by the preventive check of moral
restraint, to a degree, as Mr Farr--judging from the general
results of the registration of marriages in England--expresses it,
which 'will hardly be credited when stated in figures.'

"I have repeatedly stated likewise, that I consider an efficient
poor law, extending to all forms of destitution, as affording a
salutary preventive check on early marriages and excessive
population in another way, which is easily illustrated by
statistical facts, viz. by making it obviously the interest of
landed proprietors always to throw obstacles in the way of such
marriages among persons who are likely to become burdensome on the
poor rates, _i. e._ among all who have no clear prospect of
profitable employment. The number of crofters, and still more of
cotters, living _en parasite_ on the occupiers of the soil in the
Highlands, is the theme of continual lamentation; but the question
seldom occurs to those who make this complaint,--would such a
population be allowed to settle on the lands of an English
proprietor, who is familiar with the operation of the poor-rate?"

The following remarks also are well deserving of attention:--

"But, setting aside the argument of Malthus against effective Poor
Laws, the chief resource of the opponents of such laws has of late
years been the assertion, that a legal provision against
destitution leads naturally to relaxation of industry; that
idleness, if not improvidence, is thus fostered among the poor,
and that in this manner, the improvement of a country, necessarily
dependent on the industry of its lower orders, is retarded. I have
always maintained, that this assertion likewise is distinctly
refuted, and not only that it is refuted, but the very contrary
established, by statistical facts; that it is indeed made in face
of the demonstrable fact, that the nations most celebrated for
industry have long enjoyed a legal protection against destitution;
that the people of England, speaking generally, are probably, to
use the words of Lord Abinger,--'the most trustworthy and
effective labourers in the world,' and that the greatest degree of
idleness to be seen on the face of the earth exists among people
who have no such protection; whose only resource, therefore, when
destitute, is mendicity."

Dr Alison endeavours to show that wherever the _labour test_ is applied, an able-bodied Poor Law is disarmed of its apparent dangers.

"Where the bounty dispensed by Dr Boyter and Captain Eliott has
been combined with 'strict attention to the rules laid down by the
Central Relief Board,' (which are exactly similar to those which
would be adopted by any experienced official Board dispensing
legal relief to the able-bodied under the safeguard of the labour
test,) its effects in stimulating the industry of the people, and
improving the prospects of the country, appear to have been
uniform and decided. And when it is remembered that,
notwithstanding the failure of the potato crop, and consequent
destitution of so large a population in the Highlands, the Relief
Committees have been not only able to prevent any death by famine,
but to open in so many places a fair prospect of improvement of
the country, and of reformation of the manners of the people, at
an expense in all not exceeding £100,000, it is surely not
unreasonable to expect, that in ordinary seasons, and after some
further assistance shall have been given them for the purpose of
emigration, the proprietors of the Highlands and Islands will be
perfectly able to bear a similar burden to that _which the
legislature has now imposed on Ireland_.

"I observe with the utmost satisfaction that the principle of a
Poor Law, skilfully imposed and judiciously regulated, and
extending to _all kinds_ of destitution, being a useful stimulus,
both to the industry of the people, and to the exertions of the
landlords and other capitalists of a country, (and a reasonable
security to others assisting them,) has now been fairly recognised
and _acted on_, in reference to Ireland. It is distinctly avowed
in the following extract from Sir Robert Peel's speech at
Tamworth, 1st June 1847. 'We have experience of the evils of
periodical returns of destitution in Ireland; we see periodically
a million or a million and a half of people absolutely in a
starving state,--in a state which is disgraceful, while it is
dangerous to the security of life and property. I believe it is a
great point _to give security to those people_ that they shall not
starve,--that they shall have a demand upon the land. I believe it
is necessary to give _a new stimulus to industry_,--_to impress
upon the proprietors and the occupying tenants, that they must
look on the cultivation of the land in a new light_; and that the
demands of poverty will not be so great when all persons do all
that they can to lighten the pressure.'

We shall quote only a part of Dr Alison's observations on Ireland, but they contain information of some interest.

"In proof that the natural resources of Ireland, in the absence of
this stimulus, have been equally neglected as those of the
Highlands, I may quote a few sentences from the official Report of
the Commission on the Occupation of Lands in Ireland. 'The general
tenor of the evidence before the Commissioners goes to prove, that
the agricultural practice throughout Ireland is _defective in the
highest degree_, and furnishes the most encouraging proofs, that
where judicious exertions have been made to improve the condition
and texture of the soil, and introduce a better selection and
rotation of crops, these exertions _have been attended with the
most striking success and profit_.' 'The lands in almost every
district require drainage; drainage and deep moving of the lands
have proved most remunerative operations wherever they have been
applied, but as yet they have been introduced only to a very
limited extent; and the most valuable crops, and most profitable
rotations, cannot be adopted in wet lands.' (See Report of that
Commission in London newspapers, Sept. 3, 1847.)

"The Commission above mentioned stated as their opinion, that the
potato may perhaps be regarded as the main cause of that inertia
of the Irish character, which prevents the development of the
resources of the country; but with all deference to that opinion,
I would observe, that in this case, as in the Highlands, the
fundamental evil appears to be, the existence of a population,
such as nothing but the potato can support, who 'cannot find
employment,' as these commissioners themselves state, 'during
several months of the year,' and therefore cannot afford to
purchase any other food, and whose only resource, when they cannot
find employment, is beggary; and that it is the absence of skill
and capital to give them work, rather than the presence of the
potato to keep them alive, which ought chiefly to fix the
attention of those who wish to see the resources of the country
developed. And without giving any opinion on the political
question, how far it is just or expedient for Great Britain to
give farther assistance by advances of money, to aid the
improvement of Ireland, we may at least repeat here what was
stated as to the Highlands, that when it becomes the clear and
obvious interest of every proprietor in a country, to introduce
capital into it, with the specific object of employing the poor,
as well as improving his property, we may expect, either that such
improvements as will prove 'profitable investments of labour,'
will be prosecuted, or else, that the land will pass into other
hands, more capable of 'developing its resources.'"

"When we read and reflect on these statements, I think it must
occur to every one, that whatever other auxiliary measures may be
devised, the greatest boon that has been conferred on Ireland in
our time, is the Law which has not only given a security, never
known before, for the lives of the poor, but has made that motive
to exertion, and to the application of capital to 'profitable
investments of industry,' which is here distinctly avowed, equally
operative on the proprietors of land in every Poor Law union in
that country, and in all time coming; and I believe I may add, that
the individual to whom Ireland is chiefly indebted for this
inestimable boon, is one whose name we do not find connected with
any of the questions of religion or of party politics, which have
caused so much useless excitement; but who has distinctly perceived
the root of the evil,--the absence of any security, either for the
lives of the poor, or for the useful application of capital to the
employment of labour, and has applied himself patiently and
steadily to the legitimate remedy--viz. Mr Poulett Scrope.

"It is true that we have many representations, from Poor Law
unions in Ireland, of the utter inability of the proprietors and
occupiers of the soil to bear the burden which the new Poor Law
has imposed upon them; and I give no opinion on the questions,
whether they have a claim in equity on further assistance from
England, or whether the rate has been imposed in the most
judicious way. But when it is said, that they are utterly unable
to support the poor of Ireland by a rate, the question presents
itself--How do they propose that those poor are to be supported
without a rate? I apprehend it can only be by begging; and of whom
are they to beg? It can only be from the occupiers of the soil,
and other inhabitants of the country. Now, will the ability of
those inhabitants to bear this burden be _lessened_ by a law which
will, in one way or other, compel the landlords (often absentees)
to share it along with them?--and will, at the same time, make it
the obvious interest of the landlords to introduce capital into
the country, and expend it there in 'remunerative employment?'

"On the present state of Ireland I can speak with some confidence,
because I can give the opinion of a friend, the Count de
Strzelicki, who is well entitled to judge, because he was
previously thoroughly acquainted with agriculture, and because he
nobly undertook the painful office of dispensing the bounty of the
London Association in the very worst district of Ireland, during
the worst period of the famine; and who expresses himself
thus:--The real evil and curse of Ireland is neither religious nor
political, but lies simply in so many of the landlords being
bankrupts, and so many of those who are well off being absentees;
others again, equally well off, resident, judicious, benevolent,
and far-sighted, being unsupported in their efforts, and isolated
in their action upon the masses, who, long since cast away by the
proprietary, have been dragging their miserable existence in
recklessness, distrust, and rancour. It is this dislocation--even
antagonism--of social interests and relations, combined with the
_irresponsibility of the property for its poverty_, that
constitutes the '_circus viciosus_,' the source of all the evils
of this unfortunate and interesting country.

"'But now, _in consequence of the new Poor Law_, and other new
enactments of Parliament, those who have a real interest in the
preservation of their property, will be forced to look, as they
never did before, to the improvement of their tenantry. Those who
are insolvent must part with the nominal tenure of land, and leave
their estates to capitalists who can better discharge the duty of
landlords; and lastly, the masses, who hitherto had been abandoned
to themselves and to their brutal instinct for self-preservation,
will find henceforth their interest linked with that of the
landlord, and will find advice, help, encouragement, and, in
extreme cases, a legal support.

"'Every real friend of Ireland, and particularly those who, like
myself, have had an insight into the many excellent intellectual
and moral qualities of their character, while sympathising with
the hardships which at first will be felt by many from the new
system, cannot but acknowledge that it is only now that its
society is being placed on its proper basis, and in a fair way to
amelioration and prosperity.'

"This opinion was given in a letter to a common friend, and
without reference to any speculation of mine as to the management
of the poor. In a subsequent letter to myself he adds, 'It is only
since I came to Ireland that I have become conscious of _the real
value of a legal provision for the poor_, and of the demoralising
effect of private alms. Already we see some good symptoms of the
action of the new Poor Law. It is by the provision made to employ
men, and not by feeding them, that the operation of the law
begins. The out-door relief will, I am sure, act not as a premium
to idleness, but as a _stimulus to landlords_ to supply labour,
and thus prevent the people from falling on it.'"

On the absolute or eventual necessity of emigration, Dr Alison's views seem to be sound and satisfactory.

"That there are some parts of the Highlands which may be relieved
more rapidly and effectually by aid of some form of emigration
than in any other way, I have no doubt. In many such cases it is
probably unnecessary to remove the people farther than to those
parts of the low country, where, by a little well directed
inquiry, employment may be found for them, as was done by the
Glasgow 'Committee on Employment;' but in others it is quite
certain that emigration to the colonies may be safely and
beneficially managed. And the importance of this subject becomes
much greater when we consider, that so large a surplus remains of
the sum raised for the relief of distress there, the disposal of
which is at this moment a question of difficulty. I am so much
impressed with the truth of the last observation of Dr Boyter, as
applicable to certain districts of the Highlands, that I should
think it highly advisable to apply the greater part, or even the
whole, of this surplus of £115,000 to this salutary drainage of
the population. An equal sum might be advanced by Government, to
be gradually repaid, just as in the case of assistance given to
proprietors by the Drainage Act; and the whole sum might be
expended in aiding emigration and such colonisation as Dr Boyter
describes. Nay, I am persuaded that few of the subscribers to the
Highland Destitution Fund would scruple to renew their
subscriptions, provided they had any security that the Highland
proprietors, thus relieved of a portion of their population, would
really exert themselves to develop the resources _now known to
exist_ in their country, and so maintain the remainder without
farther claims on the rest of the community. But I cannot think it
reasonable or right, that while we have periodical returns of
destitution in the Highlands, demanding aid from all parts of the
country and from the colonies, to prevent many deaths by famine, a
Highland proprietor should be enabled to advertise a property for
sale, at the upset price of £48,000, and to state as an inducement
to purchasers, that the _whole_ public burdens are £40 a-year.
(See advertisement of sale of lands in Skye, _Edinburgh Courant_,
Sept. 16, 1847.) I should think it highly imprudent for the
Committee intrusted with that money for the benefit of the poor in
the Highlands, to part with it for any kind of emigration,
excepting on _two_ express conditions: 1. That agents appointed by
the Committee, unprejudiced and disinterested, (and probably
better judges on the point than Captain Eliott and Dr Boyter
cannot be found,) shall report on the localities in which this
remedy should be applied, in consequence of "profitable
investments of industry" not existing at home; and, 2. That
application be made to the Legislature for a measure, which should
place the remaining portion of the Highlanders under the
circumstances which are known _by experience_ to be most
favourable to the development of the resources of a country, and
at the same time to the action of the preventive check on
excessive population, _i. e._, under the operation of an effective
and judicious Legal Provision for the Poor."

The following sentences form an impressive conclusion to this valuable, dissertation.

"I have only to add, that being firmly convinced that a
well-regulated Poor Law is really, as stated by Sir Robert Peel, a
wholesome stimulus to enterprise and industry, and a check upon
extravagance and improvidence, I have written this paper to
prove,--by evidence on so large a scale, that it excludes all
fallacies attending individual cases, and ought to command
conviction,--that it is only in those parts of this country where
this salutary precaution has been neglected, that such periodical
returns of destitution and famine, as he describes, have been
suffered or are to be apprehended. But, as it is obviously
essential to this beneficial effect of a Poor Law, that it should
secure relief to _destitution from want of work_, the practical
result of all that has been stated is, to confirm the arguments
which I formerly adduced in favour of the extension of a legal
right to relief to the able-bodied in Scotland, when destitute
from that cause;--guarded of course by the exaction of work in
return for it when there are no means of applying, or when such
exaction is thought better than applying, the workhouse test. And
notwithstanding the strong feeling of distrust (or prejudice, as I
believe it) which still exists among many respectable persons on
this point, I confidently expect that this right--_now granted to
the inhabitants of every other part of her Majesty's European
dominions_, and soon to be accompanied, as I hope, in all parts,
by an improved law of settlement _i. e._, by combinations or
unions instead of parishes,--cannot be much longer withheld from
the inhabitants of Scotland."

Nor can I doubt that the intelligent people of this country,
seriously reflecting on the lessons which have been taught them by
those two appalling but instructive visitations of
Providence,--pestilence and famine--will soon perceive, whether it
is by the aid or without the aid of an effective legal provision
against destitution, that the sacred duty of charity is most
effectually performed; and what are the consequences to all ranks
of society which follow from its being neglected.

_Magna est veritas et prævalebit._

It is right that views so important and so ably stated, and which are obviously prompted by so pure a spirit of philanthropy and true piety, should receive the full weight that they are entitled to; and should be canvassed and considered by all who feel an interest in the question.

On the other hand, there are obvious considerations of an opposite kind which should be fairly weighed. Independently of the general arguments against an able-bodied Poor Law, with which political economists are familiar, the special question arises, whether the Highlands of Scotland have not been brought into their existing condition partly by the peculiarities of national character, and partly by the transition that is now in progress from a system of ancient vassalage to more modern ideas of calculation and independence. The patriarchal state which prevailed under the old habits of clanship is now at an end, so far as regards the proprietors, who are unable to maintain or govern their retainers as of old, while the population generally continue in their former condition of helpless tutelage, and must now be taught to act and provide for themselves. The Lowlands of Scotland, though not possessing an able-bodied Poor Law, are free from those evils by which the Highlands are afflicted, and the population are scarcely, if at all, in an inferior state to the corresponding portion of the English nation.

Further, there arises the very grave consideration, that whatever may be the abstract or original merits of an able-bodied Poor Law, the introduction of such a system in an advanced state of society is a matter of great delicacy, and may, from the very novelty of its operation, often lead to utter idleness on the one hand, and confiscation on the other. It ought not, in any view, to be attempted, without being accompanied by some well digested plan of public colonisation, to relieve the pressure which might otherwise over-power the resources of all who are to be burdened.

We would say, in conclusion, that whatever may be the state of this argument, it lies in a great degree with the proprietors in the Highlands and Islands to avert the threatened evil, if they consider it as such, by a gradual but entire change in the system of the occupation of land. The great argument we have seen for an able-bodied Poor Law is, that it compels the proprietary classes to keep down the population by a feeling of self-interest. This object must, in some way or other, be attained. Without harshness, without any sudden removals, every opportunity must be sought of remodelling the plan of small possessions, and the principle must be laid down and enforced, that no one shall continue in the condition of a tenant who does not occupy enough of ground to raise, at least, _an ample corn crop_ for the support of his family. If the potato system continues,--if, after the present calamity passes away, its lessons are forgotten, it is not probable that the benevolence of the public would again be equally liberal as it has now been, where the visitation was so sudden and unexpected, and no clear or unequivocal warning of its approach had previously been received.

We hope, however, for better things; and trust that the present crisis will be duly improved, and will form a new era of prosperity and increased civilisation and happiness for the Highlands and Islands of Scotland.

FOOTNOTE:

[17] _Observations on the Famine of 1846-7 in the Highlands of Scotland, and in Ireland, as illustrating the connexion of the principle of population, with the management of the poor._ By W. P. ALISON, M.D., &c.

_Printed by William Blackwood & Sons, Edinburgh_