Chapter I: Part 1

Statesman Edition VOL. I

Charles Sumner

HIS COMPLETE WORKS

With Introduction

BY

HON. GEORGE FRISBIE HOAR

BOSTON
LEE AND SHEPARD
MCM

COPYRIGHT, 1899,

BY

LEE AND SHEPARD.

Statesman Edition.

LIMITED TO ONE THOUSAND COPIES.

OF WHICH THIS IS

No. 565

Norwood Press:
NORWOOD, MASS., U.S.A.

Believe me still, as I have ever been,
The steadfast lover of my fellow-men;
My weakness, love of holy liberty;
My crime, the wish that all mankind were free:
Free, not by blood; redeemed, but not by crime;
Each fetter broken, but in God's good time.

WHITTIER.

NOTE.

In this collection the arrangement is strictly chronological. Every article will be found according to its date, without reference to the subject or occasion, thus showing the succession of efforts as they occurred.

CONTENTS OF VOLUME 1.

PAGE

INTRODUCTION. BY HON. GEORGE FRISBIE HOAR vii

THE TRUE GRANDEUR OF NATIONS. An Oration before the
Authorities of the City of Boston, July 4, 1845

TRIBUTE OF FRIENDSHIP: THE LATE JOSEPH STORY. Article from the
Boston Daily Advertiser, September 16, 1845 133

THE WRONG OF SLAVERY. Speech at a Public Meeting in Faneuil
Hall, Boston, against the Admission of Texas as a Slave State,
November 4, 1845 149

EQUAL RIGHTS IN THE LECTURE-ROOM. Letter to the Committee of
the New Bedford Lyceum, November 29, 1845 160

PRISONS AND PRISON DISCIPLINE. Article from the Christian
Examiner, January, 1846 163

THE EMPLOYMENT OF TIME. Lecture before the Boston Lyceum,
delivered in the Federal Street Theatre, February 18, 1846 184

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF THE LATE JOHN PICKERING. Article in the
Law Reporter of June, 1846 214

THE SCHOLAR, THE JURIST, THE ARTIST, THE PHILANTHROPIST. An
Oration before the Phi Beta Kappa Society of Harvard University,
at their Anniversary, August 27, 1846 241

ANTISLAVERY DUTIES OF THE WHIG PARTY. Speech at the Whig State
Convention of Massachusetts, in Faneuil Hall, Boston, September
23, 1846 303

WRONGFUL DECLARATION OF WAR AGAINST MEXICO. Letter to Hon.
Robert C. Winthrop, Representative in Congress from Boston,
October 25, 1846 317

REFUSAL TO BE A CANDIDATE FOR CONGRESS. Notice in the Boston
Papers, October 31, 1846 330

SLAVERY AND THE MEXICAN WAR. Speech at a Public Meeting in the
Tremont Temple, Boston, November 5, 1846 333

INVALIDITY OF ENLISTMENTS IN THE MASSACHUSETTS REGIMENT OF
VOLUNTEERS FOR THE MEXICAN WAR. Argument before the Supreme
Court of Massachusetts, January, 1847 352

WITHDRAWAL OF AMERICAN TROOPS FROM MEXICO. Speech at a Public
Meeting in Faneuil Hall, Boston, February 4, 1847 374

INTRODUCTION.

BY HON. GEORGE FRISBIE HOAR, LL.D.

The speeches of Charles Sumner have many titles to endure in the memory of mankind. They contain the reasons on which the American people acted in taking the successive steps in the revolution which overthrew slavery, and made of a race of slaves, freemen, citizens, voters. They have a high place in literature. They are not only full of historical learning, set forth in an attractive way, but each of the more important of them was itself an historical event. They afford a picture of a noble public character. They are an example of the application of the loftiest morality to the conduct of the State. They are an arsenal of weapons ready for the friends of Freedom in all the great battles when she may be in peril hereafter. They will not be forgotten unless the world shall attain to such height of virtue that no stimulant to virtue shall be needed, or to a depth of baseness from which no stimulant can arouse it.

Mr. Sumner held the office of Justice of the Peace, and that of Commissioner of the Circuit Court, to which he was appointed by his friend and teacher, Judge Story. He was a member of the convention held in 1853 to revise the Constitution of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. With these exceptions, his only official service was as Senator in Congress from Massachusetts, from the 4th of March, 1851, when he was just past forty years of age, until his death, March 9, 1874.

If his career could have been predicted in his earliest childhood, he could have had no better training for his great duties than that he in fact received. He was one of the best scholars in the public Latin School in Boston. He received the Franklin medal from the hands of Daniel Webster, who told him that "the state had a pledge of him." His school life was followed by four years in Harvard College, and a course at the Harvard Law School, where he was the favorite pupil of Judge Story. He was an eager student of the Greek and Roman classics. But his special delight was in history and international law. After his admission to the bar he was reporter of the decisions of his beloved master, and edited twenty volumes of the equity reports of Vesey, Jr., which he enriched with copious and learned notes. A little later, when he was twenty-six years old, he spent a month in Washington, tarrying a short time in New York on his way. In that brief period he made life-long friendships with some famous men, including Chancellor Kent, Judge Marshall, and Francis Lieber. He had a rare gift for making friendships with men, especially with great men, and with women. With him in those days an acquaintance with any person worth knowing soon ripened into an indissoluble friendship.

A few years later he spent a little more than two years in Europe, coming home when he was just past twenty-nine years old. That time was spent in attending courts, lectures of eminent professors, and in society. No house which he desired to enter seems to have been closed to him. Statesmen, judges, scholars, beautiful women, leaders of fashionable society, welcomed to the closest intimacy this young American of humble birth, with no passport other than his own character and attainment. It is hardly too much to say that the youth of twenty-nine had a larger and more brilliant circle of friendship than any other man on either continent. The list of his friends and correspondents would fill many pages. He says in a letter to Judge Story, what would seem like boasting in other men, but with him was modest and far within the truth:--

"I have a thousand things to say to you about the law, circuit life, and the English judges. I have seen more of all than probably ever fell to the lot of a foreigner. I have had the friendship and confidence of judges, and of the leaders of the bar. Not a day passes without my being five or six hours in company with men of this stamp. My tour is no vulgar holiday affair, merely to spend money and to get the fashions. It is to see men, institutions, and laws; and, if it would not seem vain in me, I would venture to say that I have not discredited my country. I have called the attention of the judges and the profession to the state of the law in our country, and have shown them, by my conversation (I will say this), that I understand their jurisprudence."

He returned from Europe bringing his sheaves with him. He resolved to devote himself to the study and practice of jurisprudence, to avoid political strife and political office, hoping that he might, perhaps, at some future time, succeed to the chair of Judge Story at Harvard. He kept up his habit of incessant labor. He contributed to the reviews and newspapers a few essays on literature and jurisprudence, and some obituary notices of deceased friends. He became interested in prison discipline and in the cause of peace. In January, 1846, he engaged in an earnest debate in the Prison Discipline Society, in which he favored the system of separate imprisonment for criminals, and maintained his side with great power. July 4, 1845, he delivered in Boston the oration printed in these volumes entitled, "The True Grandeur of Nations," which was declared by Richard Cobden to be the most powerful contribution to the cause of peace made by any modern writer. August 27, 1846, he delivered before the Phi Beta Kappa Society, at Harvard, his oration entitled, "The Scholar, The Jurist, The Artist, The Philanthropist," in which, in the form of eulogies of his four friends, Pickering, Story, Allston, and Channing, he set forth with masterly eloquence the beauties of the virtues of which they were shining examples.

But he could not remain an indifferent spectator of the great contest then going on between freedom and slavery for the possession of the vast territory between the Mississippi and the Pacific. His first public speech against slavery, printed in these volumes, was delivered November 4, 1845. June 28, 1848, he was present at the meeting in Worcester, where the Free Soil party, afterward the Republican party, was founded, and from that time was recognized in Massachusetts, and very largely throughout the country, as the most eloquent leader and champion of the political movement against slavery. He was elected to the seat of Daniel Webster, in the Senate of the United States, April 24, 1851, and took the oath of office December 1, 1851. The history of his career from that time to his death, the history of the great party he helped to found, the history of liberty in the United States, are almost identical.

"The record of the cause he loved
Is the best record of its friend."

It was impossible for Charles Sumner to keep aloof from the great contest for which he was the best equipped champion alive, or to decline to obey the voice of the beloved commonwealth commanding him to take his place in the front and heat of the battle. He had every quality of soul and intellect, every accomplishment, every equipment, needed to fit him for that lofty leadership. Emerson said of him that he had the whitest soul he ever knew. In such warfare no armor of proof is like the defence of absolute integrity, no temper of the sword is like that of perfect purity.

"My good sword cleaves the casques of men,
My tough lance thrusteth sure,
My strength is as the strength of ten,
Because my heart is pure."

He was a man of absolute singleness of purpose and directness of aim. He went straight to his mark. His public life was devoted to one object, which absorbed his whole soul; that was to make righteousness and freedom controlling forces in the government of the country. He had no other ambition. He desired public office only as he could make it an instrument to that end. He cared for history only as its lessons were lessons of justice and freedom. He cared for literature only as he could draw from it persuasion, argument, or illustration which would advance that lofty purpose. He cared for art only when it taught a moral lesson.

He had a marvellous capacity for work. From the beginning to the end, his life was a life of incessant labor. He had no idle moments. Even conversation, in which he delighted, was an intellectual exercise. In college, the lonely light shone out from his study window, where he

"outwatched the Bear"

long after the gayest of youthful revellers had gone to bed. Even in the heat of summer, in Washington, his life was crowded with hard work. I have known him more than once to fix the hour of midnight for a meeting with delegations with whom he could find no time in the busy day.

The results of this incessant toil were retained in a memory from which nothing seemed to escape. As it was impossible for him to be idle, so it seemed impossible for him to forget. His mind was an encyclopædia of the literature and history of constitutional liberty.

He had an indomitable courage. He never flinched or hesitated. He was never troubled with doubts. He saw everything clearly, and could never understand the state of mind of a man who could not see things as he did.

His was the most hopeful nature it was ever my fortune to know. The great virtue of hope, the central figure in the mighty group which the apostle tells us are forever to abide, possessed the very depths of his soul. He came into public life when slavery controlled every department of the government; legislated through Congress; administered the law through the Executive; sat on the bench of the Supreme Court. The first years of his public service were years of signal victories of the slaveholding power. To common men the day seemed constantly growing darker and darker, and the cause of freedom more and more hopeless. Sumner never abated one jot or tittle of his sublime confidence. The close of some of his speeches in those days is a trumpet note of triumph.

When he was stricken down in the Senate-chamber by the bludgeon of an assassin, his first conscious utterance as he recovered from the stupor caused by the terrible blows upon his head was that he would renew the conflict with slavery in the Senate as soon as he could return there. In his first public speech, a few weeks afterward, he said: "You have already made allusion to the suffering which I have undergone. This is not small, but it has been incurred in the performance of duty; and how small is it compared with that tale of woe which is perpetually coming to us from the house of bondage! With you I hail the omens of final triumph. I ask no prophet to confirm this assurance. The future is not less secure than the past."

He prefixed to his own edition of his works the motto from Leibnitz:--

"Veniet fortasse aliud tempus, dignius nostro,
Quo, debellatis odiis, veritas triumphabit."

But there was no "fortasse" about it, to his confident and triumphant faith.

He had a gentle, affectionate, and magnanimous nature, incapable of hatred or revenge. In spite of his severity of speech, his differences with men were differences of principle, never personal. There is no nobler sentence in political history than that with which he begins his first speech after his injury, when he got back from Europe and took his place again in the Senate:--

"Mr. President: Undertaking now, after a silence of more than
four years, to address the Senate on this important subject, I
should suppress the emotions natural to such an occasion, if I did
not declare on the threshold my gratitude to that Supreme Being
through whose benign care I am enabled, after much suffering and
many changes, once again to resume my duties here, and to speak
for the cause so near my heart. To the honored commonwealth whose
representative I am, and also to my immediate associates in this
body, with whom I enjoy the fellowship which is found _in thinking
alike concerning the Republic_, I owe thanks, which I seize the
moment to express, for indulgence extended to me throughout the
protracted seclusion enjoined on me by medical skill; and I trust
it will not be thought unbecoming in me to put on record here, as
an apology for leaving my seat so long vacant, without making way,
by resignation, for a successor, that I acted under the illusion of
an invalid, whose hopes for restoration to natural health continued
against oft recurring disappointment.

"When last I entered into this debate, it became my duty to
expose the crime against Kansas, and to insist upon the immediate
admission of that territory as a state of this Union, with a
constitution forbidding slavery. Time has passed, but the question
remains. Resuming the discussion precisely where I left it, I
am happy to avow that rule of moderation which, it is said, may
venture to fix the boundaries of wisdom itself. I have no personal
griefs to utter; only a vulgar egotism could intrude such into this
chamber. I have no personal wrongs to avenge; only a brutish nature
could attempt to wield that vengeance which belongs to the Lord.
The years that have intervened and the tombs that have opened since
I spoke[1] have their voices, too, which I cannot fail to hear.
Besides, what am I, what is any man among the living or among the
dead, compared with the question before us? It is this alone which
I shall discuss, and I begin the argument with that easy victory
which is found in charity."

[1] Preston S. Brooks and Senator Butler had both died in the
interval.

He was proud that he was an American, proud of his State, proud of his birthplace, proud of his office. To his mind the most exalted position on earth was the position of a Senator of the United States. And if he thought that to be a Massachusetts Senator was a prouder title still, who shall blame him? From the beginning he had Massachusetts behind him; when he spoke from his seat, it was the voice, not of a man, but of a commonwealth.

It seemed sometimes as if he thought everything that had been accomplished for freedom was accomplished in the Senate; that even the war was but a tumult which had disturbed the debates, somewhat. He kept his senatorial robe unstained. He seemed never to lay it aside. There was no place in his life for jesting or trifling. He had no sense of humor. The pledge which he took upon his lips when he entered upon his great office he kept religiously to the end. "To vindicate freedom and oppose slavery is the object near my heart. Others may become indifferent to these principles, bartering them for political success, vain and short-lived, or forgetting the visions of youth in the dreams of age. Whenever I forget them, whenever I become indifferent to them, whenever I cease to be constant in maintaining them through good report and evil report, then may my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth, may my right hand forget its cunning."

His political creed, his political Bible, his Ten Commandments, his Golden Rule, were the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of the United States penetrated, illuminated, interpreted by the Declaration of Independence. There was not a syllable in that august document to be omitted or qualified. It was to him a permanent, perfect, universal law of national life.

On many of the great questions with which the American people had to deal for the last thirty years of his life,--from 1844 to 1874--he was the leader and guide. His speeches on these subjects, contained in these volumes, were the speeches which attracted widest public attention at the time. They contained the arguments which convinced the public mind. They are probably, in most cases, the only ones remembered now. Toward the close of his life he gave much study to the questions of finance and currency. If his life had been spared he doubtless would have been foremost in conducting the country in the path of financial safety and integrity. The titles of the following speeches, to which many others might be added, suggest the principal subjects with which he dealt.

VOL. I.

The True Grandeur of Nations. July 4, 1845.

The Wrong of Slavery. Nov. 4, 1845.

Equal Rights in the Lecture Room. (Letter.) Nov. 29, 1845.

Prison Discipline. (Separate System.) January, 1846.

Scholar, Jurist, etc. Ph. B.R. Aug. 27, 1846.

Antislavery Duties of the Whig Party. Sept. 23, 1846.

Withdrawal of Troops from Mexico. Feb. 4, 1847.

VOL. II.

White Slavery in the Barbary States. Feb. 17, 1847.

Fame and Glory. Aug. 11, 1847.

Sundry Speeches in behalf of New Party to oppose Slavery.
(1847-1851.)

War System of Nations. May 28, 1849.

VOL. III.

Equality before the Law. Dec. 4, 1849.

Welcome to Kossuth. Dec. 10, 1851.

Justice to the Land States. Jan. 27, Feb. 17, March 16, 1852.

Cheap Ocean Postage. March 8, 1852.

Pardoning Power of the President. May 14, 1852.

Freedom National, Slavery Sectional. Aug. 26, 1852.

VOL. IV.

The Basis of the Representative System. July 7, 1853.

Bills of Rights. July 25, 1853.

Repeal of the Missouri Compromise. Feb. 21, 1854.

Final Protest against Slavery in Nebraska and Kansas. May 25, 1854.

Union of all Parties against the Slave Power. May 29, 1854.

VOL. V.

Origin of Appropriation Bills. Feb. 7, 1856.

Abrogation of Treaties. May 8, 1856.

The Crime against Kansas. May 19, 20, 1856.

VOL. VI.

The Electric Telegraph. Aug. 17, 1858.

The Barbarism of Slavery. June 4, 1860.

VOL. VII.

Lafayette. Nov. 30, 1860.

No Surrender of the Northern Forts, against the Crittenden
Compromise. Feb. 15, 1861.

Object of the War. July 24, 1861.

Sympathies of the Civilized World not to be repelled. Speech
against Increase of 10 per cent on all Duties. July 29, 1861.

Emancipation our Best Weapon. Oct. 1, 1861.

Slavery the Origin and Mainspring of the Rebellion. Nov. 27, 1861.

VOL. VIII.

Revision and Consolidation of the National Statutes. Dec. 12, 1861.

Trent Case and Maritime Rights. Jan. 9, 1862.

Treasury Notes a Legal Tender. Feb. 13, 1862.

Help for Mexico against Foreign Intervention. Feb. 19, 1862.

State Suicide and Emancipation. March 6, 1862.

Final Independence of Haiti and Liberia. April 23, 1862.

Final Suppression of the Slave Trade. April 24, 1862.

Emancipation in the District. April 28, 1862.

No Names of Victories over Fellow-citizens on Regimental Colors.
May 8, 1862.

Testimony of Colored Persons. May 12, 1862.

VOL. IX.

Rights of Sovereignty and Rights of War. May 19, 1862.

Help from Slaves. May 26, 1862.

Tax on Cotton. May 27, 1862.

War Powers of Congress. June 27, 1862.

The Proclamation of Emancipation. Oct. 6, 1862.

Emancipation Proclamation our Corner-stone. Oct. 10, 1862.

Prudence in our Foreign Relations. Feb. 3, 1863.

Employment of Colored Troops. Feb. 9, 1863.

Pacific Railroad. May 23, 1863.

VOL. X.

Our Foreign Relations. Sept. 10, 1863.

Power of Congress over the Rebel States. Atlantic Monthly. October,
1863.

Equal Pay of Colored Soldiers. Feb. 10, 1864.

VOL. XI.

French Spoliation Claims reported. April 4, 1864.

National Banks and the Currency. April 27, 1864.

Reform in the Civil Service. April 30, 1864.

Slavery and the Rebellion One and Inseparable. Nov. 5, 1864.

VOL. XII.

Motion to admit a Colored Lawyer to the Bar of the Supreme Court of
the United States. Feb. 1, 1865.

Participation of Rebel States not necessary in Ratification of
Constitutional Amendments. Feb. 4, 1865.

Opinion on the Case of the Smith Brothers. March 17, 1865.

Guaranties for the National Freedmen and the National Creditor.
Sept. 14, 1865.

VOL. XIII.

Republican Form of Government the Essential Condition of Peace.
Dec. 4, 1865.

Equal Rights of Colored Persons to be protected in the National
Courts. Dec. 4, 1865.

Whitewashing by the President. Dec. 19, 1865.

Protection of the National Debt. Jan. 5, 1866.

Protection of Civil Rights. Feb. 9, 1866.

VOL. XIV.

Ship Canal through the Isthmus of Darien. July 25, 1866.

Metric System. July 27, 1866.

The One Man Power _versus_ Congress. Oct. 2, 1866.

Cheap Books and Public Libraries. Jan. 24, 1867.

VOL. XV.

Cession of Russian America to the United States. April 9, 1867.

VOL. XVI.

Are We a Nation? Nov. 19, 1867.

Expulsion of the President. Impeachment of Andrew Johnson. May 26,
1868.

Specie Payments. July 11, 1868.

VOL. XVII.

Powers of Congress to prohibit Inequality, Caste, etc. Feb. 5, 1869.

Claims on England. April 13; Sept. 22, 1869.

Return to Specie Payments. Dec. 7, 1869.

Cuban Belligerency. Dec. 15, 1869.

Specie Payments. Jan. 12, 26; Feb. 1; March 2, 10, 11, 1870.

VOL. XVIII.

One Cent Postage with Abolition of Franking. June 10, 1870.

Duel between France and Germany. Oct. 26, 1870.

Naboth's Vineyard Speech on Proposed Annexation of San Domingo.
Dec. 21, 1870.

Italian Unity. Jan. 10, 1871.

VOL. XIX.

Violations of International Law and Usurpations of War Powers.
March 27, 1871.

One Term for President. Dec. 21, 1871.

VOL. XX.

Arbitration a Substitute for War. May 31, 1872.

Republicanism _versus_ Grantism. May 31, 1872.

No Names of Battles with Fellow-citizens on the Regimental Colors
of the United States. Dec. 2, 1872.

International Arbitration. July 10, 1873.

Civil Rights Bill. Jan. 27, 1874.

If any one doubt the practical sagacity and consummate statesmanship of Charles Sumner let him read the speech in the Trent case. He had a most difficult task. He had to reconcile a people smarting under the sting of English disdain and dislike to meet an insolent demand to give up men we had taken from an English ship, when every man in the United States believed England would have taken them from us in a like case; and to do this not only without dishonor, but so as to turn an apparent defeat into victory. The English cabinet, as is often the case with men who act arrogantly, acted hastily. They put their demand and their menace of war on grounds which justified us and put them in the wrong on the great contention which had existed from the beginning of our government. The United States had been, till the outbreak of the civil war, and hoped to be forever after that war was over, a great neutral power. She was concerned to establish the immunity of the decks of her ships. Sumner saw and seized our opportunity. Great as was the influence of President Lincoln, it seems unlikely that even his authority would have reconciled the American people to the surrender of Mason and Slidell without the support of Sumner. It would certainly have been a terrible strain upon his administration.

None of these speeches bears the marks of haste. In general no important consideration is overlooked and no important authority fails to be cited. Several of them were addressed to the Senate at a time when in the beginning he was able to convince scarcely anybody but himself. But in the end Senate and people came to his opinion.

Let me repeat what I said in reviewing Mr. Pierce's admirable biography:--

"Let us hope that these volumes will always be a text-book for
Americans. Let successive generations be brought up on the story of
the noble life of Charles Sumner. Let the American youth think of
these things. They are things true, honest, just, lovely, and of
good report. There is virtue in them and praise, if there be any
virtue, and if there be any praise. They do not belong to fiction,
but to history. It is no Grecian, or Roman, or English heroism
that the youth is invited to study. Charles Sumner belongs to us.
His youth was spent under a humble American roof. His training
was in an American school and college. He sleeps in American
soil. He is ours, wholly and altogether. His figure will abide in
history like that of St. Michael in art, an emblem of celestial
purity, of celestial zeal, of celestial courage. It will go down
to immortality with its foot upon the dragon of slavery, and with
the sword of the spirit in its hand, but with a tender light in its
eye, and a human love in its smile. Guido and Raphael conceived
their 'inviolable saint,'

"'Invulnerable, impenetrably armed;
Such high advantages his innocence
Gave him above his foe; not to have sinned,
Not to have disobeyed; in fight he stood
Unwearied, unobnoxious, to be pained
By wounds.'

The Michael of the painters, as a critic of genius akin to
their own has pointed out, rests upon his prostrate foe light
as a morning cloud, no muscle strained, with unhacked sword and
unruffled wings, his bright tunic and shining armor without a
rent or stain. Not so with our human champion. He had to bear the
bitterness and agony of a long and doubtful struggle, with common
weapons and against terrible odds. He came out of it with soiled
garments, and with a mortal wound, but without a regret and without
a memory of hate."

Charles Sumner will always be a foremost figure in our history. His name will be a name to conjure with. Whenever freedom is in peril; whenever justice is menaced, whenever the race, whose right he vindicated, shall be trodden under foot, those lips of stone, from the stately antechamber of the Senate, will again utter their high commands. The noble form of Charles Sumner, to the vision of the lovers of liberty, will seem to take its place again in the front of the battle.

"Pass thou first, thou dauntless heart,
As thou wert wont of yore."

WORCESTER,
December, 1899.

THE TRUE GRANDEUR OF NATIONS.

AN ORATION BEFORE THE AUTHORITIES OF THE CITY OF BOSTON, JULY 4, 1845.

O, yet a nobler task awaits thy hand,
(For what can war but endless war still breed?)
Till truth and right from violence be freed.

MILTON, _Sonnet to Fairfax_.

Pax optima rerum
Quas homini novisse datum est; pax una triumphis
Innumeris potior; pax custodire salutem
Et cives æquare potens.

SILIUS ITALICUS, _Punica_, Lib. XI. vv. 592-595.

* * * * *

Sed majoris est gloriæ _ipsa bella verbo occidere_ quam homines
ferro, et acquirere vel obtinere pacem pace, non bello.--AUGUSTINI
_Epistola_ CCLXII., _ad Darium Comitem_.

* * * * *

Certainly, if all who look upon themselves as men, not so much from
the shape of their bodies as because they are endowed with reason,
would listen awhile unto Christ's wholesome and peaceable decrees,
and not, puffed up with arrogance and conceit, rather believe
their own opinions than his admonitions, the whole world long ago
(turning the use of iron into milder works) should have lived
in most quiet tranquillity, and have met together in a firm and
indissoluble league of most safe concord.--ARNOBIUS AFER, _Adversus
Gentes_, Lib. I. c. 6.

* * * * *

And so for the first time [three hundred years after the Christian
era] the meek and peaceful Jesus became a God of Battle, and
the cross, the holy sign of Christian redemption, a banner of
bloody strife. This irreconcilable incongruity between the symbol
of universal peace and the horrors of war, in my judgment, is
conclusive against the miraculous or supernatural character of the
transaction [the vision of Constantine].--I was agreeably surprised
to find that Mosheim concurred in these sentiments, for which I
will readily encounter the charge of Quakerism.--MILMAN, _History
of Christianity_, Book III. chap. 1.

* * * * *

When you see fighting, be peaceable; for a peaceable disposition
shuts the door of contention. Oppose kindness to perverseness;
the sharp sword will not cut soft silk. By using sweet words and
gentleness you may lead an elephant with a hair.--SAADI, _The
Gulistan_, translated by Francis Gladwin, Chap. III. Tale 28.

* * * * *

Si l'on vous disait que tous les chats d'un grand pays se sont
assemblés par milliers dans une plaine, et qu'après avoir miaulé
tout leur saoul, ils se sont jetés avec fureur les uns sur les
autres, et ont joué ensemble de la dent et de la griffe, que de
cette mêlée il est demeuré de part et d'autre neuf à dix mille
chats sur la place, qui ont infecté l'air à dix lieues de là par
leur puanteur, ne diriez-vous pas, "Voilà le plus abominable sabbat
dont on ait jamais oui parler"? Et si les loups en faisaient de
même, quels hurlements! quelle boucherie! Et si les uns ou les
autres vous disaient _qu'ils aiment la gloire_, ... ne ririez-vous
pas de tout votre coeur de l'ingénuité de ces pauvres bêtes?--LA
BRUYÈRE, _Les Caractères: Des Jugements_.

He was disposed to dissent from the maxim, which had of late years
received very general assent, that the best security for the
continuance of peace was to be prepared for war. That was a maxim
which might have been applied to the nations of antiquity, and to
society in a comparatively barbarous and uncivilized state.... Men,
when they adopted such a maxim, and made large preparations in
time of peace that would be sufficient in time of war, were apt to
be influenced by the desire to put their efficiency to the test,
that all their great preparations and the result of their toil and
expense might not be thrown away.--EARL OF ABERDEEN, _Hansard's
Parliamentary Debates_, July 20, 1849.

* * * * *

_Bellum para, si pacem velis_, was a maxim regarded by many as
containing an incontestable truth. It was one, in his opinion,
to be received with great caution, and admitting of much
qualification.... We should best consult the true interests of
the country by husbanding our resources in a time of peace, and,
instead of a lavish expenditure on all the means of defence, by
placing some trust in the latent and dormant energies of the
nation.--SIR ROBERT PEEL, _Hansard's Parliamentary Debates_, March
12, 1850.

* * * * *

Let us terminate this disastrous system of rival expenditure,
and mutually agree, with no hypocrisy, but in a manner and under
circumstances which can admit of no doubt,--by a reduction of
armaments,--that peace is really our policy.--MR. D'ISRAELI,
_Hansard's Parliamentary Debates_, July 21, 1859.

* * * * *

All high titles of honor come hitherto from fighting. Your _Herzog_
(Duke, _Dux_) is Leader of Armies; your Earl (_Jarl_) is Strong
Man; your Marshal, Cavalry Horseshoer. A Millennium, or Reign of
Peace and Wisdom, having from of old been prophesied, and becoming
now daily more and more indubitable, may it not be apprehended that
such fighting titles will cease to be palatable, and new and higher
need to be devised?--CARLYLE, _Sartor Resartus_, Book III. chap. 7.

* * * * *

After the memorable conflict of June, 1848, in which, as _Chef
de Bataillon_, he [Ary Scheffer] had shown a capacity for
military conduct not less remarked than his cool courage, General
Changarnier, then commanding the National Guard of Paris, tendered
to Scheffer's acceptance the cross of _Commandeur_. He replied,
"Had this honorable distinction been offered to me in my quality
of Artist, and as a recognition of the merit of my works, I should
receive it with deference and satisfaction. But to carry about
me a decoration reminding me only of the horrors of civil war is
what I cannot consent to do."--ARY SCHEFFER, _Life by Mrs. Grote_,
Appendix.

Additional examples and illustrations have been introduced into
this Oration since its publication, but the argument and substance
remain the same. It was at the time the occasion of considerable
controversy, and many were disturbed by what Mr. Sumner called his
_Declaration of War against War_. This showed itself at the dinner
in Faneuil Hall immediately after the delivery. There was friendly
dissent also, as appears from the letters of Judge Story and Mr.
Prescott, which will be found in the biographies of those eminent
persons. A letter from John A. Andrew, afterwards the distinguished
Governor of Massachusetts, shows the completeness of his sympathy.
"You will allow me to say, I hope," he writes, "that I have read
the Oration with a satisfaction only equalled by that with which I
heard you on the 4th July. And while I thank you a thousand times
for the choice you made of a topic, as well as for the fidelity
and brilliant ability which you brought to its illustration,
(both, to my mind, defying the most carping criticism,) I cannot
help expressing also my gratitude to Providence, that here, in our
city of Boston, one has at last stepped forward to consecrate to
celestial hopes the day--the great day--which Americans have at
best heretofore held sacred only to memory."

The Oration was noticed extensively at home and abroad. Two
or more editions were printed by the City Government, one by
the booksellers, Messrs. W.D. Ticknor & Co., and several by the
American Peace Society, which has recently issued another, making
a small volume. Another edition appeared in London. Portions have
been printed and circulated as tracts. There was also an abridgment
in Philadelphia, edited by Professor Charles D. Cleveland, and
another in Liverpool, by Mr. Richard Rathbone.

ORATION.

In accordance with uninterrupted usage, on this Sabbath of the Nation, we have put aside our daily cares, and seized a respite from the never-ending toils of life, to meet in gladness and congratulation, mindful of the blessings transmitted from the Past, mindful also, I trust, of our duties to the Present and the Future.

* * * * *

All hearts turn first to the Fathers of the Republic. Their venerable forms rise before us, in the procession of successive generations. They come from the frozen rock of Plymouth, from the wasted bands of Raleigh, from the heavenly companionship of Penn, from the anxious councils of the Revolution,--from all those fields of sacrifice, where, in obedience to the spirit of their age, they sealed their devotion to duty with their blood. They say to us, their children, "Cease to vaunt what you do, and what has been done for you. Learn to walk meekly and to think humbly. Cultivate habits of self-sacrifice. Never aim at what is not RIGHT, persuaded that without this every possession and all knowledge will become an evil and a shame. And may these words of ours be ever in your minds! Strive to increase the inheritance we have bequeathed to you,--bearing in mind always, that, if we excel you in virtue, such a victory will be to us a mortification, while defeat will bring happiness. In this way you may conquer us. Nothing is more shameful for a man than a claim to esteem, not on his own merits, but on the fame of his ancestors. The glory of the fathers is doubtless to their children a most precious treasure; but to enjoy it without transmission to the next generation, and without addition, is the extreme of ignominy. Following these counsels, when your days on earth are finished, you will come to join us, and we shall receive you as friend receives friend; but if you neglect our words, expect no happy greeting from us."[2]

[2] This is borrowed almost literally from the words attributed by Plato to the Fathers of Athens, in the beautiful funeral discourse of the Menexenus.

Honor to the memory of our fathers! May the turf lie lightly on their sacred graves! Not in words only, but in deeds also, let us testify our reverence for their name, imitating what in them was lofty, pure, and good, learning from them to bear hardship and privation. May we, who now reap in strength what they sowed in weakness, augment the inheritance we have received! To this end, we must not fold our hands in slumber, nor abide content with the past. To each generation is appointed its peculiar task; nor does the heart which responds to the call of duty find rest except in the grave.

Be ours the task now in the order of Providence cast upon us. And what is this duty? What can we do to make our coming welcome to our fathers in the skies, and draw to our memory hereafter the homage of a grateful posterity? How add to the inheritance received? The answer must interest all, particularly on this festival, when we celebrate the Nativity of the Republic. It well becomes the patriot citizen, on this anniversary, to consider the national character, and how it may be advanced,--as the good man dedicates his birthday to meditation on his life, and to resolutions of improvement. Avoiding, then, all exultation in the abounding prosperity of the land, and in that freedom whose influence is widening to the uttermost circles of the earth, I would turn attention to the character of our country, and humbly endeavor to learn what must be done that the Republic may best secure the welfare of the people committed to its care,--that it may perform its part in the world's history,--that it may fulfil the aspirations of generous hearts,--and, practising that righteousness which exalteth a nation, attain to the elevation of True Grandeur.

* * * * *

With this aim, and believing that I can in no other way so fitly fulfil the trust reposed in me to-day, I purpose to consider _what, in our age, are the true objects of national ambition,--what is truly National Honor, National Glory_,--WHAT IS THE TRUE GRANDEUR OF NATIONS. I would not depart from the modesty that becomes me, yet I am not without hope that I may do something to rescue these terms, now so powerful over the minds of men, from mistaken objects, especially from deeds of war, and the extension of empire, that they may be applied to works of justice and beneficence, which are better than war or empire.

The subject may be novel, on an occasion like the present; but it is comprehensive, and of transcendent importance. It raises us to the contemplation of things not temporary or local, but belonging to all ages and countries,--things lofty as Truth, universal as Humanity. Nay, more; it practically concerns the general welfare, not only of our own cherished Republic, but of the whole Federation of Nations. It has an urgent interest from transactions in which we are now unhappily involved. By an act of unjust legislation, extending our power over Texas, peace with Mexico is endangered,--while, by petulant assertion of a disputed claim to a remote territory beyond the Rocky Mountains, ancient fires of hostile strife are kindled anew on the hearth of our mother country. Mexico and England both avow the determination to vindicate what is called the _National Honor_; and our Government calmly contemplates the dread Arbitrament of War, provided it cannot obtain what is called an honorable peace.

Far from our nation and our age be the sin and shame of contests hateful in the sight of God and all good men, having their origin in no righteous sentiment, no true love of country, no generous thirst for fame, "that last infirmity of noble mind," but springing manifestly from an ignorant and ignoble passion for new territory, strengthened, in our case, in a republic whose star is Liberty, by unnatural desire to add new links in chains destined yet to fall from the limbs of the unhappy slave! In such contests God has no attribute which can join with us. Who believes that the national honor would be promoted by a war with Mexico or a war with England? What just man would sacrifice a single human life to bring under our rule both Texas and Oregon? An ancient Roman, ignorant of Christian truth, touched only by the relation of fellow-countryman, and not of fellow-man, said, as he turned aside from a career of Asiatic conquest, that he would rather save the life of a single citizen than win to his power all the dominions of Mithridates.[3]

[3] Plutarch, _Lucullus_, Cap. VIII.

A war with Mexico would be mean and cowardly; with England it would be bold at least, though parricidal. The heart sickens at the murderous attack upon an enemy distracted by civil feud, weak at home, impotent abroad; but it recoils in horror from the deadly shock between children of a common ancestry, speaking the same language, soothed in infancy by the same words of love and tenderness, and hardened into vigorous manhood under the bracing influence of institutions instinct with the same vital breath of freedom. The Roman historian has aptly pictured this unnatural combat. Rarely do words of the past so justly describe the present. _Curam acuebat, quod adversus Latinos bellandum erat, lingua, moribus, armorum genere, institutis ante omnia militaribus congruentes: milites militibus, centurionibus centuriones, tribuni tribunis compares collegæque, iisdem præsidiis, sæpe iisdem manipulis permixti fuerant._[4]

[4] Livy, Hist., Lib. VIII. c. 6.

Can there be in our age any peace that is not honorable, any war that is not dishonorable? The true honor of a nation is conspicuous only in deeds of justice and beneficence, securing and advancing human happiness. In the clear eye of that Christian judgment which must yet prevail, vain are the victories of War, infamous its spoils. He is the benefactor, and worthy of honor, who carries comfort to wretchedness, dries the tear of sorrow, relieves the unfortunate, feeds the hungry, clothes the naked, does justice, enlightens the ignorant, unfastens the fetters of the slave, and finally, by virtuous genius, in art, literature, science, enlivens and exalts the hours of life, or, by generous example, inspires a love for God and man. This is the Christian hero; this is the man of honor in a Christian land. He is no benefactor, nor worthy of honor, whatever his worldly renown, whose life is absorbed in feats of brute force, who renounces the great law of Christian brotherhood, whose vocation is blood. Well may the modern poet exclaim, "The world knows nothing of its greatest men!"--for thus far it has chiefly honored the violent brood of Battle, armed men springing up from the dragon's teeth sown by Hate, and cared little for the truly good men, children of Love, guiltless of their country's blood, whose steps on earth are noiseless as an angel's wing.

It will not be disguised that this standard differs from that of the world even in our day. The voice of man is yet given to martial praise, and the honors of victory are chanted even by the lips of woman. The mother, rocking the infant on her knee, stamps the images of War upon his tender mind, at that age more impressible than wax; she nurses his slumber with its music, pleases his waking hours with its stories, and selects for his playthings the plume and the sword. From the child is formed the man; and who can weigh the influence of a mother's spirit on the opinions of his life? The mind which trains the child is like a hand at the end of a long lever; a gentle effort suffices to heave the enormous weight of succeeding years. As the boy advances to youth, he is fed like Achilles, not on honey and milk only, but on bears' marrow and lions' hearts. He draws the nutriment of his soul from a literature whose beautiful fields are moistened by human blood. Fain would I offer my tribute to the Father of Poetry, standing with harp of immortal melody on the misty mountain-top of distant Antiquity,--to those stories of courage and sacrifice which emblazon the annals of Greece and Rome,--to the fulminations of Demosthenes and the splendors of Tully,--to the sweet verse of Virgil and the poetic prose of Livy; fain would I offer my tribute to the new literature, which shot up in modern times as a vigorous forest from the burnt site of ancient woods,--to the passionate song of the Troubadour in France and the Minnesinger in Germany,--to the thrilling ballad of Spain and the delicate music of the Italian lyre: but from all these has breathed the breath of War, that has swept the heart-strings of men in all the thronging generations.

And when the youth becomes a man, his country invites his service in war, and holds before his bewildered imagination the prizes of worldly honor. For him the pen of the historian and the verse of the poet. His soul is taught to swell at the thought that he, too, is a soldier,--that his name shall be entered on the list of those who have borne arms for their country; and perhaps he dreams that he, too, may sleep, like the Great Captain of Spain, with a hundred trophies over his grave. The law of the land throws its sanction over this frenzy. The contagion spreads beyond those subject to positive obligation. Peaceful citizens volunteer to appear as soldiers, and affect, in dress, arms, and deportment, what is called the "pride, pomp, and circumstance of glorious war." The ear-piercing fife has to-day filled our streets, and we have come to this church, on this National Sabbath, by the thump of drum and with the parade of bristling bayonets.

It is not strange, then, that the Spirit of War still finds a home among us, nor that its honors continue to be regarded. All this may seem to illustrate the bitter philosophy of Hobbes, declaring that the natural state of mankind is War, and to sustain the exulting language of the soldier in our own day, when he wrote, "War is the condition of this world. From man to the smallest insect, all are at strife; and the glory of arms, which cannot be obtained without the exercise of honor, fortitude, courage, obedience, modesty, and temperance, excites the brave man's patriotism, and is a chastening corrective for the rich man's pride."[5] This is broad and bold. In madder mood, another British general is reported as saying, "Why, man, do you know that a grenadier is the _greatest character_ in this world,"--and after a moment's pause, with the added emphasis of an oath, "and, I believe, in the next, too."[6] All these spoke in harmony. If one is true, all are true. A French voice has struck another note, chanting nothing less than the divinity of war, hailing it as "divine" in itself,--"divine" in its consequences,--"divine" in mysterious glory and seductive attraction,--"divine" in the manner of its declaration,--"divine" in the results obtained,--"divine" in the undefinable force by which its triumph is determined;[7] and the whole earth, continually imbibing blood, is nothing but an immense altar, where life is immolated without end, without measure, without respite. But this oracle is not saved from rejection even by the magistral style in which it is delivered.

[5] Napier, Peninsular War, Book XXIV. ch. 6, Vol. VI. p. 688.

[6] Southey, Colloquies on the Progress and Prospects of Society, Coll.
VIII., Vol. I. p. 211.

[7] Joseph de Maistre, Soirées de Saint-Pétersbourg, Tom. II. pp. 27,
32-35.

Alas! in the existing attitude of nations, the infidel philosopher and the rhetorical soldier, to say nothing of the giddy general and the French priest of Mars, find too much support for a theory which degrades human nature and insults the goodness of God. It is true that in us are impulses unhappily tending to strife. Propensities possessed in common with the beast, if not subordinated to what in man is human, almost divine, will break forth in outrage. This is the predominance of the animal. Hence wars and fightings, with the false glory which crowns such barbarism. But the true civilization of nations, as of individuals, is determined by the extent to which these evil dispositions are restrained. Nor does the teacher ever more truly perform his high office than when, recognizing the supremacy of the moral and intellectual, he calls upon nations, as upon individuals, to declare independence of the bestial, to abandon practices founded on this part of our nature, and in every way to beat down that brutal spirit which is the Genius of War. In making this appeal, he will be startled as he learns, that, while the municipal law of each Christian nation, discarding the Arbitrament of Force, provides a judicial tribunal for the determination of controversies between individuals, International Law expressly _establishes_ the Arbitrament of War for the determination of controversies between nations.

Here, then, in unfolding the True Grandeur of Nations, we encounter a practice, or _custom_, sanctioned by the Law of Nations, and constituting a part of that law, which exists in defiance of principles such as no individuals can disown. If it is wrong and inglorious when individuals _consent and agree_ to determine their petty controversies by combat, it must be equally wrong and inglorious when nations _consent and agree_ to determine their vaster controversies by combat. Here is a positive, precise, and specific evil, of gigantic proportions, inconsistent with what is truly honorable, making within the sphere of its influence all true grandeur impossible, which, instead of proceeding from some uncontrollable impulse of our nature, is _expressly established and organized by law_.

* * * * *

As all citizens are parties to Municipal Law, and responsible for its institutions, so are all the Christian nations parties to International Law, and responsible for its provisions. By recognizing these provisions, nations _consent and agree_ beforehand to the Arbitrament of War, precisely as citizens, by recognizing Trial by Jury, _consent and agree_ beforehand to the latter tribunal. As, to comprehend the true nature of Trial by Jury, we first repair to the Municipal Law by which it is established, so, to comprehend the true nature of the Arbitrament of War, we must first repair to the Law of Nations.