Chapter IX (3)

The king immediately summoned the Estates of Scotland to meet at Scone on the 5th of February, and there they became bound to acknowledge Margaret, princess of Norway, as the legitimate heir of their sovereign, ‘failing any children whom Alexander might have, and failing the issue of the prince of Scotland deceased, in the whole kingdom and the island of Man, and the whole other islands belonging to the kingdom of Scotland.’ The nobles present will show that the Estates now represented the entire territory of Scotland. There were the earls of Buchan, Dunbar, Stratherne, Lennox, Carrick, Mar, Angus, Menteith, Ross, Sutherland, Fife, and Atholl, of whom four were Norman intruders into Celtic earldoms, and the earl of Orkney represented the earldom of Caithness; and there were twenty-four barons, of whom eighteen at least represented the Norman baronage of the kingdom; while the Celtic element is represented only by Alexander of Argyll, Angus son of Donald, and Alan son of Rotheric, the native rulers of Argyll and the Isles.[740]

[Sidenote: A.D. 1285-6.
Death of Alexander the Third.]

King Alexander, thus left childless, married Yolande, daughter of the Count de Dreux, on the 14th of October 1285, in the hope of obtaining a male heir to the Crown, but was killed on the 19th of March following, having been thrown from his horse in the dusk of the evening while riding from Queensferry to Kinghorn to visit his queen.[741]

FEUDAL
SCOTLAND

_W. & A. K. Johnston Edinburgh & London._
]

[Sidenote: Conclusion.]

The young Maid of Norway died in Orkney, when on her passage from Norway to take possession of her kingdom, in the end of September 1290, and thus terminated the last native dynasty of Scottish monarchs of Celtic descent in the male line, and Scotland, with her united provinces, her feudal institutions, and her mixed population, now became a prize to be contested for between the English monarch, who asserted his right as her lord paramount, and the various Norman barons who claimed her as their inheritance through descent in the female line from her native monarchs. It is with the Celtic portion of her population alone that this work is now mainly concerned.

-----

Footnote 620:

The first-known earl of Atholl was Madach Comes, who appears as
witness to charters of Alexander I. and David I. He is called in the
Orkneyinga Saga ‘Moddadr, Jarl af Atjoklum,’ and is there said to be
son of ‘Melkolmr, brother of King Melkolf, father of David, who is now
king of Scots’ (chap. lvii.). Melkolf is obviously Malcolm Ceannmor,
and other MSS. read Melmare in place of Melkolmr, which is probably
the true reading, as in the Book of Deer we find Malmori d’Athotla
witnessing one of the charters. Wynton has a curious story that
Malcolm Ceannmor was an illegitimate son of King Duncan, by the miller
of Forteviot’s daughter, and that he had two legitimate brothers. The
latter seems to be well founded, and the former may have been raised
by the partisans of Donald to strengthen his claim upon the throne.

Footnote 621:

In the Chartulary of St. Andrews is a memorandum of a charter by
‘Edelradus vir venerande memorie filius Malcolmi regis Scotiæ Abbas de
Dunkelden et insuper Comes de Fyf,’ confirmed by his brothers Eadgar
and Alexander, because the lands had been granted to him by his
parents ‘in juvenili etate’ (p. 115).

Footnote 622:

For Godred Crovan see Munch’s edition of _Chron. of Man_, pp. 3, 50.
The Magnus Barefoot’s Saga seems to have combined the account of two
expeditions of that king in 1093 and 1098 into one. But the distinct
statement that he conquered the Western Isles during the reign of
Malcolm, and while Godred and his son Lagman were still alive, leaves
no doubt that his first expedition took place in the last year of
Malcolm’s reign.

Footnote 623:

_Sax. Chron._ ad an. 1093.

Footnote 624:

Fordun, _Chron._ B. v. c. xxi. It is usually stated on Fordun’s
authority that Donald Ban had obtained the assistance of Magnus, king
of Norway, who had just conquered the Western Isles, but there is no
expression to this effect in Fordun’s Chronicle. The words ‘auxilio
regis Norwegiæ’ are interpolated by Bower.

Footnote 625:

Wynton, B. vii. c. 3.

Footnote 626:

_Sax. Chron._ ad an. 1093.

Footnote 627:

_Sax. Chron._ ad an. 1093.

Footnote 628:

Duncanus filius regis Malcolumb constans hereditarie rex Scotiæ. _Nat.
MSS. of Scot._, Part i. No. ii. The authenticity of this charter was
at one time doubted, but it is now recognised as genuine. See
_Introduction_, p. viii.

Footnote 629:

_Chart. Dunf._ p. 3. King David I., who remodelled the foundation in
his charter, confirms these lands which had been given by his brother
Duncan. The appearances of Eadgar as a witness to the first charter,
and the expression in this ‘dona Duncani fratris mei’ without
qualification, are a strong indication that he was considered
legitimate. The imputation of bastardy was first made by William of
Malmesbury, and adopted from him by Fordun. It seems to have been the
fruit of subsequent claims by his descendants.

Footnote 630:

_Chron. Cumbriæ_ apud Dug. _Mon._ i. p. 400; but the authority of this
chronicle is not great. William Fitz Duncan is, however, historical.

Footnote 631:

_Sax. Chron._ ad an. 1094.

Footnote 632:

See _Transactions of Ant. Soc._, vol. ii. page 480, for paper by
Professor Stuart ‘on the reign of Duncan the Second.’

Footnote 633:

William of Malmesbury tells us (B. v. § 400) ‘Solus fuit Edmundus
Margaretæ filius a bono degener, qui Duvenaldi patrui nequitiæ
particeps, fraternæ non inscius necis fuerat, pactus scilicet regni
dimidium.’ This statement is confirmed by the Ulster Annals, which
have ‘1094 Donnchadh mac Maelcolaim Ri Albain domarbhadh o braithribh
fein i. o Domnall agus o Etmond (Duncan, son of Malcolm, king of
Alban, slain by his brothers Donald and Edmund) per dolum.’

Footnote 634:

William of Malmesbury, _Hist. Regum_, B. v. § 400. The crime was the
slaughter of Duncan. His language here is not very consistent with his
branding Duncan as a bastard and a usurper.

Footnote 635:

_Chron. Picts and Scots_, p. 175. The Scalachronica says that he died
at Dunkeld, and was buried in Iona, which is unlikely, as the Isles
did not then belong to Scotland. The continuation of Tighernac has at
1099, ‘Domnall mac Donnchada Ri Alban do dalladh do braithribh fein.’

Footnote 636:

_Chron. of Man_, ed. Munch, p. 5. The Chronicle inserts an Irishman,
Donald mcTadg, before Ingemund, but his true period was after the
death of Magnus Barefoot in 1103.

Footnote 637:

_Collectanea de Rebus Albanicis_, p. 347.

Footnote 638:

It is obvious that in Magnus Barefoot’s Saga the expeditions made in
the first and in the fifth years of his reign have been confounded
together. Fordun in his Chronicle (vol. ii. p. 213) says in general
terms:—‘While these three—namely Donald, Duncan, and Edgar too—were
struggling for the kingdom in this wise, the king of the Noricans,
Magnus, the son of King Olave, son of King Harold, surnamed Harfager,
sweeping the gulfs of the sea with a host of seamen, subdued the
Orkneys to his dominion, and the Mevanian islands both of Scotland and
England, which indeed for the most part used to belong to Scotland by
ancient right;’ to which Bower adds that it was by the assistance of
Magnus that Donald Ban usurped the throne on the death of his brother
King Malcolm. By all later writers the cession of the Isles is
attributed to him, but in fact the connection between Donald Ban and
the Western Isles is entirely fictitious, and belongs to our spurious
history. The Saga distinctly states that the first agreement was made
with Malcolm Ceannmor himself and not with Donald Ban, and this is
confirmed by the Saga of Hacon IV., which tells us that Alexander II.
sent an embassy to King Haco to ask ‘if he would give up the
territories in the Hebrides which King Magnus Barefoot had unjustly
wrested from Malcolm, predecessor to the Scottish king;’ to which Haco
replied that Magnus had settled with Malcolm what districts the
Norwegians should have in Scotland or in the islands which lay near
it. He affirmed, however, that the kings of Scotland had no
sovereignty in the Hebrides at the time when King Magnus won them from
King Godred.—Johnstone, _Chronicle of Man_, p. 41.

The date of the second expedition is fixed by the Saxon Chronicle,
which places the accession of Eadgar in the year 1097; and in the
following year, 1098, has, ‘Earl Hugh was slain in Anglesey by
Vikings.’

Footnote 639:

_Chron. Picts and Scots_, p. 170.

Footnote 640:

_Chron. Man_, ed. Munch, p. 7. The metrical prophecy attributed to
Merlin, which seems to have been written not long after, has some
lines evidently referring to Magnus’s conquest of the Isles, which may
be thus translated (_Chron. Picts and Scots_, p. 117):—

Scotia will above all bewail the achievements of a famous leader,
Who will annex to himself lands bounded on all sides by the ocean.
The land, widowed of its regal lord, will be vacant
Twice three years and nine months.
Its ancient kings, just, bountiful, and rich,
Graceful and mighty, will Scotia mournfully bewail.
As Merlin says, after victorious kings
The royal sceptre will be deprived of a sovereign’s rule.
Through time to come, Albania, alas! by its own crime subdued,
Will serve a monarch of Anglic race.
That it will breathe again after the death of the miser king
The ancient sibyl in ancient prophecy foretells;
For a northern king of a huge fleet possessed
Will press the Scots with famine, fury, and with sword.
The foreign race at length will perish by the Scoti’s plot,
In battle that Noric chief shall fall.

The Noric chief who acquires lands bounded on all sides by the sea and
reigns six years and nine months is obviously Magnus, and the ‘rex
Angligenus’ Eadgar.

Footnote 641:

Fordun, _Chronicle_, vol. ii. p. 214.

Footnote 642:

_National MSS. of Scotland_, Nos. iii. iv. v. and vi. The learned
editor states in his introduction (p. viii.) that he would have
included a fifth charter if the original had not been lost. Copies,
however, exist, and it is printed in Raine’s _North Durham_, Ap. No.
vii. The editor seems to consider that it was a genuine charter; but
the expressions it contains, and especially the names of the
witnesses, seem to the author to mark it out as unmistakably spurious.

Footnote 643:

The Saxon Chronicle has in 1107, ‘In this year also died king Eadgar
of Scotland on the Ides of January, and Alexander, his brother,
succeeded to the kingdom as King Henry granted him.’ The older
chronicles place his death at Dunedin or Edinburgh, and the former
name has by the later chronicles and by Fordun been mistaken for
Dundee. See _Chron. of Picts and Scots_, pp. 175, 181, 289.

Footnote 644:

They appear in this order in the charter of David I., confirming the
previous grants to Dunfermline. ‘Dona Duncani fratris mei, Dona
Eadgari fratris mei, Dona Ethelredi fratris mei, Dona Alexandri regis
fratris mei.’

Footnote 645:

Ailred in his tract ‘De Bello apud Standardum’ makes Robertus de Brus,
in his address to David I., say ‘Quis Eadgarum fratrem tuum, immo
plusquam fratrem, nisi noster exercitus, regno restituit? Tu ipse rex
cum portionem regni quam idem tibi frater moriens delegavit, a fratre
Alexandro reposceres, nostro certe terrore, quidquid volueras sine
sanguine impetrasti.’ What the ‘portio regni’ given to David was will
after appear.

Footnote 646:

Edgarus homo erat dulcis et amabilis, cognato suo Edwardo per omnia
similis, nihil tyrannicum, nihil durum, nihil avarum in suos exercens
sed cum maxima caritate et benevolentia subditos regens.—Ailred,
_Genealogia regum ap. Twysden_, p. 367.

Footnote 647:

Porro Alexander clericis et monachis satis humilis et amabilis erat,
cæteris subditorum supra modum terribilis, homo magni cordis, ultra
vires suas se in omnibus extendens. Erat autem litteratus, et in
ordinandis ecclesiis, in reliquiis sanctorum perquirendis, in vestibus
sacerdotalibus librisque sacris conficiendis et ordinandis
studiosissimus, omnibus etiam advenient bus supra vires
liberalissimus; circa pauperes vero ita devotus ut in nulla re magis
delectari, quam in eis suscipiendis, lavandis, alendis vestiendisque
videretur. (_Ib._)

Footnote 648:

_National MSS._, Nos. viii. ix. and x.

Footnote 649:

_Chart. Scone_, p. 1.

Footnote 650:

_Chart. Scone_, p. 3.

Footnote 651:

A.D. 1093 Fothudh ardepscop. Albain in Christo quievit.—_An. Ult.
Chron. Picts and Scots_, p. 370.

Footnote 652:

Modach filius Malmykel vir piissime recordacionis episcopus Sancte
Andree cujus vita et doctrina tota regio Scotam feliciter est
illustrata.—_Chart. St. And._ p. 117.

Footnote 653:

See Haddan and Stubbs’ _Councils_, vol. ii. part i. p. 170, for this
date. Eadgar died on 13th January 1107.

Footnote 654:

Sim. Dun. _Hist. Reg. Angliæ_, ed. Surtees, i. 96.

Footnote 655:

See Haddan and Stubbs’ _Councils_, vol. ii. part i. pp. 189-214, for
the documents connected with this controversy. The principal authority
is Eadmer’s own account coupled with that of Simeon of Durham.

Footnote 656:

_Chron. Picts and Scots_, p. 190.

Footnote 657:

Fordun, _Chron._ B. v. c. xxviii. Bower, who was himself abbot of this
monastery, places its foundation in the year 1123, and adds to
Fordun’s account the words ‘non minus mirifice quam miraculose.’ He
explains this expression by telling us that Alexander, crossing the
Queensferry on affairs of state, encountered a great storm, and was
driven by a south-westerly gale upon the island of Emonia, where he
was received by a hermit who served Saint Columba in a small chapel,
and lived upon shellfish and the milk of one cow. Here the king was
obliged by the gale to remain three days, and, in fulfilment of a vow
which he had made in the extremity of his peril, founded the monastery
in honour of Saint Columba.—_Scotichron._ B. v. c. xxxvii. The same
legend was told to the author in the island of Iona, as having
happened there, and the hermit’s cave where Alexander was said to have
been received was pointed out to him on the west side of the island.

Footnote 658:

This gift must have been made during the life of Malcolm Ceannmor, and
the donor been either Donald Ban or Melmare, very probably the former.

Footnote 659:

Per latrinam.

Footnote 660:

_Scotichron._ B. v. c. xxxvi.

Footnote 661:

Wynton, _Chron._ B. vii. c. v.

Footnote 662:

_Chart. of Scone_, p. 2. Mr. Burton seems also (vol. i. p. 387)
doubtful as to the authority for this event, which he appears to think
rests on that of Wynton alone. He terms the assailants ‘a northern
army led by the Maarmor of Ross, assisted by the Maarmor of the
Merne;’ but where he gets these imaginary leaders, or why he converts
the Gaelic title ‘Mormaer’ into the equally barbarous form of
‘Maarmor,’ it is difficult to say. The title of Mormaer had ceased to
be used, and had passed into that of comes or earl before this time.
The Ulster Annals have in 1116, ‘Ladmuinn mac Domhnall hua righ Alban
domarbh do feraibh Moriab’ (grandson of the king of Alban, slain by
the men of Moray). He must have been son of that Domnall who was
killed in 1085, and this fixes the date of this insurrection at 1116.

Footnote 663:

The Saxon Chronicle, which is the oldest authority for the date,
places his death on the 9th of the kalends of May, which was the
preceding day, the 23d of April. The Chronicon Elegiacum has Strivelin
as the place of his death. The St. Andrews Chronicle calls it
Crasleth, and another, which is a corrected version of the same
Chronicle, Strafleth (_Chron. Picts and Scots._ pp. 175, 290); but
these are corruptions of the name Stirling, the Cymric form of which
was Ystrevelyn, and the Gaelic Sruthlinn.

Footnote 664:

Ailred, _Gen. Regum_, makes David say, ‘cum adolescens in regia curia
servirem.’

Footnote 665:

Malmesbury, _Hist. Regum_, B. v. § 400.

Footnote 666:

David Comes filius Malcolmi regis Scotorum omnibus amicis suis Francis
et Anglis et Scotis.—_Chart. Kelso_, p. 1.

Footnote 667:

Henrico regnante in Anglia et Alexandro regnante in Scotia.

Footnote 668:

Tempore enim Henrici regis Anglie, Alexandro Scottorum rege in Scotia
regnante, misit eis Deus David predicti regis Scotie germanum, in
principem et ducem.—_Chart. Glasgow_, p. 4.

Footnote 669:

David vero, Cumbrensis regionis princeps, amore precipue Dei, partim
quoque (ob) religiosi dilectionem et ammonitionem, terras ecclesie
Glasguensi pertinentes, singulis Cumbrie provinciis, que sub dominio
et potestate ejus erant (non enim toti Cumbrensi regioni dominabatur)
inquirere fecit.—_Ib._

Footnote 670:

Cumbria dicebatur quantum modo est, episcopatus Karleolensis et
episcopatus Glasguensis et episcopatus Candidecase.—Palg. _Documents
and Records_, p. 70.

Footnote 671:

See Lives of St. Ninian and St. Kentigern in the series of Scottish
Historians, p. 334. This also appears from a charter by David after he
became king, to Robertus de Brus, of the valley of the Annan, ‘a
divisa Dunegal de Stranit usque ad divisam Randulfi Meschin ... cum
omnibus illis consuetudinibus quas Randulfus Meschin unquam habuit in
Carduill, et in terra sua de Cumberland.’—_National MSS._ No. xix.

Footnote 672:

David Comes Johanni episcopo et Cospatricio et Colbano et Rodberto
fratribus, et omnibus suis fidelibus Tegnis et Drengis de Lodoneio et
de Teuegetedale.—_Nat. MSS. of Scot._ No. xii.

Footnote 673:

_Ib._ No. xiv.

Footnote 674:

No greater mistake has been made in Scotch history than that which
limits Eadgar’s gift to David to Cumbria. Our latest historian, Mr.
Burton, says that Edgar ‘left it as a bequest or injunction that
Cumbria should be ruled by his younger brother David’ (vol. i. p.
387); but this is a very imperfect account of the transaction, and Mr.
Burton seems to have merely adopted the statement of previous writers
without any independent investigation.

Footnote 675:

Omnibus per regnum suam in Scotia et Lodoneia constitutis.—_Nat. MSS.
Scot._ No. xv.

Footnote 676:

_Chart. Scon._ p. 1.

Footnote 677:

_Chart. Dunf._ pp. 3, 5, 8, 11, 14, 16, 18.

Footnote 678:

Orderic Vital, B. viii. c. xxii. That David was in England in 1130
appears from the Exchequer Rolls, but the trial here referred to took
place, according to Roger de Hoveden, in 1131. Edward Constabularius
witnesses charters of Alexander I. and David I., and in one charter he
calls himself filius Siwardi. As constable he was at the head of the
military array of the Norman and English population.

Footnote 679:

1130 Bellum etir firu Albain et feru Moreb i torcradar iiij. mile do
feraibh Morebh im a righ .i. Oengus mac ingene Luluigh, mile vero
d-feraibh Albain i fritgbuin.—_An. Alt. Chron. Picts and Scots_, p.
371. The Annals of Innisfallen have ‘Slaughter of the men of Muriamh
in Alban.’—_Ib._ p. 170.

Footnote 680:

Fordun, _Chron._ B. v. c. xxxiii.

Footnote 681:

Ailred, _Eulogium Davidis_, apud Pinkerton, p. 447.

Footnote 682:

According to Stubbs (Twysden, p. 713) he was consecrated by Archbishop
Thomas, but Thomas died in 1114, which places the date too early.
Olave’s letter is preserved in the ‘White Book’ at York. It is
addressed to ‘T. eadem gratia Eborum archiepiscopo,’ and requests him
to consecrate a bishop elected from the monks at Furness. By T.
Thurstan is no doubt meant who was archbishop from 1114 to 1140.
William of Newburgh seems to have known nothing certain about his
earlier history. He says he was born ‘in obscurissimo Angliæ loco’ and
acted as scribe to certain monks, without indicating localities. In
his profession, quoted by Stubbs, he says, ‘Ego Wymundus sanctæ
ecclesiæ de Schid,’ or Skye, which brings him from the Isles.

Footnote 683:

Will. Newb. _Hist._ B. i. c. xxiv. It is a pity William of Newburgh
did not name the province he invaded. The scene of this battle is
fixed by local tradition in Galloway, and a stream which flows into
Wigton Bay called Bishop’s burn is said to have become crimson with
blood.

Footnote 684:

1134 Melcolmus capitur et in arcta ponitur in turre Rokesburch
custodia.—_Chron. Melrose_. Tandem capitur et ab eodem rege David in
turre castri de Marchemond arta custodia trucidatur.—Fordun,
_Annalia_, i. Wymund’s clerical character probably saved his life and
consigned him to perpetual imprisonment instead.

Footnote 685:

Mr. Robertson, in his _Scotland under her Early Kings_, propounds a
strange theory with regard to Wymund. He considers that Orderic of
Vital is mistaken in saying that Malcolm, who joined with Angus, earl
of Moray, in 1130, was son of Alexander the First; that Fordun is
mistaken in saying that Malcolm mac Heth was the same person as
Wymund; that the two Malcolms were the same person; and that he was
not the son but the brother of Angus, earl of Moray, their father Heth
being a previous earl and the same person as the Beth Comes who
witnesses charters of Alexander the First. But it is impossible to
deal with authorities in this fashion, and Mr. Robertson’s usual sound
judgment seems on this occasion to have deserted him.

Footnote 686:

Rex Scotorum innumerabilem coegit exercitum, non solum eos qui ejus
subjacebant imperio, sed et de Insulanis et Orcadensibus non parvam
multitudinem accersiens.

Footnote 687:

Ailred, _de Bello apud Standardum_. Fordun, vol. i. p. 444. See also
Fordun, vol. ii. p. 425, note. Richard of Hexham, a contemporary
writer, gives the following account of the army:—‘Coadunatus autem
erat iste nefandus exercitus de Normannis, Germanis, Anglis, de
Northymbranis, et Cumbris, ed Teswetadala, de Lodonea, de Pictis, qui
vulgo Galleweienses dicuntur et Scottis.’—_De Gest. Reg. Stephani._

Footnote 688:

See Fordun, _Chron._ vol. vi. p. 430, note.

Footnote 689:

John of Hexham, _Chron._, ad an. 1153.

Footnote 690:

1153, 6th November. Eo die, apud Scotiam, Sumerled et nepotes sui,
scilicet filii Malcolmi, associatis sibi plurimis, insurrexerunt in
regem Malcolm; et Scotiam in magna parte perturbantes
inquietaverunt.—_Chron. S. Crucis._ See also Fordun, _Annalia_, i.

Footnote 691:

1156 Dovenaldus filius Malcolmi apud Witerne captus est et
incarceratus a turre de Rokesburc cum patre suo.—_Chron. Melrose._

Footnote 692:

1157 Malcolm Machet cum rege Scottorum pacificatus est.—_Chron. S.
Crucis._ He witnesses a charter of King Malcolm to the monastery of
Dunfermline as Melcolm mac Eth, in which he is placed immediately
after Gilbertus Comes de Angus, and before Walterus filius Alani, the
high steward of Scotland before 1160; and soon after King Malcolm
grants letters of protection to the monks of Dunfermline addressed
‘Malcolmo Comiti de Ros et omnibus ministris suis.’—_Chart. Dun._ pp.
24, 25.

Footnote 693:

Will. Newb. _Chron._ B. i. c. xxiv.

Footnote 694:

_Chron. Manniæ._ Munch’s ed., pp. 10, 80.

Footnote 695:

1160 Malcolmus rex Scotorum venit de exercitu Tolose, cumque
venisset in civitatem que dicitur Pert, Fereteatht comes et v. alii
comites irati contra regem quia perrexit Tolosam, obsederunt
civitatem et regem capere voluerunt, sed presumcio illorum minime
prævaluit.—_Chron. Mel._

Wynton gives the following account of it:—

Quhen the kyng Malcolme come agayne,
Off hys legys mad hym a trayne;
A mayster-man cald Feretawche
Wyth Gyllandrys Ergemawche,
And other mayster-men thare fyve
Agayne the kyng than ras belywe;
For caws that he past till Twlows,
Agayne hym thai ware all irows;
Forthi thai set thame hym to ta
In till Perth, or than hym sla.
Bot the kyng rycht manlyly
Swne skalyd all that cumpany,
And tuk and slwe.—B. vii. c. 7.

Whom Wynton means by Gyllandrys Ergemawche it is difficult to say.
William Fitz-Duncan, son of Duncan, king of Scotland, had attached
himself to his uncle David throughout the whole of his career both as
earl and as king, and distinguished himself as a commander in all his
wars. He married Alice de Romellie, heiress of Skipton and Craven, by
whom he had a son William and three daughters. The Orkneyinga Saga
says of William Fitz-Duncan, that ‘he was a good man. His son was
William the Noble, whom all the Scots wished to take for their
king.’—_Coll. de Reb. Alb._ 346. William Fitz-Duncan was dead in 1151,
when a charter was granted of Bolton by ‘Adeliza de Rumelli consensu
et assensu Willelmi filii et hæredis mei et filiarum mearum,’ and
among the witnesses is ‘Willelmo filio meo de Egremont.’ He was
commonly called the Boy of Egremont, and is said to have died under
age, but he may have lived till after 1160. This may have been the
occasion in which the Scots wished to make him their king, and
Wynton’s barbarous name Ergemawche may have been intended for
Egremont.

Footnote 696:

1160 Rex Malcolmus duxit exercitum in Galwaiam ter; et ibidem inimicis
suis devictis federatis, cum pace et sine damno suo remeavit. Fergus
princeps Galwaiæ habitum canonicum in ecclesia Sanctæ crucis de
Ednesburch suscepit.—_Chron. S. Crucis._

Malcolmus rex tribus vicibus cum exercitu magno perrexit in Galweia,
et tandem subjugavit eos.—_Chron. Mel._

Footnote 697:

Fordun, _Annalia_, iv.

Footnote 698:

Account of the Family of Innes (Spalding Club), p. 51.

Footnote 699:

1164 Sumerledus regulus Eregeithel jam per annos xii. contra regem
Scotorum Malcolmum dominum suum naturalem impie rebellans, cum
copiosum de Ybernia et diversis locis exercitum contrahens apud
Renfriu applicuisset, tandem ultione divina, cum filio suo et
innumerabili populo a paucis comprovincialibus ibidem occisus
est.—_Chron. Mel._

Anno m^oc^olx^oiv^o Sumerledus collegit classem centum sexaginta
navium, et applicuit apud Renfriu, volens totam Scotiam sibi
subjugare. Sed ultione divina a paucis superatus, cum filio suo et
innumerabili populo ibidem occisus et.—_Chron. Manniæ._

Footnote 700:

This poem is printed in Fordun, _Chron._ vol. i. p. 449.

Footnote 701:

_Chron. Picts and Scots_, p. 374. The Gael seem to have applied to him
the same epithet of Cenmor, borne by his great-grandfather. There is
preserved in a MS. at Cambridge a supposed vision of a certain cleric
after Malcolm’s death in which he converses with the glorified king.
The original is printed in Fordun, _Chron._ i. 452. When he asks—‘Cur
sic, care, taces?’ the king answers, ‘Pro me loquitur mea vita.’ The
cleric then says, ‘Eger eras longum?’ to which the king replies, ‘Jam
bene convalui.’

He seems to have been sickly for several years, and Fordun says that
after Somerled’s defeat his brother William was made warden of the
kingdom.

Footnote 702:

Fordun, _Annalia_, vii.

Footnote 703:

Per montanos Scotos, quos Brutos vocant et Galwalenses.—Fordun,
_Annalia_, x. Roger of Hoveden, a contemporary writer, has also, ‘Per
Scotos et Galwalenses suos.’ The former may have been the people of
Moray. There is a curious document called Letters-patent by William
the Lyon in 1171, recognising the right of Morgund, son of Gylleclery,
to the earldom of Marr and that of Moray, first printed by Selden, but
its authenticity is too doubtful to be founded on.—See _Acts of Parl._
vi. p. 13.

Footnote 704:

Fordun, _Annalia_, xi.

Footnote 705:

Roger Hoveden, _Chron._ ed. Stubbs, vol. ii. p. 63.

Footnote 706:

Fordun, _Annalia_, xiv. The details of the events in Galloway will be
given in another part of this work.

Footnote 707:

1179 Willelmus rex Scotiæ et David frater suus, cum comitibus et
baronibus terræ cum exercitu magno et valido perrexerunt in Ros,
ibique duo firmaverunt castella, nomen uni Dunscath, et nomen alteri
Etherdover.—_Chron. Mel._ For the identification of these castles, see
_Origines Parochiales_, vol. iii. pp. 458, 529.

Footnote 708:

Benedictus Abbas, or the writer under his name, a contemporary
chronicler, gives the fullest account of this insurrection. He says,
‘Duvenaldus filius Willelmi filii Duncani, qui sæpius calumniatus
fuerat regnum Scotiæ, et multoties furtivas invasiones in regnum illud
fecerat; per mandatum quorundam potentum virorum de regno Scotiæ, cum
copiosa multitudine armata, applicuit in Scotiam, devastans et
comburens totam terram, quam attingebat; et homines fugabat, et omnes
quos capere potuit interficiebat.’ He afterwards says of him, ‘qui
nominabatur Machwilliam; qui etiam dicebat se regia stirpe genitum, et
de jure parentum suorum, ut asserebat, regnum Scotiæ calumniabatur, et
multa et incommoda faciebat sæpe Willelmo regi Scotiæ, per consensum
et consilium comitum et baronum regni Scotiæ.’ William Fitz Duncan
appears with Alice de Rumeli his wife, some time between 1120 and
1140, when he grants a charter in which Thursten, archbishop of York,
is mentioned; and Alice survived him, and grants a charter, witnessed
by her son, the Boy of Egremont, in 1151, who must have been born
between 1130 and 1140.—Dugd. _Mon._ Donald Ban, if really a son, was
either born of a previous marriage with a native Scottish woman, or
was a bastard.

Footnote 709:

Fordun, _Annalia_, xvii.

Anno mclxxxv. Bellum fuit in Galweia inter Rolandum et Gillepatricium
iiij^o non. Julii feria v in quo plures occubuerunt ex parte
Gillepatricii, ipse vero interiit cum multis aliis. Iterum Rolandus
bellum habuit contra Gillecolmum, in quo frater Rolandi occubuit et
Gillecolmus periit.—_Chron. Mel._

Between 1178 and 1180 King William grants a charter to Gilbert, Earl
of Stratherne, and among the witnesses is ‘Gillecolm Marescald.’ A few
years later, but before 1189, the king grants to earl Gilbert the
lands of Maddyrnin, but under this condition, ‘that no part of the
land should ever be sold to Gillecolm Marescall, or his heirs, or any
one of his race, seeing the said Gillecolm forfeited that land for
felony done against the king, in that he rendered up the king’s castle
of Heryn feloniously, and afterwards wickedly and traitorously went
over to his mortal enemies, and stood with them against the king, to
do him hurt to his power.’—_Chart. Inchaffray_, Pref. vi.

The king’s castle of Heryn is no doubt the ‘Rath Erenn in Alban’
mentioned in the Calendars in connection with St. Fillan, and which
has been identified with Dundurn near the parish of St.
Fillans.—_Kalendars of Scottish Saints_, p. 341.

Gillecolm may be the Malcolumb, son of Gillebert, who is mentioned by
Benedictus Abbas as the real slayer of Uchtred.

Footnote 710:

Considerans itaque præfatus Willelmus Rex, quod oporteret eum regnum
Scotiæ amittere, vel prædictum Mach William interficere, vel etiam a
finibus regni sui expellere.—Benedict. Ab.

Footnote 711:

1187 Willielmus rex Scottorum cum magno exercitu perrexit in Mureviam
contra Macwilliam, cumque rex esset apud oppidum Inuernis cum
exercitu, comites Scotiæ miserunt suos homines ad prædandum,
inveneruntque Macwilliam supra moram quæ dicitur Mam Garvia prope
Muref, et mox cum eo pugnaverunt, et Deo opitulante, eum cum multis
aliis interfecerunt pridie Kal. Augusti feria vi.—_Chron. Mel._

Benedictus Abbas says, ‘Et remansit rex in castello quod dicitur
Ylvernis; et misit comites et barones suos cum Scottis et Galwensibus
ad debellandum predictum hostem suum. Cumque profecti essent, orta est
inter principes seditio; quidam enim illorum regem diligebant minime,
quidam vero diligebant. Et hi procedere volebant, sed ceteri non
permiserunt. Cumque contendissent, placuit eis quod principes
exercitus remanerent, et permitterent exploratores, ut cibum caperent.
Elegerunt ergo juvenes bellicosos fere tria millia, quos miserunt ad
quærendum præfatum inimicum. Inter quos familia Rolandi filii Uchtredi
erat.’

In the parish of Laggan, in the western part of Badenoch, are the
farms of Garva mor and Garva beg, which probably indicate the
locality.

Footnote 712:

Fordun, _Annalia_, xxii.

Footnote 713:

1197 Ortum est prælium in Morevia juxta castrum Inuernis, inter
homines regis et Rodericum et Thorfinum filium Comitis Haraldi, sed
Deo procurante, regis hostes in fugam versi sunt, et prædictus
Rodericus cum multis aliis cæsus interiit.

Postmodum idem rex Willelmus cum exercitu suo profectus est in
Moreviam et in ceteras remotiores terræ suæ partes, ubi Haraldum
comitem cepit eumque in castello de Rokesburch observari fecit, donec
Thorfinnus filius ejus se pro patre suo obsidem daret.—_Chron. Mel._

Footnote 714:

Roger Hoveden, vol. iv. pp. 10-12.

Footnote 715:

Fordun, _Annalia_, xxiv. Orkneyinga Saga, cxxxvi.

Footnote 716:

Fordun, _Annalia_, xxvii.

Footnote 717:

_Chron. Lanercost_, p. 371 note. ‘Anno Mccxi. Sed et rex Scotiæ filium
Macwillelmi, Guthred scilicet, persequendo propriosque seductores
destruendo, multorum cadavera inanimata reliquit.’—_Chron. Mel._

Bower amplifies Fordun’s short account, and adds many particulars
which may have some foundation in fact.—_Scotichron._ B. viii. c. 76.

Footnote 718:

Fordun, _Annalia_, xxix. The list of the seven earls corresponds with
that in the foundation charter of Scone by Alexander the First, with
the exception that we have here the earl of Menteith instead of the
earl of Mar. It is obvious that the seven earls represented Scotland
between the Forth and the Spey, with the addition of Lothian.

Footnote 719:

Anno Mccxv. Intraverunt in Moreviam hostes domini regis Scotiæ, sc.
Dovenaldus Ban filius Macwillelmi et Kennauh mac Aht et filius
cujusdam regis Hyberniæ, cum turba malignantium copiosa; in quos
irruens Machentagar hostes regis valide prostravit, quorum capita
detruncavit et novo regi nova munera præsentavit xvii. Kal. Julii
propter quod dompnus rex novum militum ipsum ordinavit.—_Chron. Mel._

For the connection of Macintagart with the church lands of Applecross,
see Dr. Reeves’s paper on Saint Maelrubha in _Pro. Ant. Soc._ vol.
iii. p. 276. Also Fordun, ii. 434, note.

Footnote 720:

Per idem tempus emerserunt quidam iniqui de genere Macwilliam,
scilicet, Gillascoph et filii ejus et Rodoricus, in extremis Scociæ
finibus.—_Annalia_, xlii.

Footnote 721:

Fordun, _Annalia_, xl.

Footnote 722:

Wynton, _Chronicle_, B. vii. c. ix.

Footnote 723:

_Chart. Melrose_, i. 172

Footnote 724:

In the Laws of Alexander II., under the year 1228, is one ‘De judicio
de Gillescop. Dominica proxima ante festum Sancti Dionisii apud
Edinburg in capitulo abbacie judicatum est de Gillescop Mahohegen per
diversos judices tam Galwidie quam Scocie quod quia predictus
Gillescop Mahohegen non duxerit ad diem statutum obsides de quibus
dandis ad nominatum diem et locum ipsemet plegius fuit et alios
plegios invenerat ipse deberet dare Regi vadia unde dominus Rex
pacatus esset aut si ad voluntatem domini Regis vadia dare non posset
ipsemet remaneret in vadium donec obsides promissos dedisset. Et fuit
insuper in gravi misericordia domini Regis.’—_Act. Parl._ vol. i. p.
68.

Footnote 725:

Fordun, _Annalia_, xlii.

Footnote 726:

Fordun, _Annalia_, xliii. _Chron. Mel._ ad an. 1235.

Footnote 727:

These particulars are taken from the Saga of Hakon IV., king of
Norway.

Footnote 728:

_Chron. Manniæ_, Munch’s ed., p. 24.

Footnote 729:

Saga of Hakon IV.

Footnote 730:

Saga of Hakon IV.

Footnote 731:

Anno Domini Mccxlix. Eodem anno inclitus rex Scottorum Alexander, dum
ad sedandas Ergadie partes proficiscitur, grave infirmitate
corripitur, et ad insulam de Geruerei deportatur, ubi perceptis
ecclesiasticis sacramentis, ejus felix anima ex hac luce eripitur et
cum sanctis omnibus, ut credimus, celis collocatur. Corpus vero ejus,
ut ipse adhuc vivus imperaverat ad Melrosensem ecclesiam transportatur
et in ea more regio terre gremio commendatur.—_Chron. Mel._

Footnote 732:

Fordun, _Annalia_, xlviii. This pedigree does not appear in the first
edition of Fordun’s Annals, and was subsequently inserted apparently
from one of the chronicles.—See _Chron. Picts and Scots_, pp. 133-144.
Mr. Burton (vol. ii. p. 23) has taken his account of this coronation
from Bower, and ignored the older account given in the genuine Fordun,
and enters into a discussion as to whether he was crowned and
anointed. This affords a good illustration of the danger of an
uncritical use of authorities. Fordun says nothing as to his being
crowned or anointed, and expressly states that David the Second was
the first king who was anointed or crowned.—_Annalia_, cxlv. Bower
suppresses this passage, and adds the crowning to his account of
Alexander the Third’s inauguration.

Footnote 733:

Fordun, _Annalia_, xlix.

Footnote 734:

In præsentia domini Alexandri regis Scotorum sc. Alexandri tertii,
septem episcoporum et septem comitum Scotiæ.—_Chart Dun._ p. 235. It
appears from a concilium held at Edinburgh between 1250 and 1253, that
the seven bishops were the bishops of St. Andrews, Glasgow, Aberdeen,
Dunblane, Brechin, Ross, and Caithness.—_Act. Parl._ vol. i. p. 83.

Footnote 735:

_Chron. Mel._

Footnote 736:

So far the account has been taken from the Hakon’s Saga.

Footnote 737:

Fordun, _Annalia_, lv. The Chron. of Melrose confirms this account.
Anno domini Mcclxiii. Haco rex Norwagie cum copiosa navium multitudine
venit per mare occidentale ad debellandum regem Scotie. Sed re vera,
ut ipse H[aco] affirmabat, non eum repulit vis humana sed virtus
divina, que naves ejus confregit et in exercitum suum mortalitatem
immisit: insuper et eos qui tercia die post solempnitatem Sancti
Michaelis ad præliandum convenerant, per pedissequos patrie debellavit
atque prostravit. Quapropter coacti sunt cum vulneratis et mortuis
suis naves suas repetere et sic turpius quam venerant
repatriare.—_Chron. Mel._

Footnote 738:

Fordun, _Annalia_, lvi.

Footnote 739:

In his account of Hakon’s expedition, Mr. Burton, in describing the
Western Isles, states that ‘there was a general division of the whole
into Nordureyer or Norderies and Sudureyer or Suderies, the northern
and southern division. The dividing line was at the point of
Ardnamurchan, the most westerly promontory of the mainland of
Scotland, so that Iona was included in the Suderies’ (vol. ii. pp. 28,
29). This is an entire mistake, in which Mr. Burton is merely
repeating previous writers. It was first asserted by Dr. Macpherson
without any proof, and adopted by all subsequent writers as a fact;
but it is impossible not to see, from the most cursory perusal of the
Sagas, that they include the entire Hebrides under the name of
Sudreyer or Sudreys, to distinguish them from the Nordureyer or
Orkneys.

Footnote 740:

_Act. Parl._ vol. i. p. 82.

Footnote 741:

A rock on the road between Burntisland and Kinghorn, known as the
King’s Stone, marks the spot where he was killed.