Chapter I: Part 1

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Bell's English History Source Books

General Editors: S. E. Winbolt, M.A., and Kenneth Bell, M.A.

CANADA

(1535--PRESENT-DAY)

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CANADA

(1535--PRESENT-DAY)

by

JAMES MUNRO, M.A.

Lecturer in Colonial and Indian History in the University of Edinburgh

London G. Bell and Sons, Ltd. 1913

INTRODUCTION

This series of English History Source Books is intended for use with any ordinary textbook of English History. Experience has conclusively shown that such apparatus is a valuable--nay, an indispensable--adjunct to the history lesson. It is capable of two main uses: either by way of lively illustration at the close of a lesson, or by way of inference-drawing, before the textbook is read, at the beginning of the lesson. The kind of problems and exercises that may be based on the documents are legion, and are admirably illustrated in a _History of England for Schools_, Part I., by Keatinge and Frazer, pp. 377-381. However, we have no wish to prescribe for the teacher the manner in which he shall exercise his craft, but simply to provide him and his pupils with materials hitherto not readily accessible for school purposes. The very moderate price of the books in this series should bring them within the reach of every secondary school. Source books enable the pupil to take a more active part than hitherto in the history lesson. Here is the apparatus, the raw material: its use we leave to teacher and taught.

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We shall be most grateful to teachers and students who may send us suggestions for improvement.

S. E. WINBOLT.

KENNETH BELL.

NOTE TO THIS VOLUME

For liberty to reproduce the more recent of the extracts here
quoted, I have to acknowledge the kindness of Miss E. Pauline
Johnson of Vancouver (No. 52); of Mr. Charles G. D. Roberts (No.
57); of Mr. F. A. Talbot and Messrs. Seeley, Service & Co., author
and publishers of _The Making of a Great Canadian Railway_ (No.
55); and of Messrs. Constable & Co., the publishers of the late
Lord Wolseley's _Story of a Soldier's Life_ (No. 48). To several
of the sources quoted I was directed by the volume of selections
published in 1907 under the title _Canadian Constitutional
Development_, by Professor H. E. Egerton of Oxford and Professor W.
L. Grant of Kingston, Ontario, both of whom have also made other
helpful suggestions, as has Mr. H. P. Biggar, the representative
of the Canadian Archives Office in this country. Finally, the task
of finding what one wanted has been very greatly facilitated by
the sympathetic aid of Mr. P. E. Lewin, who never loses a chance
of making the superb collection over which he presides in the
Library of the Royal Colonial Institute useful to anyone who may
be interested in the Britains overseas.

J. M.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

PAGE

1. A GREAT LAND OF RIVERS AND
LAKES _Speech by Lord Dufferin_ 1

2. JACQUES CARTIER AT HOCHELAGA,
1535 _Lescarbot's "History"_ 3

3. THE FRENCH SETTLEMENT AT ST.
CROIX, 1604 " " 5

4. "THE ANCIENT MARINER," 1631-2 _T. James's "Voyage"_ 7

5. TWO ENGLISH EXPLORERS IN
HUDSON BAY, 1631 _"The North-west Fox"_ 8

6. THE BIRTHDAY OF MONTREAL,
1642 _F. Parkman_ 10

7. GOVERNOR FRONTENAC LEADS THE
WAR-DANCE, 1690 " 11

8. MADELAINE DE VERCHÈRES, 1696 _Her Own Narrative_ 13

9. THE FRENCH CANADIANS, 1737
(in French) _Memoir by G. Hocquart_ 17

10. THE "WHITE" MEN OF THE
PRAIRIES, 1738 _La Vérendrye's "Journal"_ 18

11. THE EXPULSION OF THE ACADIANS, _Lieut.-Gov. Lawrence's
1755 Circular Letter_ 21

12. THE CONQUEST OF CANADA, _H. Walpole's "Letters"_ 23
1757-60

13. THE SIEGE OF QUEBEC, 1759 "_Gentleman's Magazine_" 26

14. WOLFE'S DIFFICULTIES, 1759 " " 28

15. THE PLAINS OF ABRAHAM, 1759 _Capt. J. Knox's
"Journal"_ 30

16. THE GOVERNMENT OF QUEBEC _SHORTT AND DOUGHTY'S
UNDER THE BRITISH, 1763-74 "Const. Docts."_ 33

17. THE COPPERMINE RIVER, 1771 _S. Hearne's "Journey"_ 35

18. THE QUEBEC ACT, 1774 _Shortt and Doughty's
"Const. Docts."_ 37

19. ONE OF THE LOYALISTS, 1783 _Transactions of U.E.
Loyalists' Association_ 38

20. THE MACKENZIE RIVER, 1789 _Sir A. Mackenzie's
"Voyages"_ 41

21. THE CONSTITUTIONAL ACT, 1791 _Shortt and Doughty's
"Const. Docts."_ 43

22. TO THE PACIFIC OVERLAND, 1793 _Sir A. Mackenzie's
"Voyages"_ 45

23. A SERVANT OF THE NORTH-WEST _MASSON'S "BOURGEOIS DU
COMPANY, 1800 Nord-Ouest"_ 48

24. THE BEAVER, 1807 _G. Heriot's "Travels"_ 49

25. A RAPID ON THE FRASER RIVER, _Masson's "Bourgeois du
1808 Nord-Ouest"_ 52

26. LAURA SECORD, 1813 _Her Own Narrative_ 54

27. LUNDY'S LANE, 1814 _"The Annual Register"_ 55

28. ATTACK ON LORD SELKIRK'S _A "STATEMENT" PUBLISHED
COLONY, 1816 in 1817_ 57

29. PROPOSED UNION OF THE CANADAS, _Canadian Archives Report,
1822 1897_ 59

30. THE FOUNDING OF GUELPH _THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF
(ONTARIO), 1827 John Galt_ 62

31. SAM SLICK CRITICISES THE _T. C. HALIBURTON'S "THE
"BLUENOSES," 1836 Clockmaker"_ 64

32. A STRUGGLE NOT OF PRINCIPLES _SIR C. LUCAS'S EDITION OF
BUT OF RACES, 1838 Lord Durham's Report_ 67

33. THE FRENCH CANADIANS IN 1838 _Sir C. Lucas's edition of
Lord Durham's Report_ 69

34. THE IRRESPONSIBLE OPPOSITION _SIR C. LUCAS'S EDITION OF
IN LOWER CANADA, 1838 Lord Durham's Report_ 71

35. DURHAM'S RECOMMENDATIONS _Sir C. Lucas's edition of
Lord Durham's Report_ 73

36. DURHAM RESIGNS AND APPEALS TO _1839 EDITION OF THE
PUBLIC OPINION "Report and Despatches"_ 75

37. THE EVILS OF THE OLD COLONIAL _J. HOWE'S "LETTERS AND
SYSTEM, 1839 Public Speeches"_ 77

38. THE BENEFITS OF RESPONSIBLE _J. HOWE'S "LETTERS AND
GOVERNMENT Public Speeches"_ 79

39. THE UNION ACT, 1840 _Houston's "Documents"_ 80

40. EDMONTON IN 1841 _Sir G. Simpson's "Journey"_ 81

41. THE MOHAWK INDIANS IN ONTARIO, _J. R. Godley's "Letters
1842 from America"_ 84

42. THE POSITION OF THE GOVERNOR, _Elgin's "Letters and
1854 Journals"_ 86

43-45. THE CONFEDERATION DEBATES, _Debates in the Parliament
1865 of Canada_ 87

46. THE BRITISH NORTH AMERICA ACT, _Egerton's "Federations
1867 and Unions"_ 91

47. THE WORK OF THE HUDSON BAY
COMPANY (to 1869) _Paper by Lord Strathcona_ 96

48. RED RIVER REBELLION, 1870 _Lord Wolseley's "Story
of a Soldier's Life"_ 98

49. ENTERING THE ROCKIES, 1872 _"Ocean to Ocean," by G.
M. Grant_ 100

50. THE DESTINY OF CANADA (1873) _"Ocean to Ocean," by G.
M. Grant_ 102

51. TARIFF REFORM IN CANADA IN _SPEECH BY SIR J. A.
1876 Macdonald_ 104

52. PRAIRIE GREYHOUNDS (SINCE _POEM BY E. PAULINE
1885) Johnson_ 105

53. LAURIER'S TRIBUTE TO _SPEECH IN CANADIAN
MACDONALD, 1891 House of Commons_ 106

54. CANADIAN TROOPS IN THE BOER _SPEECH IN CANADIAN
WAR, 1900 House of Commons_ 108

55. PIONEERS OF THE RAILWAY, 1910 _Talbot's "Making of a
Great Canadian Railway"_ 110

56. CANADIAN NAVAL POLICY, 1912 _"The Times" Supplement_ 112

57. CANADIAN STREAMS _Poem by C. G. D.
Roberts_ 115

NOTES ON PERSONS NAMED IN THE EXTRACTS 117

CANADA

(1535--PRESENT-DAY)

1. A GREAT LAND OF RIVERS AND LAKES.

=Source.=--A Speech delivered by Lord Dufferin at Winnipeg, quoted in _Round the Empire_, by Mr. G. R. Parkin. London, 1893.

As a poor man cannot live in a big house, so a small country cannot support a big river.

Now to an Englishman or a Frenchman the Severn or the Thames, the Seine or the Rhone, would appear considerable streams; but in the Ottawa, a mere affluent of the St. Lawrence, an affluent, moreover, which reaches the parent stream six hundred miles from its mouth, we have a river nearly five hundred and fifty miles long, and three or four times as big as any of them.

But even after having ascended the St. Lawrence itself to Lake Ontario, and pursued it across Lake Erie, St. Clair, Lake Huron, and Lake Superior to Thunder Bay--a distance of fifteen hundred miles, where are we? In the estimation of a person who has made the journey, at the end of all things; but to us, who know better, scarcely at the beginning of the great fluvial systems of the Dominion; for from that spot, that is to say, from Thunder Bay, we are able at once to ship our astonished traveller on to the Kaministiquia, a river of some hundred miles long. Thence, almost in a straight line, we launch him on to Lake Shebandowan and Rainy Lake and River--a magnificent stream three hundred yards broad and a couple of hundred miles long, down whose tranquil bosom he floats to the Lake of the Woods, where he finds himself on a sheet of water which, though diminutive as compared with the inland seas he has left behind him, will probably be found sufficiently extensive to render him fearfully sea-sick during his passage across it.

For the last eighty miles of his voyage, however, he will be consoled by sailing through a succession of land-locked channels, the beauty of whose scenery, while it resembles, certainly excels, the far-famed Thousand Islands of the St. Lawrence.

From this lacustrine paradise of sylvan beauty we are able at once to transfer our friend to the Winnipeg, a river whose existence in the very heart and centre of the continent is in itself one of Nature's most delightful miracles--so beautiful and varied are its rocky banks, its tufted islands; so broad, so deep, so fervid is the volume of its waters, the extent of their lake-like expansions, and the tremendous power of their rapids.

At last let us suppose we have landed our traveller at the town of Winnipeg, the half-way house of the continent, the capital of the Prairie Province.... Having had so much of water, having now reached the home of the buffalo, like the extenuated Falstaff he naturally "babbles of green fields" and careers in imagination over the green grasses of the prairie. Not at all.... We take him down to your quay and ask him which he will ascend first--the Red River or the Assiniboine--two streams, the one five hundred miles long, the other four hundred and eighty, which so happily mingle their waters within your city limits. After having given him a preliminary canter up these respective rivers, we take him off to Lake Winnipeg, an inland sea 300 miles long and upwards of 60 broad, during the navigation of which, for many a weary hour, he will find himself out of sight of land, and probably a good deal more indisposed than ever he was on the Lake of the Woods, or even the Atlantic.

At the north-west angle of Lake Winnipeg he hits upon the mouth of the Saskatchewan, the gateway of the North-West, and the starting-point to another 1500 miles of navigable water flowing nearly due East and West between its alluvial banks.

Having now reached the foot of the Rocky Mountains, our Ancient Mariner--for by this time he will be quite entitled to such an appellation--knowing that water cannot run uphill, feels certain his aquatic experiences are concluded.

He was never more mistaken. We immediately launch him upon the Athabasca and Mackenzie Rivers, and start him on a longer trip than he has yet undertaken--the navigation of the Mackenzie River alone exceeding 2500 miles. If he survives this last experience we wind up his peregrinations by a concluding voyage of 1400 miles down the Fraser River, or, if he prefers it, the Thompson River, to Victoria in Vancouver, whence, having previously provided him with a first class return ticket for that purpose, he will probably prefer getting home _via_ the Canadian Pacific.

Now, in this enumeration, those who are acquainted with the country are aware that, for the sake of brevity, I have omitted thousands of miles of other lakes and rivers which water various regions of the North-West: the Qu'Appelle River, the Belly River, Lake Manitoba, Lake Winnipegosis, Shoal Lake, and others, along whose interminable banks and shores I might have dragged, and finally exterminated, our way-worn guest.

2. JACQUES CARTIER'S VISIT TO HOCHELAGA IN OCTOBER (1535).

=Source.=--Lescarbot's _History of New France_, edited for the Champlain Society, by W. L. Grant and H. P. Biggar. Toronto, 1911.

Early next morning the captain donned his armour and ordered his men to be marshalled in order to visit the town and habitation of this tribe, and a mountain which lies close to the town, whither the captain went with the noblemen and twenty mariners, leaving the rest to guard the boats, and taking three men from the town of Hochelaga to be his guides and escort to the spot. And when on the road we found it as well beaten as could be, in a fair country like a park; with as fine oaks as in any forest in France, and the whole ground beneath them thick with acorns. When we had gone about a league and a half, we came upon one of the chiefest lords of the town of Hochelaga, with a large company, who made sign to us to rest there beside a fire which they had lighted in the roadway. And then this chief began to make a sermon and discourse, which, as we have already said, is their mode of showing joy and friendship, welcoming the captain and his company; and our captain gave him two hatchets and two knives, with a cross and a crucifix which he made him kiss, and then hung it around his neck, whereof the chief thanked our captain. This done, we went along, and about half a league further on began to come upon ploughed fields, and fair large meadows full of their manner of corn, which resembles the millet of Brazil, as large as a pea or larger, whereon they live as we do on wheat. And amid these fields is situated and placed the said town of Hochelaga, stretching up to a mountain which lies beside it, which is well cultivated and most fertile, and from whose top one can see to a great distance. This mountain we called Mount Royal. The town is built in a circle, and surrounded with a wooden palisade in three tiers, like a pyramid; the top row is crosswise, the centre row upright, and the bottom row is laid lengthwise; the whole compactly joined and lashed together after their manner, rising to about twice the height of a lance. The town has but one gate or entry, closed with bars; on it and at several points along the wall are galleries of a kind, with ladders ascending to them, provided with rocks and stones for its guard and defence. In the town are about fifty houses, each about fifty paces long or more, and twelve to fifteen broad, built all of wood, with roofs and sides made of strips of bark or of wood as broad as a table, well and cunningly knotted together after their fashion; within these are several rooms, large and small; in the midst of each house, on the ground, is a large hall where they light their fire and live in common, afterwards retiring, the men with their women and children, to their said chambers. They also have garners at the top of their houses, where they store their corn, which they call caraconi, whereof they make their bread in the following manner. They have wooden mortars, like those for beating hemp, and in these with wooden beetles they beat the corn to powder, then make paste of it and cakes of the paste, which they put on a hot stone and cover with hot pebbles, and thus they bake their bread, for want of an oven. They also make many stews of this corn, and also of beans and peas, of which they have good store; also of large cucumbers and other fruits. They have also in their houses large vats like tuns, wherein they store their eels and other fish, which they smoke during the summer and live upon in winter; of these they gather great plenty, as we by experience have seen. None of their viands have any touch of salt; and they sleep on strips of bark laid on the ground, covered with wretched skins, whereof they also make their garments, such as otters, beavers, martens, foxes, wild cats, roes, stags and other wild beasts, though indeed the greater part of them go practically stark naked.

3. THE FRENCH SETTLEMENT IN THE ISLAND OF ST. CROIX (1604).

=Source.=--Grant and Biggar's edition of Lescarbot's _History_.

During the above voyage M. de Monts worked away at his fort, which he had placed at the foot of the island, opposite the end on which, as we have said, he had lodged his cannon. This was well thought on, in order to control the whole river both up stream and down. But the trouble was that the said fort faced the north, and was without any shelter, save the trees along the shore of the island, which in the vicinity of the fort he had forbidden to be cut down. And outside the said fort was the barracks for the Swiss, large and spacious, and other small buildings like a suburb. Some had built log-huts on the mainland near the stream. But inside the fort was the dwelling of the said M. de Monts, built of fair sawn timber, with the banner of France overhead. Elsewhere within the fort was the magazine, wherein lay the safety and the life of each, built likewise of fair timber, and covered with shingles. And opposite the magazine were the lodgings and dwellings of MM. d'Orville, Champlain, Champdoré, and other notable persons. Opposite the quarters of the said M. de Monts was a covered gallery, to be used either for sports or by the workmen in wet weather. And the whole space between the said fort and the battery was taken up with gardens, at which every man worked lightheartedly. Thus passed the whole autumn; and it was not bad progress to have built their houses and cleared the island before winter; while in these parts pamphlets were being circulated under the name of Master William, stuffed with all sorts of news, wherein among other things this prognosticator said that M. de Monts was pulling out thorns in Canada. And when all is well considered, it may truly be called pulling out thorns to take in hand such enterprises, full of toils and of continual danger, care, vexation and discomfort. But virtue and the courage which overcomes all such obstacles make these thorns to be but gilly-flowers and roses to those who set themselves to these heroic deeds in order to win glory in the memory of men, closing their eyes to the pleasures of those weaklings who are good for nothing but to stay at home.

Having done the things of greatest urgency, and grey-bearded father Winter being come, they needs must keep indoors, and live every man under his own roof-tree. During this time our friends had three special discomforts in this island, to wit, want of wood (for that on the said island had been used for the buildings), want of fresh water, and the night watch for fear of a surprise from the Indians who were encamped at the foot of the said island, or from some other enemy; for such is the evil disposition and fury of many Christians, that one must be more on one's guard against them than against the infidel. This it grieveth me to say; would indeed that I were a liar herein, and that I had no cause to speak it. Thus when water or wood was required they were constrained to cross the river, which on either side is more than three times as broad as the Seine at Paris. This was both painful and tedious; so that very often one had to bespeak the boat a day in advance before being able to get the use of it. On top of this came cold and snow and frost so hard that the cider froze in the casks, and each man was given his portion by weight. As for wine, it was only given out on certain days of the week. Some lazy fellows drank melted snow without troubling to cross the river. In short, unknown diseases broke out, like those which Captain Jacques Cartier has already described for us, of which for fear of vain repetition I shall therefore not give an account. No remedy could be found.

4. THE ANCIENT MARINER (1631).

=Source.=--_The Strange and Dangerous Voyage of Captain Thomas James to Hudson Bay, 1631-2_: which is believed to be the source of much of Coleridge's _Ancient Mariner_. Reprinted by the Hakluyt Society, 1894.

[Nov.] I lay ashore till the 17, all which time our miseries did increase. It did snow and freeze most extremely. At which time, we looking from the shore towards the ship, she did look like a piece of ice in the fashion of a ship, or a ship resembling a piece of ice. The snow was all frozen about her....

The three-and-twentieth, the ice did increase extraordinarily, and the snow lay on the water in flakes as it did fall; much ice withal drove by us, yet nothing hard all this while. In the evening, after the watch was set, a great piece came athwart our hawse, and four more followed after him, the least of them a quarter of a mile broad; which, in the dark, did very much astonish us, thinking it would have carried us out of the harbour upon the shoals Easter Point, which was full of rocks. It was newly congealed, a matter of two inches thick, and we broke thorough it, the cable and anchor enduring an incredible stress, sometimes stopping the whole ice....

[May.] The second, it did snow and blow, and was so cold that we were fain to keep house all day. This unexpected cold at this time of the year did so vex our sick men that they grew worse and worse. We cannot now take them out of their beds but they would swound, and we had much ado to fetch life in them.

The third, those that were able went aboard betimes to heave out the ice. The snow was now melted in many places upon the land, and stood in plashes. And now there came some cranes and geese to it.

The fourth, while the rest wrought aboard, I and the surgeon went with a couple of pieces to see if we could kill any of these fowl for our sick men; but never did I see such wild-fowl: they would not endure to see anything move....

[July.] ... We were continually till the 22 so pestered and tormented with ice that it would seem incredible to relate it. Sometimes we were so blinded with fog that we could not see about us; and, being now become wilful in our endeavours, we should so strike against the ice that the forepart of the ship would crack again, and make our cook and others to run up all amazed and think the ship had been beaten all to pieces. Indeed we did hourly strike such unavoidable blows that we did leave the hatches open; and, 20 times in a day, the men would run down into the hold to see if she were bulged.

Sometimes, when we had made her fast in the night to a great piece of ice, we should have such violent storms that our fastening would break, and then the storm would beat us from piece to piece most fearfully; other-while, we should be fast enclosed amongst great ice as high as our poop.

5. TWO ENGLISH EXPLORERS MEET IN HUDSON BAY (1631).

=Source.=--_The North-West Fox_, Captain Luke Fox's account of his voyage. Reprinted by the Hakluyt Society, 1894.

[30 Aug.] I was well entertained and feasted by Captain James with variety of such cheer as his sea provisions could afford, with some partridges; we dined betwixt decks, for the great cabin was not big enough to receive ourselves and followers; during which time the ship ... threw in so much water as we could not have wanted sauce if we had had roast mutton.

Whereat I began to ponder whether it were better for his company to be impounded amongst ice, where they might be kept from putrefaction by the piercing air; or in open sea, to be kept sweet by being thus daily pickled. However, they were to be pitied, the ship taking her liquor as kindly as ourselves, for her nose was no sooner out of the pitcher but her neb, like the duck's, was in it again. The gentleman could discourse of Art (as observations, calculations and the like), and shewed me many instruments, so that I did perceive him to be a practitioner in the mathematics; but, when I found that he was no seaman, I did blame those very much who had counselled him to make choice of that ship for a voyage of such importance....

And (being demanded) I did not think much for his keeping out his flag; for my ambition was [not so] ethereal, and my thoughts not so airy, so to set my sight towards the sky, but when I either called to God or made celestial observation. To this was replied that he was going to the Emperor of Japan with letters from his Majesty; and that, if it were a ship of his Majesty's of 40 pieces of ordnance, he could not strike his flag. "Keep it up then," quoth I, "but you are out of the way to Japan, for this is not it." He would have persuaded me to take harbour to winter in, telling me that Sir Thomas Button took harbour the 14 of this instant. Quoth I, "He is no precedent for me. I must parallel my poverty with poor Hudson's, who took no harbour before the first of November; and that then I durst not take harbour until the midst of the same; besides, I was not come to do so much as another man, but more than any, as I had already done...."

We parted not until the next morning's dawning, and this 17 hours was the worst spent of any time of my discovery. My men told me his men gave them some tobacco, a thing good for nothing.

6. THE BIRTHDAY OF MONTREAL (1642).

=Source.=--_The Jesuits in North America_, by Francis Parkman, 1867--not itself an original contemporary source, but based mainly on a MS. _Histoire de Montreal_, by Dollier de Casson.

In many of its aspects, this enterprise of Montreal belonged to the time of the first Crusades....

On the seventeenth of May, 1642, Maisonneuve's little flotilla--a pinnace, a flat-bottomed craft moved by sails, and two row-boats--approached Montreal; and all on board raised in unison a hymn of praise. Montmagny was with them, to deliver the island, in behalf of the Company of the Hundred Associates, to Maisonneuve, representative of the Associates of Montreal. And here, too, was Father Vimont, Superior of the missions; for the Jesuits had been prudently invited to accept the spiritual charge of the young colony. On the following day, they glided along the green and solitary shores now thronged with the life of a busy city, and landed on the spot which Champlain, thirty-one years before, had chosen as the fit site of a settlement. It was a tongue or triangle of land, formed by the junction of a rivulet with the St. Lawrence, and known afterwards as Point Callière. The rivulet was bordered by a meadow, and beyond rose the forest with its vanguard of scattered trees. Early spring flowers were blooming in the young grass, and birds of varied plumage flitted among the boughs.

Maisonneuve sprang ashore, and fell on his knees. His followers imitated his example; and all joined their voices in enthusiastic songs of thanksgiving. Tents, baggage, arms and stores were landed. An altar was raised on a pleasant spot near at hand; and Mademoiselle Mance, with Madame de la Peltrie, aided by her servant, Charlotte Barré, decorated it with a taste which was the admiration of the beholders. Now all the company gathered before the shrine. Here stood Vimont, in the rich vestments of his office. Here were the two ladies, with their servant; Montmagny, no very willing spectator; and Maisonneuve, a war-like figure, erect and tall, his men clustering around him--soldiers, sailors, artisans, and labourers--all alike soldiers at need. They kneeled in reverent silence as the Host was raised aloft; and when the rite was over, the priest turned and addressed them:

"You are a grain of mustard-seed, that shall rise and grow till its branches overshadow the earth. You are few, but your work is the work of God. His smile is on you, and your children shall fill the land."

The afternoon waned; the sun sank behind the western forest, and twilight came on. Fire-flies were twinkling over the darkened meadow. They caught them, tied them with threads into shining festoons, and hung them before the altar, where the Host remained exposed. Then they pitched their tents, lighted their bivouac fires, stationed their guards, and lay down to rest. Such was the birth-night of Montreal.

7. GOVERNOR FRONTENAC LEADS THE WAR-DANCE (1690).

=Source.=--F. Parkman's _Count Frontenac and New France under Louis XIV_. (1877). The foot-note appended gives the words of the original French authorities.

Having painted, greased and befeathered themselves, the Indians mustered for the grand council which always preceded the opening of the market. The Ottawa orator spoke of nothing but trade, and, with a regretful memory of the cheapness of English goods, begged that the French would sell them at the same rate. The Huron touched upon politics and war, declaring that he and his people had come to visit their old father and listen to his voice, being well assured that he would never abandon them, as others had done, nor fool away his time, like Denonville, in shameful negotiations for peace; and he exhorted Frontenac to fight, not the English only, but the Iroquois also, till they were brought to reason. "If this is not done," he said, "my father and I shall both perish; but, come what may, we will perish together." "I answered," writes Frontenac, "that I would fight the Iroquois till they came to beg for peace, and that I would grant them no peace that did not include all my children, both white and red, for I was the father of both alike."

Now ensued a curious scene. Frontenac took a hatchet, brandished it in the air and sang the war-song. The principal Frenchmen present followed his example. The Christian Iroquois of the two neighbouring missions rose and joined them, and so also did the Hurons and the Algonquins of Lake Nipissing, stamping and screeching like a troop of madmen; while the Governor led the dance, whooping like the rest. His predecessor would have perished rather than play such a part in such company; but the punctilious old courtier was himself half Indian at heart, as much at home in a wigwam as in the halls of princes. Another man would have lost respect in Indian eyes by such a performance. In Frontenac, it roused his audience to enthusiasm. They snatched the proffered hatchet and promised war to the death.

Then came a solemn war-feast. Two oxen and six large dogs had been chopped to pieces for the occasion, and boiled with a quantity of prunes. Two barrels of wine with abundant tobacco were also served out to the guests, who devoured the meal in a species of frenzy.

["Je leur mis moy-mesme la hache à la main en chantant la chanson de guerre pour m'accomoder à leurs façons de faire." _Frontenac au Ministre_, 9 et 12 Nov. 1690.

"Monsieur de Frontenac commença la chanson de guerre, la hache à la main; les principaux chefs des François se joignant à luy avec de pareilles armes la chantèrent ensemble. Les Iroquois du Saut et de la Montagne, les Hurons et les Nipisiriniens donnèrent encore le branle: l'on eut dit, Monsieur, que ces acteurs étoient des possedez par les gestes et les contorsions qu'ils faisoient. Les _Sassakouez_, ou les cris et les hurlemens que Mr. de Frontenac étoit obligé de faire pour se conformer à leur manière, augmentoit encore la fureur bachique." _La Potherie_, iii. 97.]

8. MADELAINE DE VERCHÈRES (1696).

=Source.=--Narrative of the Heroic Deeds of Mlle. Marie-Madelaine de Verchères, aged fourteen years, against the Iroquois, on the 22nd October, in the year 1696, at eight o'clock in the morning,[1] quoted in Mr. E. Richard's _Supplement to the Report on Canadian Archives_, 1899.

I was five arpents away from the fort of Verchères, belonging to Sieur de Verchères, my father, who was then at Kebek by order of M. le Chevalier de Callières, Governor of Montreal, my mother being also in Montreal. I heard several shots without knowing at whom they were fired. I soon saw that the Iroquois were firing at our settlers, who lived about a league and a half from the fort. One of our servants called out to me:

"Fly, mademoiselle, fly! the Iroquois are upon us!"

I turned instantly and saw some forty-five Iroquois running towards me, and already within pistol shot. Determined rather to die than fall into their hands, I sought safety in flight. I ran towards the fort, commending myself to the Blessed Virgin....

Meantime my pursuers, seeing that they were too far off to take me alive before I could enter the fort, and knowing they were near enough to shoot me, stood still in order to discharge their guns at me. I was under fire for quite a time, at any rate I found the time quite long enough! Forty-five bullets whistling past my ears made the time seem long and the distance from the fort interminable, though I was so near. When within hearing of the fort, I cried out: "To arms! to arms!"

I hoped that some one would come out to help me, but it was a vain hope. There were but two soldiers in the fort, and these were so overcome by fear that they had sought safety by concealing themselves in the redoubt. Having reached the gates at last, I found there two women lamenting for the loss of their husbands, who had just been killed. I made them enter the fort, and closed the gates myself. I then began to consider how I might save myself and the little party with me, from the hands of the savages. I examined the fort, and found that several of the stakes had fallen, leaving gaps through which it would be easy for the enemy to enter. I gave orders to have the stakes replaced, and heedless of my sex and tender age, I hesitated not to seize one end of the heavy stake and urge my companions to give a hand in raising it. I found by experience that, when God gives us strength, nothing is impossible.

The breaches having been repaired, I betook myself to the redoubt, which served as a guard-house and armoury. I there found two soldiers, one of them lying down and the other holding a burning fuse. I said to the latter:

"What are you going to do with that fuse?"

"I want to set fire to the powder," said he, "and blow up the fort."

"You are a miserable wretch," I said, adding, "Begone, I command you!"

I spoke so firmly that he obeyed forthwith. Thereupon putting aside my hood and donning a soldier's casque, I seized a musket and said to my little brothers:

"Let us fight to the death for our country and for our holy religion. Remember what our father has so often told you, that gentlemen are born but to shed their blood for the service of God and the king!"

Stirred up by my words, my brothers and the two soldiers kept up a steady fire on the foe. I caused the cannon to be fired, not only to strike terror into the Iroquois and show them that we were well able to defend ourselves, since we had a cannon, but also to warn our own soldiers, who were away hunting, to take refuge in some other fort.

But alas! what sufferings have to be endured in these awful extremities of distress! Despite the thunder of our guns, I heard unceasingly the cries and lamentations of some unfortunates who had just lost a husband, a brother, a child or a parent. I deemed it prudent, while the firing was still kept up, to represent to the grief-stricken women that their shrieks exposed us to danger, for they could not fail to be heard by the enemy, notwithstanding the noise of the guns and the cannon. I ordered them to be silent and thus avoid giving the impression that we were helpless and hopeless.

While I was speaking thus, I caught sight of a canoe on the river, opposite the fort. It was Sieur Pierre Fontaine with his family, who were about to land at the spot where I had just barely escaped from the Iroquois, the latter being still visible on every hand. The family must fall into the hands of the savages if not promptly succoured.

I asked the two soldiers to go to the landing-place, only five arpents away, and protect the family. But seeing by their silence, that they had but little heart for the work, I ordered our servant, Laviolette, to stand sentry at the gate of the fort and keep it open, while I would myself go to the bank of the river, carrying a musket in my hand and wearing my soldier's casque. I left orders on setting out, that if I was killed, they were to shut the gates and continue to defend the fort sturdily. I set out with the heaven-sent thought that the enemy, who were looking on, would imagine that it was a ruse on my part to induce them to approach the fort, in order that our people might make a sortie upon them.

This was precisely what happened, and thus was I enabled to save poor Pierre Fontaine, with his wife and children. When all were landed, I made them march before me as far as the fort, within sight of the enemy. By putting a bold face upon it, I made the Iroquois think there was more danger for them than for us.

They did not know that the whole garrison, and only inhabitants of the fort of Verchères, were my two brothers aged 12 years, our servant, two soldiers, an old man of eighty, and some women and children.

Strengthened by the new recruits from Pierre Fontaine's canoe, I gave orders to continue firing at the enemy. Meantime the sun went down, and a fierce north-easter accompanied by snow and hail ushered in a night of awful severity. The enemy kept us closely invested, and instead of being deterred by the dreadful weather, led me to judge by their movements that they purposed assaulting the fort under cover of the darkness.

I gathered all my troops--six persons--together, and spoke to them thus: "God has saved us to-day from the hands of our enemies, but we must be careful not to be caught in their snares to-night. For my part, I want to show you that I am not afraid. I undertake the fort for my share, with an old man of eighty, and a soldier who has never fired a gun. And you, Pierre Fontaine, with La Bonté and Galhet (our two soldiers), will go to the redoubt, with the women and children, as it is the strongest place. If I am taken, never surrender, even though I should be burnt and cut to pieces before your eyes. You have nothing to fear in the redoubt, if you only make some show of fighting."

Thereupon I posted my two young brothers on two of the bastions, the _youth_ of 80 on a third bastion, and myself took charge of the fourth. Each one acted his part to the life. Despite the whistling of the north-east wind, which is a fearful wind in Canada at this season, and in spite of the snow and hail, the cry of "All's well" was heard at close intervals, echoing and re-echoing from the fort to the redoubt and from the redoubt to the fort.

One would have fancied, to hear us, that the fort was crowded with warriors. And in truth the Iroquois, with all their astuteness and skill in warfare, were completely deceived, as they afterwards avowed to M. de Callières. They told him they had held a council with a view to assaulting the fort during the night, but that the increasing vigilance of the guard had prevented them from accomplishing their design, especially in view of their losses of the previous day (under the fire maintained by myself and my two brothers)....

On the eighth day (for we were eight days in continual alarms, under the eyes of our enemies and exposed to their fury and savage attacks), on the eighth day, I say, M. de la Monnerie, a lieutenant detached from the force under M. de Callières, reached the fort during the night with forty men.... So soon as I saw the officer in command I saluted him, saying:

"Sir, you are welcome, I surrender my arms to you."

"Mademoiselle," he answered, with a courtly air, "they are in good hands."

"Better than you think," I replied.

He inspected the fort and found it in a most satisfactory condition, with a sentry on each bastion. I said to him:

"Sir, kindly relieve my sentries, so that they may take a little rest, for we have not left our posts for the last eight days."

9. THE FRENCH CANADIANS (1737).

=Source.=--A Memoir transmitted to the French Ministry, probably by Gilles Hocquart, intendant of New France: quoted in _Documents relating to the Seigniorial Tenure in Canada_, edited by W. B. Munro. Toronto, 1908.

La colonie de la Nouvelle-France peut comprendre environ 40,000 personnes de tout âge et de tout sexe, sur lesquelles il se trouve dix mille hommes en estat de porter les armes. Les Canadiens sont naturellement grands, bien faits, d'un tempérament vigoureux. Comme les arts n'y sont point gênés par des maîtrises, et que dans les commencements de l'établissement de la colonie les ouvriers étoient rares, la nécessité les a rendus industrieux de génération en génération. Les habitans des campagnes manient tous adroitement la hache. Ils font eux-mêmes la pluspart des outils et ustensiles de labourage, bâtissent leurs maisons, leurs granges. Plusieurs sont tisserans, font de grosses toiles et des étoffes qu'ils appellent droguet, dont ils se servent pour se vêtir eux et leur famille.

Ils aiment les distinctions et les caresses, se piquant de bravoure, sont extrêmement sensibles aux mépris et aux moindres punitions: ils sont intéressés, vindicatifs, sont sujets à l'ivrognerie, font un grand usage de l'eau-de-vie, [et] passent pour n'être pas véridiques.

Ce portrait convient au grand nombre particulièrement aux gens de la campagne. Ceux des villes sont moins vicieux. Tous sont attachés à la religion. On voit peu de scélérats. Ils sont volages, ont trop bonne opinion d'euxmêmes, ce qui les empêche de réussir comme ils pourroient le faire dans les arts, l'agriculture et le commerce. Joignons à cela l'oisiveté à laquelle la longueur et la rigueur de l'hiver donne occasion. Ils aiment la chasse, la navigation, les voyages et n'ont point l'air grossier et rustique de nos paysans de France. Ils sont communément assez souples lorsqu'on les pique d'honneur et qu'on les gouverne avec justice, mais ils sont naturellement indociles. Il est nécessaire de fortifier de plus en plus l'exacte subordination qui doit estre dans tous les ordres, particulièrement dans les gens de la campagne. Cette partie du service a esté de tout temps la plus importante et la plus difficile à remplir. Un des moyens pour y parvenir est de choisir pour officiers dans les costes les habitans les plus sages et les plus capables de commander, et d'apporter de la part du gouvernement toute l'attention convenable pour les maintenir dans leur autorité. On ose dire que le manque de fermeté dans les gouvernemens passés a beaucoup nui à la subordination. Depuis plusieurs années les crimes ont esté punis, les désordres ont été reprimés par des châtiments proportionés. La police par rapport aux chemins publics, aux cabarets, etc., a esté mieux observée et en général les habitants ont esté plus contenus qu'ils ne l'estoient autrefois. Il y a quelques familles nobles en Canada, mais elles sont si nombreuses qu'il y a beaucoup de gentilshommes.

10. THE SUPPOSED WHITE MEN OF THE PRAIRIES (1738).

=Source.=--The Journal of the French explorer, the Sieur de La Vérendrye, describing an expedition to the Missouri in 1738-9. Printed in the _Report on Canadian Archives_, 1889.

On the 20th, the whole village set out on the march to go the seventeen leagues where the meeting-place for the Mandans had been chosen; every day they entertained us with the tale that the whites we were going to see were Frenchmen like ourselves, who said they were our descendants. All they told us gave us good hope of making a discovery which would deserve attention. Mr. de la Marque and I made plans along the road from what they were telling us, believing that to be true, from which we had to deduct much. I observed to Mr. de la Marque the good order in which the Assiniboines march to prevent surprise, marching always on the prairies, the hill-sides and valleys from the first mountain, which did not make them fatigued by mounting and descending often in their march during the day. There are magnificent plains of three or four leagues. The march of the Assiniboines, especially when they are numerous, is in three columns, having skirmishers in front, with a good rear guard; the old and lame march in the middle, forming the central column. I kept all the French together as much as possible. If the skirmishers discover herds of cattle on the road, as often happens, they raise a cry which is soon returned by the rear guard, and all the most active men in the columns join the vanguard to hem in the cattle, of which they secure a number, and each takes what flesh he wants. Since that stops the march, the vanguard marks out the encampment which is not to be passed; the women and dogs carry all the baggage, the men are burdened only with their arms; they make the dogs even carry wood to make the fires, being often obliged to encamp in the open prairie, from which the clumps of wood may be at a great distance. On the morning of the 28th, we arrived at the place selected for the meeting with the Mandans, who arrived towards evening--a chief with thirty men and the four Assiniboines. The chief having from the top of a height considered the extent of our village, which appeared of a good size, I had him brought to the hut where I was, where a place had been prepared to receive him on one side of it. He came and placed himself near me; one of his people then, on his part, presented me with a gift of Indian corn in the ear, and of their tobacco in rolls, which is not good, as they do not know how to cure it like us. It is very like ours, with this difference, that it is not cultivated and is cut green, everything being turned to account, the stalks and the leaves together. I gave him some of mine, which he thought very good. I acknowledged that I was surprised, expecting to see different people from the other Indians, especially after the account given me. There is no difference from the Assiniboines....

I marched in good order to the fort, into which I entered on the 3rd of December at four in the afternoon, escorted by all the French and Assiniboines. We were led into the hut of the head chief. It was certainly large, but not enough to hold all who wished to enter. The crowd was so great that they crushed one another, Assiniboines and Mandans. There was only the place where we were, Mr. de la Marque, his brother and my children, free of them. I asked that the crowd should retire, to leave our Frenchmen clear, and to put their baggage in a place of safety, telling them they had all time to see us. Everyone was put out, but I had been too late. The bag of goods had been stolen, in which were all my presents, through the fault of one of the hired men, in whose care I had placed it before reaching the fort. He had unloaded on entering the hut without looking out for the bag, which he had put beside him in the great crowd. I felt rather confounded, my box lost, my bag of presents, which was very necessary for the place, and there were upwards of 300 livres inside. The Assiniboines seemed greatly annoyed and at once made a strict but useless search. Their fort is full of caves, well suited for concealment. The chief of the Mandans appeared to be greatly moved at my loss, and said for my consolation that there were many rascals among them. He would do his utmost to discover something about it. Had I accepted the offer of the Assiniboines I might have had it found in a little time by force, but I preferred to lose it and to make peace about everything, as I wanted to spend a part of the winter with them to get a knowledge of the more distant country....

... The Assiniboines did not yet speak of leaving, although they had purchased all they were able to do, such as painted ox-robes, deerskin, dressed buck skin, and ornamented furs and feathers, painted feathers, and peltry, wrought garters, circlets for the head, girdles. These people dress leather better than any of the other nations, and work in furs and feathers very tastefully, which the Assiniboines are not capable of doing. They are cunning traders, cheating the Assiniboines of all they may possess, such as muskets, powder, balls, kettles, axes, knives or awls. Seeing the great consumption of food daily by the Assiniboines, and afraid that it would not last long, they set afloat a rumour that the Sioux were near and that several of their hunters had noticed them. The Assiniboines fell into the trap and made up their minds quickly to decamp, not wishing to be obliged to fight.

11. THE EXPULSION OF THE ACADIANS (1755).

=Source.=--A letter sent by Charles Lawrence, Lieut.-Governor of Nova Scotia, to the Governors of the Colonies to which the Acadians were removed: printed in Thomas C. Haliburton's _Historical and Statistical Account of Nova Scotia_. Halifax, 1829.

Halifax, Nova Scotia, 11th Aug., 1755.

Sir,