Chapter II: Preface: To Volume VIII (1)

The journals of the two American travellers whose works have been selected for volume viii of our series, form an interesting contrast and complement to one another. Tilly Buttrick, Jr., was by nature a wanderer. The early pages of his quaint little book give the principal facts of his biography, particularly his adventures at sea. It is the narrative of one to whom strange lands and distant vistas irresistibly appeal. He tells his story with a straightforward simplicity that transports the reader through the scenes that the author has beheld. The wandering disposition that had first carried him far abroad, induced Buttrick to spend several years roaming through the Great West, and the same quality of picturesque clarity of narration makes his journal useful to students of that section.

Reverting from the Far West of the trans-Mississippi and Oregon country—whither the journals of the Astorians have led us in the three preceding volumes of our series—we find the Middle West of the Michauxs, Harris, and Cuming passing into a new stage of progress. The tide of emigration flowing from the older states down the Ohio River, and spreading out into Ohio and Kentucky on either hand, was checked by the second war with England, and the ruthless inroads of the savages whom the British encouraged. In this war the new West bore its full share; having successfully defended its long frontier, it emerged triumphant in spirit, but financially and industrially exhausted. Not until the second great wave of immigration began (1815–18), at the close of this struggle, was the region again blessed with prosperity, and able to renew its checked development.

Into this changing West the wanderer Buttrick came. Arrived at Buffalo before the declaration of war, he was upon the Canadian side of the Niagara frontier when the fateful news arrived, and for a brief time was detained as a hostage by the British General Brock. When released, he returned to Massachusetts; but two years later started for Kentucky—passing west through New-York State, and floating down the Allegheny and Ohio to Cincinnati. On this journey he gives us an interesting picture of river life, and its exigencies; while with graphic pen he portrays the bad roads, fever and ague, and deserted condition of the country through which he returned to his Eastern home.

In 1815 began his longest journey through the West. He encountered at Olean, on the Allegheny, a large body of Eastern emigrants who were awaiting the opening of navigation and the rise of the Western rivers. Swept rapidly down on the freshet, Buttrick landed in Kentucky; but having been attacked by his old enemy, fever and ague, he embarked for New-Orleans, thus enabling him to draw for us a brief but vivid picture of Mississippi navigation. From the Southern metropolis Buttrick started on foot for the North, over the route known as the Natchez trail—a wild and lonely journey of a thousand miles, through the land of semi-hostile Indians and backwoodsmen nearly as savage. Upon this hazardous journey he was “generally alone, always sick, often hungry, sometimes nearly starved,” and beset by drunken Indians; but he struggled on, arriving in Cincinnati after forty-seven days en route.

While the chief interest of Buttrick’s journal lies in his own adventures, yet these are in a way typical of Western conditions, and throw much light on the hardships of pioneers, and the devastations of the War of 1812–15. The book we here reprint is very rare. Published as an eleemosynary appeal to readers on behalf of its unfortunate author, who had become blind through his hardships, a small edition was put forth, and no copies are now known to be upon the market. Its reprint will, therefore, be a welcome addition to the journals of Western travellers.

Estwick Evans, whose _Pedestrious Tour of Four Thousand Miles, through the Western States and Territories_, comprises the second part of this volume, was, in his way, a philosopher—a man imbued with early nineteenth century views of the return to nature and the charm of savage life. Slipping the leash of the restraints of civilization, and influenced by a strange mixture of Quixotism and stoicism, our author set forth from his New-Hampshire home in the dead of an extreme winter, and crossed the frozen, almost trackless waste to the frontier post of Detroit. His copyright notice contains the following epitome of the journey: “The blast of the north is on the plain: the traveller shrinks in the midst of his journey.”

Evans was born (1787) of good New-England ancestry, at Portsmouth, New-Hampshire. Largely self-educated, he was admitted to the bar in 1811, and won popularity by espousing the cause of the oppressed, taking up cases for sailors, people in poor circumstances—those fleeced by self-seeking lawyers. A prominent colleague said of him: “Evans had about as much influence as any one, because he was a clever fellow, honest, poor, and not well treated, and the people sympathized with him.” He volunteered for the War of 1812–15, but was rejected on account of a physical disability. After his adventurous Western journey, he married and settled in New-Hampshire, at one time (1822–24) serving in the state legislature. His vein of Quixotism never left him; he desired to fight for South American independence, and actually left for Greece in order to join her armies, but arrived after the battle of Navarino and saw no bloodshed. In 1829 he removed to Washington, and throughout the remainder of his life practiced law, and served in the government offices, frequently contributing to the _National Intelligencer_. He died in New-York, November 20, 1866.[1]

Despite the eccentricity of Evans’s purpose, and the grotesque dress of buffalo skins in which he attired himself for his Western journey; despite, also, his constant tendency to moralize and involve himself and the reader in a maze of speculation, his comments upon the men and conditions which he saw in the course of his long tour are shrewd, eminently sane, and practical. The Western New-York of 1818 is vividly portrayed; the solitude of Northern Ohio, and the difficulties of the Sandusky swamps are made known; glimpses of the Indians of the vicinity are afforded. However, the chief value of the narrative commences when the author reaches Detroit. From that place through the remainder of the journey, to Presqu’ Isle, and down the Allegheny, Ohio, and Mississippi to New-Orleans, Evans was keenly alert for all manner of information that bore upon the war, the state of agriculture, the topography and settlement of the country, and the general industrial conditions. Much of his material was obtained from first-hand participants and explorers, and bears the stamp of accuracy. He gives us one of the best pictures we possess of early Michigan Territory, the French habitants contrasted with American settlers, the influence of the fur trade, and the scattered posts in this far-away region. His description, also, of early Indiana and Illinois presents interesting phases. At New-Orleans he encountered the remnants of French civilization, whose picturesque mingling with American backwoods life presented startling contrasts. “Here may be seen in the same crowd Creoles, Quadroons, mulattoes, Samboes, Mustizos, Indians, and Negroes; and there are other combinations not yet classified.” Evans viewed the dissipations, pleasures, and excitements of the Southern metropolis with the eye of a New-England Puritan, broadened, however, by his contact with French philosophy and liberalism. “The wonderful wealth and physical force of the United States” makes a strong impression on his mind; and looking forward with the eye of a prophet, he foresees the development which a hundred years will bring, and the power that will make all Europe tremble.

From New-Orleans, Evans returned to New-Hampshire by sea, having had, perchance, his fill of travels in the wilderness, and having found “amidst the solitude and grandeur of the Western wilds more correct views of human nature and of the true interests of man.” His book is both diverting and informing, and fills its place in the chronicles of the early West.

Louise Phelps Kellogg, Ph.D., Edith Kathryn Lyle, Ph.D., and Mr. Archer Butler Hulbert have assisted the Editor in the annotation of this volume.

R. G. T.

MADISON, WIS., September, 1904.

BUTTRICK’S VOYAGES, TRAVELS, AND DISCOVERIES 1812–1819

Reprint of the original edition: Boston, 1831

VOYAGES,

TRAVELS AND DISCOVERIES

OF TILLY BUTTRICK, JR.

=Boston:=
PRINTED FOR THE AUTHOR.
John Putnam, Printer.
1831.

PREFATORY REMARKS

In preparing this little work for the press, the Editor had not only in view the interest with which an enlightened people seize upon facts not previously in their possession; but sympathy for this unfortunate traveller, who by misfortune has now not only become bereft of his property, but, by providential circumstances, of his sight, contributed to induce him to copy it for the press. And he confidentially trusts, if the information contained in the following work is not sufficient to induce every individual to become a purchaser, that sympathy for the past and present sufferings of a fellow creature will forbid them to withhold the small sum solicited for the pamphlet.

TRAVELS AND DISCOVERIES

I was born in Westford, County of Middlesex, and Commonwealth of Massachusetts, on the sixth day of July, 1783. I lived with my father, Tilly Buttrick, until I was ten years old; when he removed to Princeton, in the County of Worcester, where was the summer seat and residence of his Honor Lieutenant Governor Moses Gill. I was put to Mr. Gill, where I lived in his service five years, after which I went and lived with my father, who now lived in Groton, near where I was born, two years. At the expiration of that time, being in my seventeenth year, I was placed by my father in a mercantile house, in Boston. My master, D. Hastings Esq., was a respectable merchant, and one of the best of men. With him I resided until I was twenty-one years of age. Being desirous of seeing more of the world than my present situation allowed, I resolved to go to sea. Accordingly I shipped on board the fine ship Alnomak, of Boston, bound for the Isle of France. Our crew consisted of seventeen in number, mounting eight guns. On the tenth of September, 1804, we weighed anchor, and left the harbor of Boston, with a fair wind, which continued until the twelfth, in the afternoon; at which time we were clear of the land; the wind then gradually decreased, until we were becalmed, which was about six o’clock the same evening. We remained in this situation about one hour, and night coming on, it was noticed that the sea was greatly agitated; which is very uncommon in a calm.

{6} The night was extremely dark, and the surfs that broke about us appeared like huge banks of snow. At this time many observations were made by the crew, the oldest sailors observing that we should soon find out the meaning of this phenomenon. The wind soon began to breeze up ahead, all hands were called to put the vessel under close sail, and before nine o’clock it blew a tremendous gale; which obliged us to lay to, as she was heavily laden. The wind continued to blow for thirty six hours, and the ship labored with great difficulty. The storm then began to abate, and coming about fair, we laid our course and proceeded on our voyage. On our way we often fell in with large schools of fish of different kinds, such as Porpoise, Dolphin, Boneator, &c., and were very successful in taking them, which supplied us with something fresh to eat. We passed in sight of the island of Teneriffe and many other islands, and the coast of Barbary. In crossing the equator, we were several days becalmed. On the twenty-second of December, we arrived at the cape of Good Hope, a Dutch settlement in the southern extremity of Africa, and came to anchor in Table Bay. We found the people here very industrious, working their cattle, which are of the Buffaloe kind, by means of a square piece of wood lashed to their horns, across the front of their heads. Often six or eight yoke of oxen were thus harnessed in one team. They were very handsome cattle, excepting the hump on their shoulders, so much resembling the Buffaloe. The meat of these cattle is plenty, but not equally good with our American oxen, being tough, of a yellowish cast, and rather unsavory. Sheep are common here, and to appearance much larger than the sheep in our own country. This may be owing partly to their having longer legs than our sheep, and consequently taller. Their meat is excellent, and perhaps equals in flavor any found in North America, or any other nation. But their wool is of little value, being as coarse as dogs’ hair. The tails of these creatures are sold separate from their bodies, and have the appearance of a large lump of tallow weighing from fourteen to twenty pounds.

In the suburbs of the town, I observed two of the feathered tribe, which I afterward learned were ostriches; {7} who, upon discovering me, raised their heads much higher than my own, and appeared no less frightened than myself, and were no less willing to make good their retreat.

The 25th, being Christmas, our sailors undertook to imitate the landsmen in cheerfulness and hilarity; the night was spent in high glee. Next morning all hands were called, but not coming on deck so soon as was expected, the mates came forward with handspikes to hurry them. They were met by the sailors with the same kind of weapons; and although nothing very serious took place, yet it caused considerable difficulty between the officers and crew. The captain being on shore was soon notified, when a guard of soldiers were sent on board; one man was taken and committed to prison on shore, where he remained a few days, and was then put on board and sent to America. No punishment was inflicted upon the remainder, but they were strictly watched.

Here we remained until the first day of January, 1805, when not being able to dispose of our cargo as we expected, we weighed anchor and put to sea. But soon a twenty-four pound ball, fired from the guard ship lying one hundred yards distant, besprinkling me with water, as I stood on the bowsprit, occasioned us to drop anchor and send our pass on board the guard ship, which our captain omitted to do, though required by the law of the place. This being done, we immediately weighed anchor and stood out to sea.

The next morning we had lost sight of land, and in the course of the day, the wind blew a terrible gale; the sea ran mountains high, the ship was hove to, and we rode out the storm, which continued about twelve hours. After which we continued our course with the trade winds about forty days. In the mean time our supercargo fell sick and in about six weeks died. The usual ceremonies at sea were performed, and his remains committed to a watery grave. Thinking ourselves far enough to windward of the Island, to bear away, we accordingly did so, and running twenty-four hours we discovered land. Supposing it to be our intended port, we were greatly rejoiced. But when coming within four miles of land, to our great mortification we found it to be the island of {8} Madagascar, four hundred and eighty miles to the leeward of the isle of France. This was a sorrowful tale for us to hear, as we must have a head wind and oftentimes a current in our return. We had become short of water, and for several days had been on allowance.

The grass on the sides of the ship had become one foot in length, which greatly impeded our progress and rendered our situation truly distressing. The ship was put about and stood to the south, as near as we could lay to the wind.

The island of Madagascar, is inhabited by negroes, with whom little or no trade is carried on by the whites. We dared not venture ourselves on shore here, to obtain water, for two reasons. First, we were afraid of the rocks and shoals, as there were no pilots to be had; and secondly, should we arrive safe on shore, we might be massacred by those uncivilized people.

While ruminating on these unfortunate circumstances, our ship was struck by a white squall, very common in that eastern world, which carried away our foretop mast and maintop gallant mast and did much damage to the sails and rigging. This was probably fortunate for us, as the masts must have gone, or the ship upset. The squall being over, it soon began to rain very heavily. Stopping the scuppers, all who were able employed themselves in dipping water from the deck. We filled six casks of a hundred gallons each, which proved a very seasonable and ample supply. Every exertion was now made, both by the officers and crew, and continued until the 20th of March, when we considered ourselves far enough to windward to bear away, and next morning discovered land, and found it to be our long wished for island; the isle of France. The harbor being on the leeward side, we ran around, and not finding it so soon as we expected, we saw several sail boats lying about, near the shore, and hoped to find a pilot among them. But none appearing we fired a gun as a signal. Unfortunately the gun was loaded with a ball, which went close to several of them. This frightened the poor Frenchmen, and they made for the shore with all possible speed, supposing us to be Englishmen.

{9} Within thirty minutes we discovered a large sail bearing towards us from the harbor. On its approaching us to our surprise we found it to be a French man of war, ready for action; and coming close too, and hailing us, they ordered our captain on board of the ship, and took us under their protection, and stood for the harbor. We were not insensible of the reason of this, from the circumstance of the above mentioned shot, which was fired from the entrance of this harbor. The head of the harbor, on which the town stands, is about three miles from the entrance. The channel being narrow, the only way of getting up is by warping, to assist in which buoys are set at a suitable distance; a rope is made fast, the ship is hauled to one and then to another, and so on through the whole.

A gang of negroes were placed on board the vessel, and assisted in performing this labor, until we arrived safe on our mooring ground. Our captain was then conducted on shore, by a guard, and after due examination, was found innocent of any ill design. We found this harbor a very pleasant and delightful one; and from seventy to eighty American vessels lying there. In a few days we commenced discharging our cargo and sending it on shore; we also stripped the ship to the lower mast; this being done, we were about to repair the rigging and sails, when the monsoons made their appearance.

These monsoons, so called, are the changing of the wind, which blows in one direction from March to September; then, shifting and whiffling about, blowing high gales, and sometimes a hurricane, commences a contrary direction, and so continues the remainder of the year, it being the time when the sun crosses the equator. Vessels generally, are afraid of being found at sea in this country, at this season. The wind at this time was very variable, blowing from different points and constituting a terrible gale, which lasted about forty-eight hours. Every precaution was taken for the safety of the vessels lying in the harbor; by mooring them by two anchors ahead, and two astern, according to the requirements of the law; nevertheless, the shipping in the harbor, consisting of one hundred and fifty sail, French, Dutch, Danes, etc., but mostly Americans, presented a most unpleasant {10} spectacle. Fifteen or twenty vessels of different sizes, were driven on shore, and some of them, when the water fell, were nearly high and dry. But few lives were lost; although there was a great destruction of property. The inhabitants of this island are very friendly to the American people, and an immense trade is carried on between the two countries. About fifty yards from the shore, stood a spacious building, occupied as a hospital, in which was a great number of patients. Directly on the bank is a small building, which is called a death house. When any one died in the hospital, they were removed and deposited in this small house, when they were placed in a coffin or box, large enough to contain two. If another was expected to die immediately, it remained until the second was placed in it; then being put into a boat manned by three negroes, expressly for that purpose, it was rowed down about two miles and a half, being that distance from any dwelling house, when the bodies were taken out of the coffin, hauled up on shore, and thrown into a lime pit, seemingly formed by nature. The boat then returns with the coffin, and here ends the funeral ceremonies. The dissolvent power of this earth, assisted by the rays of the sun, soon decomposes and destroys these bodies, and the remote distance from any dwelling houses, prevents any evil consequences, which might otherwise follow such a mode of burial. This boat is well known by the black flag, which it carries hoisted, and often passes three or four times in twenty-four hours.

The labor in this place is done by slaves, who are kept under close subjection. They are separated into gangs, over each of which is placed an overseer or driver. During the labor of the day, should any of them commit an offence, even of the smallest nature, it is marked down by this driver, and communicated to the principal overseer at evening. Early next morning, when called out to their usual labor, they are punished according to the aggravation of the offence. If small, they are punished with a rattan, on their naked backs. If guilty of an aggravated offence, they are lashed to a post, and so horribly whipped and mangled as at times to leave the bones denuded of their flesh, and in open view.

{11} HORRID EXECUTION

Several times hearing the noise of cannon, and seeing a red flag hoisted, on inquiry I found that one or more negroes were to be executed. One day as this occurred, I went on shore and finding a number of people passing to a plain, back of the town, I followed on, and arriving at the place of execution, saw a rope drawn round a circle of about three hundred feet; inside of which stood a platform about ten feet square, standing on posts five feet from the ground. On the top of this platform lay a common plank, one end of which was raised about two feet, and extended even with the end of the platform. Here I waited for the space of half an hour, when, hearing the sound of music, and looking around, I saw a company of soldiers advancing. In the rear of them was a cart, with two young negroes in it, and a Roman Catholic priest following after. They coming within the circle, the company formed, and the negroes were taken from the cart and conducted to the scaffold. The priest followed and conversed with them a short time, when a negro man mounted the scaffold, with a broad axe in one hand and a rope in the other. Looking very fierce, he ordered one to lay down on the plank, with his chin extended over the end. After lashing him tight to the plank with his rope, he raised his axe and with one stroke, severed his head from his body. Then unfastening the body he threw it down where the head had fallen.

The other poor fellow, terrified and trembling at this awful sight, and scarcely able to stand, was soon ordered to lie down in the same manner of the former, which he very reluctantly did, the plank being already covered with the blood of his fellow victim. The rope was then thrown around him, as before mentioned; the axe was again raised by this infernal butcher, with an apparent gratification and hardihood, shocking to human nature, and seeming to glut his revenge for the reluctance with which the criminal laid himself down on the plank. After several blows he at last succeeded in severing his head from his body.

To paint this horrible scene in its true colors, the wild despair of the criminals, before their execution, and agony {12} afterwards, indicated by the thousand changing motions of the face, and the shooting out of the tongue, is beyond the power of language to describe; their only crime was taking four dollars from a slave, sent by his master to some other person.

In about three weeks after our arrival in this place, there appeared off this island, five English men of war, which had left here about six weeks before, for fear of the former gale. This squadron was for the purpose of blockading the island, and remained during our stay at this place. They were very diligent on their stations, but effected but little; they would often appear close in to the mouth of the harbor, but I never knew them fall in with an enemy. The war still existed between France and Great-Britain, and several vessels and privateers were fitted out of this port, and would often send in valuable prizes; large ships laden with India and China goods, would be sent in unmolested, which was surprising to all who saw it. At one time an English sloop of war appeared in the mouth of the harbor; spying a twenty-four pound gun about three fourths of a mile on shore, manned by five soldiers, they tried their skill by firing an eighteen pound shot at them, which hit the carriage, upset the gun and killed two of the men. The other three men fearing a second compliment, took to flight and made all possible speed for the town, where they arrived in great confusion. We now began to think it time for a cargo to come on board the Almonak. But soon found it to consist only of stone to ballast the ship. Being soon in readiness, on the first of August we put to sea, leaving this port for the island of Sumatra.

On our passage we were several times boarded by English men of war ships, and after a strict examination were permitted to pass. We passed close to the island of Ceylon, an English island, and saw colors hoisted, but made no stop. On the first of September, we arrived on the western coast of Sumatra. As there were no regular maps or charts of this coast, we could only traverse it by information derived from masters of vessels, which had traded there, and our own judgment. There are many reefs and rocks, which extend into the sea a considerable distance. Many of which lay but just below the surface {13} of the water. It was therefore found necessary to keep a good look out, one man at mast head and others closely watching below. We at last discovered a small bay, and run into it; the place was called Moco. This is one of the trading places. There are several others, such as Soosoo, Mecca, Bencooban, and Pecung. At the latter place, there was formerly a company of Dutch, who settled there for the purpose of trading with the natives. But in consequence of the English cruisers on the one side, and fear of the natives on the other, they had evacuated the place and returned to Batavia, from whence they came hither. We came to anchor in our first mentioned port, and prepared against any attack which might be made by these savages, by tricing up a boarding-netting round the ship, about fifteen feet above the deck. This netting was made of line, about the size of a cod line, and wove together like a seine for taking fish; our guns were loaded and primed, with matches burning by the side, boarding pikes, muskets and cutlasses at hand, and a centinel walking the deck. A gun was fired at sunrise and the colors hoisted; another at sunset when the colors were taken down. We had not been long at this place, before we were visited by several boats from the shore. They were ordered to haul close alongside of the ship; a gun was pointed into their boats, and a man to each gun with a lighted match in his hand. Should they attempt to rise we were in readiness to receive them, and soon put a stop to their proceedings.

They then asked permission to come on board; this was granted to three or four of them. A gun was then hauled back, and they allowed to crawl in at the port hole, while the rest remained as they were. Some of them spoke good English, and began to inquire if we wanted pepper. We answered, yes. The captain agreed with them about the price, and in a few days we were furnished with about fifteen tons. The natives brought the pepper in their own boats, and it was weighed on board of the ship, with our weights and scales, which we brought for that purpose. They were very particular in examining them, and fearful of being defrauded.

One man, whom we supposed was their clerk, took the weight of each draft, and at the close footed it up, and {14} cast the amount in dollars, as quick and as well as though he had been a regular bred merchant. They write fast, but from right to left. While here the captain was invited on shore, and went in a boat with four men; each armed with a cutlass. Three were left to guard the boat. Taking me with him we proceeded towards the village, which is about half a mile from shore, escorted by some of the chiefs through a narrow path, and thick wood of Bamboo and Cocoa nut. On our way, we could often see the heads of the inhabitants peeping from behind the trees, or through the bushes, but would often start and run when we approached them. On coming to the village we found a cluster of small houses, situated but a little distance from each other, standing on six or eight posts, and about three feet from the ground, being built similar to log houses in America. The tops of these houses were covered with bark and leaves, and were sufficiently tight to prevent the water from penetrating through them. I learned that there were about four hundred inhabitants in this village.

There were many men and boys to be seen about among these huts; but not one female. They show few marks of industry, a few only being employed in making sails for boats, from a kind of bark, which they work together very ingeniously. I saw no implement of husbandry, nor any household furniture, excepting a few kettles, standing about the doors of their log huts. These people are of a copper color, small in size, seldom weighing more than one hundred pounds; their food consists principally of fruit, rice and fish. They are indolent, but subtle and full of intrigue; they speak a Malay dialect, and are by persuasion Mahometans. They consider it their duty to take the life of a Christian; they are very avaricious, and seek every opportunity of obtaining money; Spanish dollars is the only coin they will receive, and which they obtain in large sums for their pepper, which grows in great abundance on this island. It is difficult to know what they do with their silver, as their expenditures must be small, their clothing generally consisting of a small cloth round their waist, extending down to their knees. Some of the higher order wear a mantle over their shoulders extending nearly {15} to their feet, with a small piece of cloth neatly worked, covering the top part of the head; a belt around their waist with a long knife or creese in it, the blade of which is very ordinary, but sharp; the handle is generally made of silver, but sometimes of gold and worked in a curious manner; these except the handles are purchased of foreigners. Opium, although prohibited, is obtained and used to excess by the natives in this island. They chew and smoke it frequently to intoxication, and substitute it for ardent spirit, which they make no use of. Instead of tobacco they have a kind of reddish weed, which they mix up with something resembling white paint, stirring it with their thumb and finger, and crowding it into their mouths in the most disgusting manner. They have no fire arms, not knowing the use of powder; but are very expert with their knives. When meeting each other, instead of shaking hands in the American way, they salute each other by striking their knives together. They are in separate tribes; each is governed by a rajah or king, whose commands are implicitly obeyed. At the sale or purchase of any goods, he must first be consulted, and permission granted, and a certain part of all monies received are paid to him. Polygamy is allowed; the number of wives a man has, depends on his ability to maintain them. They are considered as personal property, and are bought and sold at pleasure.[2]

After purchasing all the pepper that could be procured in this place, we weighed anchor and stood along the coast, about thirty miles. When about one mile off land, we espied a number of natives on shore, and let go anchor. They coming out in boats, we treated them in the same manner as we had done those before mentioned. The reason of our using so much precaution, was, information that several vessels had been taken by the natives and their crews massacred. Finding no pepper at this place, and being told that by going about twenty-five miles further up we could procure a plentiful supply, we weighed anchor and proceeded, to the place pointed out by the natives. When we arrived we found that information {16} had been given, and preparations made for procuring all the pepper that could be obtained. Loaded boats came out, which we received for several days; the pepper was weighed off and paid for to the owners and all things appeared to go on well. This looked encouraging, and we expected soon to have a full cargo, they repeatedly saying we should have greater quantities by waiting a short time longer. We knew not their object at the time, but afterwards had reason to suspect their intentions. However, after waiting several days and receiving no more supplies, we passed up thirty or forty miles further. Here it appearing like a favorable place, we dropped anchor about five o’clock in the evening, two miles from the shore. It was calm, and the evening was pleasant. About eleven o’clock at night, we heard the oars of several boats coming. By the light of the moon we soon discovered them to be three in number, one with about twenty-five men and the others with about fifteen men each. I being on deck, notified the captain below, who immediately came up and hailed them; they answered and asked if we wanted pepper; our answer was yes. Coming along side, they were placed as before mentioned. All appeared very desirous of coming on board, but only three were permitted. As they came in at the port hole, we took from each his creese or knife. This appeared not to please them. At this time they were uncommonly merry, looking earnestly about on every thing on deck, which could be plainly discerned from the light of the moon. The captain says to them, how much pepper have you? they answered, we have none here but will bring you some bye and bye.

One of them walking down into the cabin, the captain ordered me to follow him. The second mate lay in his berth asleep; he looked at him very earnestly and laughed; there were two lamps burning on the table, he took one and blew it out, then looking at the mate again he laughed; lit the lamp, sat it down. He soon blew it out the second time; mistrusting his objects, I seized him by the shoulder and soon had him on deck, and notified the captain, when all hands were immediately called. The natives in the boat appeared very uneasy, some standing upright, others were puking over the side; this {17} was enough to tell us that they were intoxicated from the too free use of opium. As they had no pepper, and coming in such a number, their intention undoubtedly was to take the ship, and after massacreing the crew to plunder her. But seeing us so well guarded, they thought it not best to make an attack, although they were three times our number.

The captain then ordered these three to go immediately into their boats, with orders to steer straight from the ship’s side and not to vary either to the right or left, for should they disobey, they would receive the contents of our guns among their boats. They obeyed, although with great reluctance, which to us was a certain proof of their ill intentions.

Although these men are small in stature, and possess but little muscular strength, yet when intoxicated they are savage, cruel and fearless as mad dogs. The next morning we stood along the shore for several miles, and were met by some Indian canoes. We then came to anchor, went on shore and purchased a large quantity of pepper, which was brought on board, weighed and paid for. We remained here several days, during which time some of our crew saw and recognized some of the same persons who made us the evening visit which I have already mentioned. They discovered no hostile intentions at this time. We continued along the coast, stopping at different places, until we had about completed our cargo, without any damage except the loss of two anchors, and narrowly escaping the rocks, which came nearly to the top of the water. We were fortunate enough to procure another anchor of a ship, which had just arrived on the coast. A few days before we left the island, we fell in with an English brig, which came there for the purpose of trading with the natives, but unarmed. He came to anchor near us, and observed that he wished to lie under the cover of our guns, while we remained here, observing that the day before, he saw a sail standing in, having the appearance of a French privateer, and should that be the case, he should probably fall into their hands, and lose his all, as this vessel and cargo was all the property which he possessed.

{18} He also told the captain of the Almonak, that he had a number of curiosities on board, which he would present to him for his acceptance; among which was a creature called the ourang-outang; he was taken at the island of Borneo, and is a great curiosity, even in India. When walking upright, this creature was about four feet high, his head resembling that of a young negro child. This creature moved with ease, was good natured to white people, would often put his arm around the sailors’ necks and walk fore and aft the deck with them; but towards negroes he appeared to have an inveterate hatred. Our cook was a large black fellow, and when employed in any particular business, especially that of stooping, this creature would come behind him and clinch and bite him most severely; and in a very few minutes would be at the top-mast head, looking down and seemingly laughing, as though he had gained some important victory; while the poor cook was left to rub his wounds without being able to obtain any further satisfaction. The English brig being manned by Lascar sailors, which are black, the captain said that in a gale of wind he always felt himself unsafe to send them aloft in the night, as the ourang-outang would often follow them, and take every advantage to bite and harass them. We kept this creature till we had been at sea about fifteen days on our home-bound passage, and were in hopes of presenting one of the greatest curiosities ever seen in America. But to our grief one morning he came from aloft on deck, made some signs of sickness, laid down and died instantly. An unfortunate Dutch sailor, who twenty-five years before had been impressed into the English service, had lately made his escape and got on board the brig I have mentioned. Wishing to return to Holland, his native country, we took him on board our ship, and, although many times boarded by English men of war and strictly searched, he secreted himself so closely that he remained undiscovered until we conveyed him safely on board one of his own country ships. The poor fellow often said, “I am afraid I shall find none of my relations or friends left, after so long an absence.”

We now took leave of our English friends, and completing our cargo, on the last of October, after a stay of {19} two months on this coast, we weighed anchor and stood out to sea, bound to the Isle of France, where we arrived on the first of December. Remaining there three weeks, we again put to sea, and in fifteen days came in sight of the Cape of Good Hope. Falling about ten miles to the leeward, we bore up with a fair and brisk wind, just passing round the point of the Cape, when it became an entire calm. This was worse than a gale; the sea running very high, the ship rolled from side to side, and oftentimes would almost roll her yards into the water. Oftentimes we thought she would upset or her mast go overboard. After remaining in this situation about two hours, a breeze sprung up which enabled us to pursue our course, and which continued until we arrived near the coast of the United States of America. One afternoon, about four o’clock, saw a schooner ahead; coming near to her, she lowered all sail. We hailed her, and asked if any thing was wanted; and were answered, as we thought, no. We hailed the second time, and received the same answer; understanding that they wanted nothing. One of the crew thought she said differently, when, on a third inquiry, found they were an American vessel, had neither bread, meat, or lights, and were in a state of complete starvation. Several of them had become so weak as to lash themselves to the rigging for safety. We supplied them with all the necessaries we could possibly spare, being short ourselves, but sufficient as we supposed to take them to New London, Connecticut, their intended port. They had been out sixty-seven days from the Spanish main, in South America, and for the five last days had nothing to eat except a few crumbs of biscuit which they had collected together. On the morning of the day on which we expected to see land, the weather being cloudy, about eight o’clock, breakers were discovered ahead, and the water striking high into the air. Put the ship about, and running but a short time the same was seen still ahead; the water seeming muddy, hove the lead, and found ten fathom water. We ran this course but a little distance before we found ourselves surrounded with breakers on all sides. The wind being fresh and a heavy sea, we were constantly throwing the lead, and found sometimes {20} twenty fathom water, sometimes ten; about one o’clock, finding but five fathom, which is thirty feet, expecting every minute the ship would strike to the bottom, the captain ordered axes to be brought, and every man to take care of himself. Our boats being much worm-eaten could be of no use to us should the ship strike; therefore the only way would be to cut away the masts. The fog continuing there could be no observation taken, and no one knowing where we were, nothing could be done but to direct our course as well as we could to avoid these difficulties. At eight o’clock in the evening we found a sufficient depth of water, and on examination found it to be Nantucket South shoals; the wind then being fair, in the middle of April, eighteen hundred and six, we arrived in the port of Boston.

I remained in Boston until the middle of June following, when I agreed with a gentleman to go to Liverpool on board a new ship then lying in Kennebeck river. On my arrival at that place, finding neither owner nor captain, and the ship being but partly laden, I waited for several days, and then shipped on board the schooner Decatur, an old vessel of one hundred tons burthen. She lay alongside of the wharf, and so heavily laden with lumber as to cause her decks to be under water. Our crew consisted of only six in number; no more could be obtained. The captain offering us the extra pay of one deficient hand to be divided among us, we accepted, and on the third day of July put to sea. We immediately found we had sufficient employment; only three hands before the mast, one hand at the helm, one at the pump, and the other not wanting for employment. We soon began to repent of our bargain, but there was no help for it. We were bound for Montego Bay, north side of the island of Jamaica; which passage we performed in forty days. We made the islands of St. Domingo and Cuba, and were boarded by an English fifty gun ship, Arethusa, who sent their boat and ordered the captain and all hands on board, which was done, while they manned the schooner. After arriving on board many questions were asked us separately; where we were from, what our cargo consisted of, if we were not Englishmen, and if we should not like to enlist on board his {21} majesty’s ship. Our answer being in the negative, wine was brought forward and we were invited to drink. This not answering their wishes, we were ordered below, where we remained until eight o’clock next morning; during which time we had neither wine nor food to eat. We were then called up and returned on board our schooner, their men returning and leaving us at our liberty. On examining our effects, found my chest and trunk pillaged of most of their contents. These articles were not contraband, and could not be taken by any officer, but were pillaged by the crew. We soon made the best of our way on the passage, and arrived at Montego Bay after a passage of forty days. We lay here three weeks, in which time we discharged our cargo and took in another. I had many generous offers in this place to take charge of a store, and tried every possible means to get discharged from the schooner, but to no effect; the captain observing that he could discharge no man. We then weighed anchor, and laid our course once more for the United States of America. We ran close by the port of Havana, made Turks Island, and after being out but a few days, found our meat and bread in a bad condition; sometimes so bad it could not be considered safe to eat it. This evil could not be remedied through the whole passage; this, together with bad weather, squalls and head winds, seemed sometimes as though we should never reach our native homes: however, in about forty days we arrived in Boston bay. Within one mile of Cape Cod, about eight o’clock in the evening, I was standing on deck, with a fine southerly breeze, anticipating the pleasure we should enjoy on being in Boston the next evening, when in an instant a squall struck us ahead, which carried away our foretopmast and main boom, and left our sails in rags. Fortunately no man was hurt, although our captain was saved from being knocked overboard by catching hold of the main rigging. This squall continued only for a minute, when all was calm again. The only business now was to repair, which we so effectually did before daylight as to be able to make sail, and soon arrived in Boston harbour, greatly rejoiced at being able once more to leave old Neptune, bad beef and wormy bread, and visit my friends {22} on terra firma. I then went to Concord, Massachusetts, and made up my mind to leave the seas for the present.

Wishing to see the Western country, I made an arrangement with a gentleman to go to Detroit, Michigan Territory, and to take out his family, consisting of his wife, three children and a man-servant; which he was desirous of removing to that country. Himself having business, went on horseback several days before we started. I purchased two horses and a pleasure wagon, and proceeded to Albany[3] in New-York, and passing through many handsome villages, such as Utica, Bloomfield, Canandaigua,[4] Batavia, &c., came to Buffalo,[5] at the foot of Lake Erie, where we met the gentleman waiting to receive his family, which he was going to put on board of a vessel and go up the lake. But preferring myself to go by land, I crossed the Niagara river into Canada; it being but three hundred miles to Detroit on that shore, while it is four hundred on the United States shore, and a much worse road. I went to a friend’s house, formerly from Concord, who lived about nine miles from this place. This friend wishing to go on the journey with me, we began to make preparations; however, as I was a stranger in that country, he wished me to visit the Falls of Niagara, thirty-eight miles below. After notifying the before mentioned gentleman, we proceeded on and saw the stupendous work of nature, which has so often and so accurately been described by other travelers as to need no description from me.