Chapter IV: Part II: Captain Cuellar's (2)

Going along thus, lost with much uncertainty and toil, I met by chance with a road along which a clergyman in secular clothing was travelling (for the priests go about thus in that kingdom, so that the English may not recognise them). He was sorry for me, and spoke to me in Latin, asking me to what nation I belonged and about the shipwrecks that had taken place. God gave me grace so that I was able to reply to everything he asked me in the same Latin tongue; and so satisfied was he with me, that he gave me to eat of that which he carried with him, and he directed me by the right road that I should go to reach a castle, which was six leagues from there. It was very strong, and belonged to a savage gentleman, a very brave soldier and great enemy of the Queen of England and of her affairs, a man who had never cared to obey her or pay tribute, attending only to his castle and mountains, which made it strong.

I set out for there, experiencing much trouble on the road, and the greatest, and that which gave me most pain, was that a savage met me on the way, and, by deceiving me, took me to his hut in a deserted valley, where he said I must live all my life, and he would teach me his trade, which was that of a blacksmith.

I did not know what to answer nor did I venture,[39] so that he should not put me in the forge. Before him I showed a pleasant countenance, and proceeded to work with my bellows for more than eight days, which pleased the wicked savage blacksmith, because I did it carefully, so as not to vex him and an accursed old woman he had for wife.

I was in tribulation and sad with such miserable employment, when our Lord favoured me by causing the clergyman to return by that way, who was surprised to see me, because that savage did not wish to let me go away, as he made use of me. The clergyman scolded him severely, and told me not to be troubled, as he would speak with the chief of the castle to which he had directed me, and get him to send for me, which he did the following day. He sent four men of the savages, who served him, and a Spanish soldier, of whom he had already ten with him of those who had escaped by swimming.

When he saw me so stripped [of clothing] and covered with straw, he and all those who were with him grieved greatly, and their women even wept to see me so badly treated.

They helped me as best they could with a blanket of the kind they use, and I remained there three months, acting as a real savage like themselves.

The wife of my master was very[40] beautiful in the extreme, and showed [did] me much kindness. One day we were sitting in the sun with some of her female friends and relatives, and they asked me about Spanish matters and of other parts, and in the end it came to be suggested that I should examine their hands and tell them their fortunes. Giving thanks to God that it had not gone even worse with me than to be gipsy among the savages, I began to look at the hands of each, and to say to them a hundred thousand absurdities, which pleased them so much that there was no other Spaniard better than I, or that was in greater favour with them.

By night and by day men and women persecuted me to tell them their fortunes, so that I saw myself (continually) in such a large crowd that I was forced to beg permission of my master to go from his castle. He did not wish to give it me: however, he gave orders that no one should annoy me or give me trouble.

The custom of these savages is to live as the brute beasts among the mountains, which are very rugged in that part of Ireland where we lost ourselves. They live in huts made of straw. The men are all large bodied, and of handsome features and limbs; and as active as the roe-deer.[41] They do not eat oftener than once a day, and this is at night; and that which they usually eat is butter with oaten bread. They drink sour milk, for they have no other drink; they don't drink water, although it is the best in the world. On feast days they eat some flesh half-cooked, without bread or salt, as that is their custom. They clothe themselves, according to their habit, with tight trousers[42] and short loose coats[43] of very coarse goat's hair.[44] They cover themselves with blankets,[45] and wear their hair down to their eyes. They are great walkers, and inured to toil. They carry on perpetual war with the English, who here keep garrison for the Queen, from whom they defend themselves, and do not let them enter their territory, which is subject to inundation, and marshy. That district extends for more than forty leagues in length and breadth. The chief inclination of these people is to be robbers, and to plunder each other; so that no day passes without a call to arms among them. For the people in one village becoming aware that in another there are cattle, or other effects, they immediately come armed in the night, and "go[46] Santiago" [attack], and kill one another; and the English from the garrisons, getting to know who had taken, and robbed, most cattle, then come down upon them, and carry away the plunder. They have, therefore, no other remedy but to withdraw themselves to the mountains, with their women and cattle; for they possess no other property, nor more moveables nor clothing. They sleep upon the ground, on rushes, newly cut and full of water and ice.

The most of the women are very beautiful, but badly[47] dressed [got up]. They do not wear more than a chemise, and a blanket, with which they cover themselves, and a linen cloth, much doubled, over the head, and tied in front. They are great workers and housekeepers, after their fashion. These people call themselves Christains. Mass is said among them, and regulated according to the orders of the Church of Rome. The great majority of their churches, monasteries, and hermitages, have been demolished by the hands of the English, who are in garrison, and of those natives who have joined them, and are as bad as they. In short, in this kingdom there is neither justice nor right, and everyone does what he pleases.

As to ourselves, these savages liked us well because they knew we came against [to oppose] the heretics, and were such great enemies of theirs; and if it had not been for those who guarded us as their own persons, not one of us would have been left alive. We had good-will to them for this, although they were the first to rob us and strip to the skin those who came alive to land; from whom, and from the thirteen ships of our Armada, in which came so many people of importance, all of whom were drowned, these savages obtained much riches in jewellery and money.

Word of this reached the great Governor of the Queen, who was in the city of Dililin [Dublin], and he went immediately, with seventeen hundred soldiers, to search for the lost ships and the people who had escaped. They were not much fewer than one thousand men, who, without arms and naked, were wandering about the country in the locality where each ship had been lost.

The majority of these the Governor caught, and hanged them at once or inflicted other penalties, and the people who he knew had sheltered them he put in prison, and did them all the injury he could.

In this manner he took three or four savage chiefs, who had castles, in which they had sheltered some Spaniards; and, having put both parties under arrest, marched with them along the whole of the coasts till he arrived at the place where I was wrecked. From thence he turned off towards the castle of Manglana [MacClancy], for so they called the savage with whom I was, who was always a great enemy of the Queen, and never loved anything of hers, nor cared to obey her, for which reason he (the Governor) was very anxious to take him prisoner.

This savage, taking into consideration the great force that was coming against him, and that he could not resist it, decided to fly to the mountains, which was his only remedy: more he could not do.

We Spaniards, who were with him, had news of the misfortune which was coming upon us, and we did not know what to do, or where to place ourselves in safety.

One Sunday, after mass, the chief, with dishevelled hair down to his eyes, took us apart, and, burning with rage, said that he could not remain, and he had decided to fly with all his villagers, their cattle, and their families, and that we should settle what we wished to do to save our lives. I replied to him to calm himself a little, and that presently we would give him an answer. I went apart with the eight Spaniards who were with me--they were good fellows--and I told them they should well consider all our past misfortunes and that which was coming upon us; and in order not to see ourselves in more, it was better to make an end of it at once honourably; and as we had then a good opportunity, we should not wait any longer, nor wander about flying to the mountains and woods, naked and barefooted, with such great cold as there was. Besides, the savage regretted so much to abandon his castle, we, the nine Spaniards who were there, would cheerfully remain in it and defend it to the death. This we could do very well, although there should come two other such forces, more than that which was coming, because the castle is very strong and very difficult to take if they do not (even though they should) attack it with artillery; for it is founded in a lake of very deep water, which is more than a league wide at some parts, and three or four leagues long, and has an outlet to the sea; and, besides, with the rise of spring tides it is not possible to enter it, for which reason the castle could not be taken by water nor by the shore of the land that is nearest to it. Neither could injury be done it, because [for] a league round the town, which is established on the mainland, it is marshy, breast-deep, so that even the inhabitants [natives] could not get to it except by paths.

Then, considering all this carefully, we decided to say to the savage that we wished to hold the castle and defend it to the death; that he should, with much speed, lay in provisions for six months, and some arms.

The chief was so pleased with this, and to see our courage, that he did not delay much to make all provision, with the concurrence [good-will] of the principal men of his town, who were all satisfied. And, to insure that we should not act falsely, he made us swear that we would not abandon his castle, nor surrender it to the enemy for any bargain or agreement, even if we should perish from hunger; and not to open the gates for Irishman, Spaniard, or any one else till his return, which he would doubtless accomplish.

Then, all that was necessary being well prepared, we moved into the castle, with the ornaments and requisites for the Church service, and some relics which were there, and we placed three or four boat-loads of stones within, and six muskets, with six cross-bows, and other arms. Then the chief, embracing us, retired to the mountains, all his people having already gone there; and the report was spread throughout the country that Manglana's [MacClancy's] Castle was put in a state of defence, and would not be surrendered to the enemy, because a Spanish captain, with other Spaniards who were within, guarded [held] it.

Our courage seemed good to the whole country, and the enemy was very indignant at it, and came upon the castle with his forces--about eighteen hundred men--and observed us from a distance of a mile and a half from it, without being able to approach closer on account of the water which[48] intervened. From thence he exhibited some warnings, and hanged two Spaniards, and did other damages [injuries] to put us in fear. He demanded many times, by a trumpeter[49], that we should surrender the castle, and he would spare our lives and give us a pass to Spain. We said to him that he should come closer to the tower, as we did not understand him, appearing always to make little of his threats and promises [words].

We had been besieged for seventeen days, when our Lord saw fit to succour and deliver us from that enemy by severe storms and great falls of snow, which took place to such an extent that he [the Queen's Governor] was compelled to depart with his force, and to march back to Duplin [Dublin], where he had his residence and garrisons. From thence he sent us warning that we should keep ourselves out of his hands, and not come within his power; and that he would return in good time to that country.

We replied to him much to our satisfaction, and to that of our Governor of the castle, who, when he got the news that the Englishmen had retired, returned to his town and castle greatly appeased and calmed, and they _fêted_ us much.

He [the chief] very earnestly confirmed us [admitted us to full privileges] as most loyal friends: offering whatever was his for our service, and the chief persons of the land [did the same], neither more nor less. To me he would give a sister of his, that I should marry her. I thanked him much for this; but contented myself with a guide to direct me to a place where I could meet with embarkation for Scotland.

He did not wish to give me permission [to leave], nor to any Spaniard of those who were with him, saying that the roads were not safe; but his sole object was to detain us, that we might act as his guard.

So much friendship did not appear good to me; and thus I decided, secretly, with four of the soldiers who were in my company, to depart one morning two hours before dawn, so that they should not pursue [? stop] us on the road: and also because one day previously a boy of Manglana's [MacClancy's] had told me his father had said that he would not let me leave his castle until the King of Spain should send soldiers to that country; and that he wished to put me in prison, so that I might not go.

Possessed of this information, I dressed myself as best I could, and took to the road, with the four soldiers, one morning ten days after the Nativity,[50] in the year 88.

I travelled [went travelling] by the mountains and desolate places, enduring much hardship, as God knows; and at the end of twenty days' journey, I got to the place where Alonzo de Leyva, and the Count de Paredes and Don Tomas de Granvela, were lost, with many other gentlemen, to give an account of whom would need a quire[51] of paper.

I went to the huts of some savages that were there, who told me of the great misfortunes of our people who were drowned at that place, and showed me many jewels and valuables of theirs, which distressed me greatly.

My chief cause of misery was that I had no means of embarking for the Kingdom of Scotland; until one day I heard of the territory of a savage, whom they called Prince Ocan, where there were some vessels that were going to Scotland. Thither I travelled, crawling along, for I could [scarcely] move because of a wound in one leg; but, as it led to safety, I did all I could to walk, and reached it quickly. The vessels had left two days before, which was no small disappointment for me, as I was in a very dreadful country and among enemies, there being many English stationed at the port, and each day they were with Ocan.

At this time I suffered great pain in the leg, so much so that in no manner could I stand upon it. I was advised, too, that I should be very cautious, because there were many English there who would do me great harm if they caught me, as they had done to other Spaniards; especially if they knew who I was.

I did not know what to do, as the soldiers who came with me had left, and gone to another port further on to seek for a passage.

Some women, when they saw me alone, and ill, pitied me, and took me away to their little huts on the mountain, and kept me there for more than a month and a half in safety, and cured me, so that my wound healed, and I felt well enough to go to Ocan's village to speak with him.

But he did not wish to hear or see me; for, it was said, he had given his word to the great Governor of the Queen not to keep any Spaniard in his territory, nor permit one to go about in it.

The English, who were quartered there, having marched off to invade a territory and take it, Ocan accompanied them with all his force, so that one could go openly [boldly] about the village, which was composed of thatched huts.

In them there were some very beautiful girls, with whom I was very friendly, and went into their houses occasionally for society and conversation.

One afternoon, while I was there, two young Englishmen came in, one of whom was a sergeant, and possessed information of me, by name, but yet had not seen me before. When they were seated, they asked me if I were a Spaniard; and what I was doing there. I said yes; that I was one of the soldiers of Don Alonzo de Luçon, who had lately surrendered to them; but on account of a bad leg, I had not been able to leave the district; that I was at their service, to do whatever they wished to command.

They told me to wait a little, and that I should have to go with them to the city of Dublin, where there were many important Spaniards in prison.

I said that I could not walk or go with them, and they sent to search for a horse to carry me. I told them I was very willing to do whatever they wished, and to go with them, with which they were reassured, and began to make fun with the girls.

Their mother made signs to me to go away (that I should leave by the door), and I did so in great haste, leaping banks as I went along. I got among thick brambles, into which I penetrated until I lost sight of Ocan's Castle, following this course until I wished to lie down for the night.

I had arrived at a very large laguna [lake or marsh], along the banks of which I saw a herd of cows walking, and I was approaching to see if there was any one with them who could tell me where I was, when I observed two boy savages advancing. They came to collect their cows, and take them up the mountain to where they and their fathers were hiding for fear of the English; and there I spent two days with them, being treated with much kindness.

One of the boys had to go to the village of the Prince of Ocan to ascertain what news or rumour there was, and he saw the two Englishmen, who were going about, raging, in search of me.

Information about me had already been given to them, and no one passed by whom they did not ask if he had seen me.

The boy was such a good lad that, upon learning this, he returned to his hut, and informed me of what had occurred, so that I had to leave there very early in the morning, and to go in search of a bishop, who was seven leagues off in a castle where the English kept him in banishment and retirement. This bishop was a very good Christian, and went about in the garb of a savage for concealment, and I assure you I could not restrain tears when I approached him to kiss his hand. He had twelve Spaniards with him for the purpose of passing them over to Scotland, and he was much delighted at my arrival, all the more so when the soldiers told him that I was a captain. He treated me with every kindness[52] that he could for the six days I was with him, and gave orders that a boat should come to take us over to Scotland, which is usually done in two days. He gave us provisions for the voyage and said mass to us in the castle, and spoke with me about some things concerning the loss of the kingdom, and how His Majesty had assisted them; and that he should come to Spain as soon as possible after my arrival in Scotland, where he advised me to live with much patience, as in general they were all Lutherans and very few Catholics. The bishop was called Don Reimundo Termi (?) [? Bishop of Times], an honourable and just man. God keep him in His hands and preserve him from his enemies.

That same day at dawn[53] [when it was growing light], I went to sea in a wretched boat in which we sailed--18 persons--and the wind becoming contrary the same day, we were forced to run before it, at the mercy of God, for Shetland, where we reached the land at daylight; the boat being nearly swamped, and the main-sail carried away. We went on shore to give thanks to God for the mercies He had bestowed upon us in bringing us there alive; and from thence, in two days, with good weather, we left for Scotland, where we arrived in three days: not without danger, on account of the great quantity of water the miserable boat took in.

We blessed God who withdrew us from such perils and so great hardships, and brought us to a land where there might be more succour.

It was said that the King of Scotland protected all the Spaniards who reached his kingdom, clothed them, and gave them passages to Spain; but all was the reverse, for he did no good to anyone, nor did he bestow one dollar in charity. Those of us who reached that kingdom suffered the greatest privations; inasmuch, as we were [left] for more than six months as naked as when we arrived from Ireland, and other places, to seek succour and assistance there, and passages to Spain.

I am inclined to believe that he was much persuaded, on the part of the Queen of England, to hand us over to her. And had not the Catholic Lords and Counts of that kingdom helped us--and there were many, and great gentlemen, to favour us and speak for us to the King, and in the Councils which were held on the subject--without doubt we should have been betrayed [sold], and handed over to the English. For the King of Scotland is nobody: nor does he possess the authority or position of a king: and he does not move a step, nor eat a mouthful, that is not by order of the Queen. Thus, there are great dissensions among the gentlemen, who bear him no good-will, and desire to see his reign ended, and the Majesty of the King, our Lord, in his place, that he might establish the Church of God, which has been brought to such ruin there.

This they said to us many times, almost weeping, longing to see that day which, they hoped in God, might soon arrive.

And, as I say, these gentlemen supported us all the time that we were there, and gave us much alms, and were kind to us, sorrowing for our misfortunes, with much pity. They asked us to have patience, and to bear with a people who called us idolaters and bad Christians, and said a thousand heresies to us; for, if one made answer, they would fall upon him and kill him, and it was impossible to live or remain in such a bad kingdom with so bad a king....[54] A despatch was sent to the Duke of Parma ... at which his Highness, as a pious prince, grieved, and with great zeal he sought to succour us ... to the King, that he would permit us to leave his kingdom, and to the Catholics and friends much gratitude on the part of his Majesty, with his most friendly letters.

There was a Scotch merchant in Flanders, who offered and agreed with his Highness that he would come to Scotland for us and ship us in four vessels, with the provisions which were necessary, and that he would bring us to Flanders, his Highness giving him five ducats for each Spaniard of those that he brought to Flanders.

The agreement was made with him, and he went for us and embarked us, unarmed and naked as he found us, and took us by the ports of the Queen of England, which secured us permission to pass by all the fleets and ships of her kingdom.

All was treacherous; for an arrangement had been made with the ships of Holland and Zealand that they should put to sea and await us at the same bar [entrance to the harbour] of Dunkirk, and there they should put us all to death, without sparing one, which the Dutch did as they were commanded; and were on the look-out for us for a month and a half at the said port of Dunkirk, and there they should have caught us all had not God helped us.

God willed that of the four vessels in which we came, two escaped and grounded, where they went to pieces; and the enemy, seeing the means of safety which we were taking, gave us a good discharge of artillery, so that we were forced to cast ourselves afloat[55] [to make a desperate attempt], and we thought to end it there.

They could not come to our assistance with the boats from the port of Dunkirk, as the enemy cannonaded them briskly. On the other hand, the sea and wind were very high; so that we were in the greatest peril of being all lost.

However, we cast ourselves afloat[56] on timbers, and some soldiers were drowned, as was also a Scotch captain. I reached the shore in my shirt, without other description of clothing, and some soldiers of Medina (?) who were there came to help me.

It was sad to see us enter the town once more, stripped naked; and for the other part we saw, as before our eyes, the Dutch making a thousand pieces of two hundred and seventy Spaniards who came in the ship which brought us to Dunkirk, without leaving more than three alive; for which they are now being paid out, as more than four hundred Dutchmen who have been taken since then have been beheaded. This I have wished to write to you.

From the City of Antwerp, 4th October, 1589.

_Sᵍᵈ._

FRANCISCO DE CUELLAR.

ACADEMY OF HISTORY--COLLECTION SALAZAR,
NO. 7, FOLIO 58.

FOOTNOTES:

[12] (1), (2), (3). V.m., initials representing _Vuestra merced_ = your worship, your honour, or sir, you.

[13] _Alférez_ = ensign.

[14] _Maesos de Campo_--an obsolete form for _Maestre de Campo_, an ancient military officer of superior rank, who commanded a certain number of troops. In the English _State Papers_ of that period the translation adopted for it is simply camp-master.

[15] _Mayorazgos_--heirs to estates, by right of primogeniture.

[16] _Agravios_ = offences, _insults_.

[17] _Maesos de Campo._ See Note 5.

[18] _Avieso_ = irregular, perverse.

[19] _Auditor_ = a Judge appointed to assist military or naval officers with his advice in Law proceedings.

[20] _Fiesta_ = feast. This is a curious use of the word.

[21] _Hecho una sopa de agua_--an idiomatic expression, meaning "_wet through to the skin_."

[22] _Arca_--coffer, _iron chest for money_. The dictionary of the Spanish Academy gives a definition of _Arca_, of which the following is a translation: "A large chest, with flat lid attached to it by hinges or hooks, so that it can be opened and shut, and which is fastened in front with a lock or padlock. It usually consists of plain wood without lining in the interior or covering outside."

[23] _Wolves_ did not disappear from Ireland till the early part of the eighteenth century. There was a presentment for killing them, in the County of Cork, as late as the year 1710.

[24] This might also be translated "that I might recover in it."

[25] The part within the brackets was accidentally omitted in copying the rough draft of the original translation. _Montes_ signifies both mountains and woods. Cuellar uses _montaña_ to signify mountain, and _montes_ apparently for woods. He also makes use of _bosque_, a wood with thick underbrush, or a thicket.

[26] _Encaminaria_ = would guide, put in the right road.

[27] _Paja_--coarse grass or straw.

[28] _Bosque_--wood or thicket, with much underbrush.

[29] _Hermosisima por todo extremo._ This implies a very strong expression, consisting, as it does, of a double superlative.

[30] _Poltron_ = poltroon.

[31] _Amiga_ = female friend.

[32] _Real_--a Spanish coin, value a dollar.

[33] _Jubon_--doublet, jacket.

[34] _Paga_--literally means payment; but when applied to soldiers or sailors, as in this case, it means monthly pay.

[35] _Hacienda Norte de las montañas._ _Norte_, strictly speaking, means the _Arctic pole_; but, according to the Dictionary of the Spanish Academy, it is also used, metaphorically, to mean _direction_, or guide, in allusion to the _North Star_, by which navigators guide themselves with the direction of the mariner's compass.

[36] _Aquellos herejes salvajes_--literally, heretics, savages, both being nouns.

[37] _Fortuna_--generally means _fortune_ or _chance_, but it also signifies a _storm_ or _tempest_. It is in this latter sense that it appears to be used here; for Cuellar goes on to describe the injured state in which the ship was.

[38] _Y los pasaron todos á cuchillo_ = and they passed them all to the _knife_. An idiomatic expression in Spanish corresponding to the English one, _were put to the sword_.

[39] Cuellar has not expressed himself clearly here, but he seems to mean that he did not oppose the blacksmith's wishes.

[40] _Muy hermosa por todo extremo._ This is a slight modification of a similar expression on a previous occasion. See Note 29.

[41] _Corzos_ = roe-deer. _Cervus capreolus_, or _Capreolus caprea_.

[42] _Calzas_ = trousers, hose.

[43] _Sayos_ = loose coats.

[44] _Pelotes_ = goat's hair.

[45] _Mantas_ = blankets.

[46] _Anda Santiago._ This is a slang expression, meaning to attack. It is derived from the fact that _Santiago_ was the war-cry or watchword of the Spaniards when going into action, _Santiago_ being the patron saint of Spain.

[47] _Compuestas_ = composed, made up.

[48] _Por el agua que habia de for medio._

[49] _Un trompeta_ = a trumpeter. This noun is both _feminine_ and _masculine_, meaning, respectively, _a trumpet_ and _a trumpeter_. The masculine article _un_ shows that the noun is used here in its masculine form.

[50] _Christmas._

[51] _Mano de papel_ = a quire of paper.

[52] Cuellar uses the word _courtesy_ on several occasions where _kindness_ is what he seems to mean.

[53] Mass appears to have been said in the night-time, and the preparations may also have been made during the night, so that the boat might leave at daylight, and not attract too much attention.

[54] Here the manuscript is stated to be torn and illegible.

[55] _Echarnos a nado._ _Echarse a nado_ literally means to cast oneself afloat; but it has also a metaphorical signification--viz., _to make a desperate attempt_. As the same expression is made use of twice close together, it may be that in the first instance it was meant metaphorically; but this is by no means certain.

[56] See preceding Note.

INDEX.

PAGE

_Academia de la Historia_, 7

Aghanlish (townland), 16

Allingham, Hugh, 39

Alonzo de Leyva, 65

Anchor, Spanish, 33

"_Armada, La, Invencible_", 5

Armada Exhibition, 31

Aran, North Island of, 33

Ballyshannon Castle, 23

Belleek Castle, 23

Beallach-in-Mithidheim, 16

Bell, Spanish, in Donegal Church, 34

Bingham, Sir R., 22

Blacksod Bay, 26

Bundrowse, 10

Burke, Richard ("The Devil's Son"), 26

Bush River, 29

Carrig-na-Spaniagh, 9

Cacair-Sinchill, 16

Castlefort Bay, Co. Donegal, 33

Castlecaldwell Museum, 34

Carndonagh Church, 34

Cannon, Brass, recovered from Armada Ships, 33

Cattle-booley, An Ancient, 17

_Century, Nineteenth_, 5

Church Relics, MacClancy's, 20

Chests, Money, 29-32, 51

Clew Bay (Money Chest), 31

Connaught, 6, 10, 25

Crannog, MacClancy's, 16

Crawford, Robert, 6

Cuellar, Captain, 7, 42, 44

Cuellar and his Comrades arrive at Dunkirk, 70

Dartree MacClancy (territory), 15

Dartry Mountains, 13

De Leyva, 26, 65

Don Martin, 6

Don Diego Enriquez, 9, 49, 51

Don Graveillo de Swasso, 23

Don Cristobal de Avila, 47

Don Tomas de Granvela, 65

Don Reimundo Termi, Bishop (not identified), 67

Donegal Bay, 39

Donegal Mountains, 13

Doire-Melle, 16

Dromahair Castle, 26

Ducie, Earl of, 5, 39

Duro, Captain, 5, 39

Dun Carbery, 16

Dunluce Castle, 29, 65

_Duquesa Santa Anna_, 34

"Enchanted Ships, The", 32

England, Queen of, 60

_El Gran Griffon, Capitana_, 34

Erris Head, 7, 26

Erne River, 23

Expedition against the Spaniards, 22

_Feàr-Gortha_, 18

Fitzwilliam, Lord Deputy, 22

Figure-head of Spanish Ship, 5

Froude, J. A., 5, 6, 39

_Girona, The_, 27-29, 34

Giant's Causeway, 28

"Governor, Great, of the Queen", 62

Glack (townland), 15

Glenade, 13, 15, 41

Glencar Lough, 13

Glennageveny Bay, 28

Habits of the Irish in 16th Century, 17-19, 61, 62

Hamilton, Major (Money Chest), 32

Head-dress of Irish Women of the Period, 19

"Hungry Grass" (superstition), 18

Inismurray Island, 11

Iniskeen Island, 16

Inisheher Island, 15

Inisowen, 23

Ineen Dubh (O'Donnell's wife), 23

Killybegs, 27

Latin Language, 14, 55

_La Trinidad Valencera_, 34

"_La Armada Invencible_", 39

Laughton, Professor (Navy Records Society), 34

Leitrim Mountains, 41

Lord Deputy, 19, 23

_Longman's Magazine_, 39

Martin de Aranda, 7, 47

Manglana (MacClancy), 19, 42, 43, 62, 65

MacClancy, Boethius, 22

MacDonnell, Sir James, 25

MacSwine's Territory, 27, 29

Medina, Duke of, 7

Melvin Lough, 15-17

Molaise, St., 11

Mullinaleck (townland), 16

Mullaghderg, 32

Myler McGrath, 24

Newtown Village (O'Rourke), 13

Niall of the Nine Hostages, 16

_Nineteenth Century_, 39

North: in what sense used in narrative, 55

Oaten Bread, 17, 18

O'Clery's Castle, 29

Ocan (O'Cahan), 65

O'Donnell's Castle, 23, 31

O'Donnell, 23, 27

O'Doherty's Country, 23

O'Gallagher (_alias_ O'Toole), 23

Ommanney, Sir Erasmus, 33

O'Neill, 21, 27

O'Rourke, 13, 15, 41, 57-59

Palmistry in the 16th Century, 17

Paredes, Count de, 65

Provost Marshal, 7

_Rata, The_, 26, 27, 34

Rossclogher Castle, 16, 17, 19-21

Rossfriar, 20

Rossan Point, 27

Rosses, The, 32

Sassanas, 56

_San Pedro_, 7, 47

_San Juan de Sicilia_, 9, 34

_San Martin, The_, 27, 34

_Santa Anna, The_, 27

Scotland, Cuellar escapes to, 65-68

Scotland, King of: his attitude towards the
Spaniards, 68

Sedgwick, Mr.: his translation referred to, 41

Siege of Rossclogher Castle, 19-21, 63, 64

Spaniard Rock, 28

Spanish Eagles (Decoration on Chest Lid), 31

Spanish Vessels lost on the coast, 34

Spanish Vessels: why so many were lost, 34

Spanish Vessels, Tonnage and Number of Men in, 34

Spanish Arms, 33

Spanish Gold Coins found in Donegal, 34

Spanish Cannon, 33

Straw Huts referred to, 54

Staad Abbey, 11, 52

State Papers quoted, 10, 15, 21-29

Tory Island, 7

Translation of Spanish Narrative. By R. Crawford, 45

Tullaghan, 16

_Ulster Journal of Archæology_, 39

United Service Institution, London, 33

War Materials in use in 16th Century, 20

Wolves in Ireland in 16th Century (Note), 51

Women, Beauty of, 62

_ILLUSTRATIONS._

PAGE

Figure-head of Spanish Galleon, wrecked at Streedagh 5

Map of West and North-West Coast of Ireland, drawn A.D. 1609 8

The Spaniards holding Rossclogher Castle, with Vignette of
the Castle as it now is, from a sketch by Mrs. Allingham,
Ballyshannon 21

Wreck of a Galleon on Antrim Coast 28

A Spanish Treasure Chest 31

Spanish Anchor, drawn by Maude Allingham from a photograph
specially taken in London 33

* * * * *

IN PREPARATION.

Annals of * *

Ballyshannon & Tir-Hedba.

By HUGH ALLINGHAM, M.R.L.A., ----

Author of
Ballyshannon: Its History and Antiquities,
Captain Cuellar's Adventures in Connacht and Ulster, A.D. 1588
&., &., &.

* * * * *

The wide popularity and favourable reception of the HISTORY OF
BALLYSHANNON, published in 1879, and long hout of print, has induced
the author to extend the field of his researches over a much wider
area--a work on which he has been engaged for some years, and which
is now approaching completion.

* * * * *

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| Transcriber's Notes. |
| |
| The original spelling and punctuation has been retained. |
| Variations in hyphenation and compound words have been preserved. |
| Fixed various punctuation. |
| |
| Italicized words and phrases in the text version are presented by |
| surrounding the text with underscores. |
+--------------------------------------------------------------------+