Chapter XVIII: Introduction: Cicero’s Letters (15)

No one has told us what impression it produced on those who read it for the first time; but it may be fearlessly asserted that it was a very lively impression. The civil wars had only just ended, up till that time men were only occupied with present ills; in those misfortunes no man’s mind was sufficiently free to think of the past, but in the first period of tranquillity which that troubled generation knew, it hastened to throw a glance backward. Whether it sought to account for the events that had happened or wished to enjoy that bitter pleasure which is found, according to the poet, in the recollections of former sufferings, it retraced the sad years it had just traversed, and wished to go back to the very beginning of that struggle whose end it had seen. Nothing could satisfy their curiosity better than Cicero’s letters, and it cannot therefore be doubtful that everybody at that time eagerly read them.

I do not think that this reading did any harm to the government of Augustus. Perhaps the reputation of some important personages of the new government suffered a little from it. To have their republican professions of faith disinterred was unpleasant for men who boasted of being the private friends of the prince. I suppose that the malicious must have diverted themselves with those letters in which Pollio swears to be the eternal enemy of tyrants and in which Plancus harshly attributes the misfortunes of the republic to the treason of Octavius, who himself was not to be spared; and these lively recollections of a time when he held out his hand to Caesar’s assassins and called Cicero his father, were not favourable to him. All this provided subjects of conversation for the malcontents during several weeks. But upon the whole, the mischief was small, and these railleries did not endanger the security of the great empire. What was most to be feared for it was that imagination, always favourable to the past, should freely attribute to the republic those qualities with which it is so easy to adorn institutions that no longer exist. Now, Cicero’s letters were much more suited to destroy these illusions than to encourage them. The picture they present of the intrigues, the disorders, and the scandals of that time did not permit men to regret it. The men whom Tacitus depicts to us as worn out with struggles and eager for repose, found in it nothing that could attract them, and the bad use that men like Curio, Caelius, and Dolabella had made of liberty, rendered them less sensitive to the sorrow of having lost it.

The memory of him who wrote these letters gained most by their publication. It was very common at that time to speak ill of Cicero. Notwithstanding the manner in which the court historians narrated the meeting at Bologna and the honourable part they attempted to give Octavius in the proscriptions,[391] they were none the less unpleasant recollections for him. His victims were calumniated in order to diminish his faults. This is what Asinius Pollio wished to do, when he said, in his speech for Lamia, that Cicero died like a coward.[392] Those whose devotedness did not go so far, and who had not enough courage to insult him, took care at least to say nothing of him. It has been remarked that none of the great poets of this time speak of him, and we know from Plutarch that at the Palatine it was necessary to read his works in secret. Silence therefore fell, as far as it was indeed possible, around Cicero’s great glory; but the publication of his letters recalled him to the memory of everybody. When once they had been read, this intellectual and gentle figure, so amiable, so human and so attractive even in its weaknesses, could not again be forgotten.

To the interest that the personality of Cicero gives to his letters, a still more vivid interest is added for us. We have seen, in what I have just written, how much our time resembles that of which these letters speak to us. It had no solid faith any more than our own, and its sad experiences of revolutions had disgusted it with everything while inuring it to everything. The men of that time knew, just as we do, that discontent with the present and that uncertainty of the morrow which do not allow us to enjoy tranquillity or repose. In them we see ourselves; the sorrows of the men of those times are partly our own, and we have suffered the same ills of which they complained. We, like them, live in one of those transitional periods, the most mournful of history, in which the traditions of the past have disappeared and the future is not yet clearly defined, and know not on what to set our affections, and we can well understand that they might have said with the ancient Hesiod: “Would that I had died sooner or been born later!” This is what gives Cicero’s letters so lively though mournful an interest for us; this is what first attracted me towards them; this is what, perhaps, will give us some pleasure in spending a short time in the society of the persons they depict, who, in spite of the lapse of years, seem almost to be our contemporaries.

INDEX

Abeken, 23

Acidinus, 105

_Actium_, 302, 367, 382

_Aegean_, 350

_Aegina_, 102

Aesopus, son of, 101

_Africa_, 65, 75, 160, 200, 270, 286, 297, 318

_Agendicum_, 255

Agrippa, 106

_Alba_, 117, 226

_Alesia_, 186, 252, 255

Alexander, 228

_Alexandria_, 118

_Alps_, 76, 252, _seq._

Ambrose, Saint, 103

_America_, 231

Amphiaraüs, 71, 190

Ampius, T., 267

_Ancyra_, 362 and note, 369, 381

_Angora_, 362

_Antium_, 12, 346, 347

Antonius, orator, 42

Antony, 13, 20, 45, 70, 72 _seq._, 76, 81, 100, 104, 105, 158, 177,
197, 266, 276, 306, 331, 333, 335, 336, 339, 340, 345, 347, 350,
353, 356, 357, 360, 365, 370, 380

_Apollonia_, 362

Appian, 325, 342, 345, 381

Appius Claudius, 89, 285, 305, 314

Apuleius, 169, 350

_Apulia_, 186, 206

_Arabia_, 368

_Arcae_, 239

Archimedes, 287

_Argiletum_, 86

Ariobarzanes, 120, 314

Ariovistus, 252, 253, 255, 344

Aristophanes, 28

Aristotle, 108, 307

_Arpinum_, 4, 12, 61, 131, 216, 239

Arrius, 12

_Asia_, 49, 75, 85, 115, 120, 129, 230, 238, 267, 294, 297, 318, 319,
350

_Atella_, 120

_Athens_, 105, 107, 110, 126, 127, 133, 139, 296, 304, 305, 326, 349,
350

Atticus, 4, 10, 12, 13, 26, 53, 79, 85 _seq._, 89 note, 92, 95, 96, 98,
101, 106, 108, 111, 113;
his correspondence with Cicero, 123;
sources of his wealth, 127 _seq._;
attacks Sicyon, 130;
returns to Rome, 132;
his character, 134 _seq._;
his services to Cicero, 141 _seq._;
his conduct in public affairs, 147 _seq._;
his hatred of Caesar, 152;
194, 218 _seq._, 224, 236, 262, 305, 310, 314, 317, 323, 332, 355,
360

Augustus. See Octavius

Aulus Gellius, 110, 112

_Aventine_, 86

Axius, 87, 227 note

_Baiae_, 168, 172, 175, 208

Balbus, 135, 141, 188, 195, 222, 234, 247, 261

Basilus, 192

Bibulus, 70, 105, 155, 221, 333

Blasius, 323

_Bologna_, 356, 365, 390

Bossuet, 147, 279

_Britain_, 65, 232, 234, 240, 245, 249, 250 and note, 251

_Brittany_, 15

_Brundusium_, 73, 94, 97, 152, 187 _seq._, 210, 257, 258, 260, 304, 319

Bruttius, 106

Brutus, 21, 22, 58, 70 _seq._, 75, 77, 88, 102, 107, 136, 140, 151,
152, 154 _seq._, 158, 159, 176, 192, 243, 266, 287, 293;
his family, 305;
his character, 307;
his statue, 309 note;
his oratory, 310;
his usury, 312 _seq._;
joins Pompey at Pharsalia, 317;
submits to Caesar, 318;
close intimacy with Cicero, 320;
his treatise _On Virtue_, 324;
Governor of Cisalpine Gaul, 326;
becomes head of conspiracy against Caesar, 338;
his conduct after Caesar’s death, 340 _seq._;
retires to Greece, 348 _seq._;
disagreement with Cicero, 350, 359, 360

Brutus, Decimus, 74, 75, 176, 192, 243, 323

Bussy, 17

Caecilia Metella, 101

Caecilius, 87, 130

Caecina, 267, 268

Caelius, 3, 4, 100;
his family and education, 160 _seq._;
his relations with Clodia, 166 _seq._;
orator and statesman, 177 _seq._;
joins Caesar, 187;
goes to Spain, 190;
praetor, 197;
opposes Trebonius, 203 _seq._;
leaves Rome, 205;
his death, 206, 264, 306, 359, 389

Caerellia, 90, 91

Caesar, 4, 14, 21, 22, 33, 36, 40, 49 _seq._, 59, 61, 63, 68, 69, 71,
80, 85, 87, 102, 119, 127, 135, 151, 152, 154, 165, 171, 179, 183,
185 _seq._, 191 _seq._;
Cicero his political ally during the Gallic war, his friend after
Pharsalia, 209;
contrasted with Pompey, 225 _seq._;
sets out for Gaul, 229;
his army, 242 _seq._;
his victories, 252;
resumes intercourse with Cicero, 260;
his clemency, 263;
his cruelty, 265;
writes the _Anti-Cato_, 288, 304 _seq._, 308 _seq._, 321, 324, 326
_seq._, 333 _seq._, 344 _seq._, 379, 384, 385

_Calatia_, 74

Calidius, 187

Calvus, Licinius, 170, 171, 174, 208

Camillus, 283

_Campania_, 25, 206, 345

_Campus Martius_, 13, 25, 40, 155, 162, 213, 214, 255, 282

_Capreae_, 172

_Carinae_, 86, 251

_Carthage_, 64, 286

_Casilinum_, 74

_Cassius_, 75, 89, 293, 305, 306, 318, 323, 325, 330, 336 _seq._, 347,
350, 355

Catienus, 238

Catiline, 33, 46, 49 _seq._, 68, 72, 180, 199, 218, 229, 304, 311

Cato (Uticensis), 17, 20, 21, 40, 58, 61, 68, 70, 88, 135, 159, 164,
189, 210, 216, 252, 263, 276 _seq._, 291, 304, 305, 311, 315, 317,
326, 333

Cato, the elder, 33, 113, 149, 379

Cato, the younger, 323

Catullus, 168 _seq._, 174, 208, 235

Cherea, 8

Chrysogonus, 38

Cicero, his letters, 1 _seq._;
letters and speeches compared, 8;
compared with Saint-Simon, 9;
with Mme. de Sévigné, 14 _seq._;
his inconsistency, 17;
his political opinions, 24 _seq._;
defence of Roscius, 37 _seq._;
success of his candidatures, 40;
his eloquence, 42 _seq._;
tries to form a new political party, 47;
his irresolution, 56;
his opinion of the people, 60;
sets out for Greece, 70;
tries to form coalition, 73;
his death, 77;
sources of his wealth, 80 _seq._;
proconsul of Cilicia, 82;
exiled, 93;
returns to Italy, 94;
divorces Terentia, 95;
marries and divorces Publilia, 99;
his children, 100 _seq._;
his slaves, 108 _seq._;
his clients, 113 _seq._;
defends Rabirius Postumus, 119;
his hosts, 120;
his correspondence with Atticus, 123;
reconciled to Hortensius, 136;
teacher of Caelius, 160, 161;
his opinion of Clodia, 162;
defends Caelius, 175;
joins Pompey in Greece, 190;
Caesar’s political ally during the Gallic war, his friend after
Pharsalia, 209;
his return from exile, 210;
supports the triumvirs, 219;
becomes Caesar’s agent, 222;
his letter to Lentulus, 223;
sends Trebatius and Quintus to Caesar, 231;
demands honours for Caesar, 252;
joins Pompey at Pharsalia, returns to Brundusium, 257, 258;
to Tusculum, 259;
to Rome, 260;
is reconciled to Caesar, 260;
_Pro Marcello_, 271 _seq._;
Apology for Cato, 287;
his friendship with Brutus, 308;
proconsul of Cilicia, 312;
his philosophical works, 321 _seq._;
joins Brutus at Velia, 348;
returns to Rome, 349;
disagrees with Brutus, 350 _seq._;
publication of his letters, 388

Cicero, Marcus, 104 _seq._, 110, 111

Cicero, Quintus, 91, 110, 111, 114, 215, 218, 221, 231, 235 _seq._,
246, 251

_Cilicia_, 82, 97, 100, 111, 117, 159, 175, 182, 277, 305, 306, 312,
313, 317

Clodia, 92, 135, 162 _seq._, 180

Clodius, 13, 24, 33, 68, 72, 85, 92, 135, 162, 168, 180, 199, 201, 210
_seq._, 229, 304

Cluvius, 85, 312

Colbert, 9

_Como_, 269

Considius, 87

_Constantinople_, 213

_Cordova_, 323

_Corfinium_, 185 note, 186, 187

_Corinth_, 102

Corneille, 30, 385, 386

Cornelius Nepos, 134, 136, 158

Cornificius, 75, 170, 297

Coulanges, Mme. de, 16

Crassipes, 100

Crassus, 49, 51, 80, 83, 218, 219, 222, 243, 246, 336, 371

Crastinus, 192

Cratippus, 106, 349

Cremutius Cordus, 2

Curio, 4, 20, 53, 62, 100, 127, 179, 187, 195, 197, 208, 264, 276, 306,
359, 389

Curius, 111, 119

_Cydnus_, 330, 337

_Cyprus_, 289, 304, 314, 316

Cyrus, 85

Cytheris, 261

Dante, 303

_Danube_, 378

Deiotarus, 120

_Delos_, 129

Descartes, 104

Dio Cassius, 90, 241, 253, 265, 307, 356, 368, 375

Diodotus, 85

Dionysius, 105

Dionysius, slave of Cicero, 108

Dolabella, 20, 100 _seq._, 109, 179, 187, 195, 197, 208, 261, 306, 331,
340, 345, 389

Domitius, 186, 187

Drumann, 23

Drusus, 100

Dumnorix, 233

_Dyrrhachium_, 192, 242, 257, 286

_Egypt_, 118, 222, 318

_England_, 1

_Ephesus_, 129

Epicrates, 106

_Epirus_, 129, 130, 131, 345

Eros, 79, 88, 109

_Ethiopia_, 368

Eutrapelus, 261

Fabius, 33

Fabius Gallus, 287

Fabius Maximus, 243

Favonius, 327, 347

Fayette, Mme. de la, 16

_Fibrenus_, 131

_Formiae_, 4, 11, 53, 77, 193, 217

_Forum_, 2, 4, 5, 8, 13, 25, 30, 39, 44, 55, 61, 75, 80, 112, 114, 140,
149, 155, 160 _seq._, 175, 177, 193, 201, 204, 208, 212 _seq._, 225,
250, 255, 319, 333, 344, 359, 373, 378

_France_, 1, 232

Fronto, 248

Fulvia, 151

Furfanius, 297

Gabinius, 117, 119, 222

_Gaeta_, 77

_Galatia_, 362

_Gaul_, 65, 110, 115, 185 note, 194, 213, 219, 228, 229, 231 _seq._,
235, 239, 242, 246, 247, 250 _seq._, 296

_Gaul, Cisalpine_, 45, 74, 185 note, 195, 293, 316, 326

_Gergovia_, 186

_Germany_, 1, 23, 65, 245, 250, 252

Gorgias, 105, 106

Gracchi, 32, 48, 59, 61, 164 note, 183, 198, 245

Gracchus, Caius, 199

_Greece_, 32, 70, 73, 77, 102, 120, 126, 127, 129, 135, 142, 149
_seq._, 189, 200, 267, 270, 293, 296, 297, 320, 348, 350

Guy-Patin, 52

Helvius Cinna, 170

Hermogenes, 87

Hesiod, 391

Hirtius, 73, 99, 246, 288, 354, 365

Horace, 168, 350

Hortensius, 83, 89, 104, 136, 210, 290

_Illyria_, 108

_Italy_, 4, 64, 70, 75, 94, 120, 129, 168;
Upper, 183; 187, 189, 193, 198, 205, 206, 212, 253, 254, 258, 266,
268, 296, 317, 345 _seq._; 355, 371

Juba, 323

Knights, the, 47 _seq._, 119, 121, 135, 142, 144, 151, 160, 247, 252,
284, 312, 313, 380

Labeo, 307, 323

Laberius, 234

Labienus, 243, 276

_Lacedaemon_, 316

Laelius, C. (Sapiens), 33

Laelius, 266

_Lanuvium_, 346, 348

Laterensis, 323

_Latium_, 25

Lentulus, 117, 223, 311, 371

Lentulus Sphinther, 101

Leonidas, 106

Lepidus, 75, 305, 306, 323, 344, 346, 354, 356, 367

Lepta, 95, 231

Lesbia, 169 _seq._

Licinius Calvus. See Calvus

Licinius, 238

_Liris_, 26

_Livry_, 15

Livy, 1, 2, 77, 82, 164, 235, 312

Louis XIV., 245, 364

Louvois, 9, 16

Lucan, 52, 68, 303

_Lucca_, 195

Lucceius, 102

_Luceria_, 188

Lucilius, 33

Lucretius, 115, 168, 235, 322

Lucullus, 85, 230

_Macedonia_, 73, 129, 177, 349, 350

Maecenas, 369, 372, 382

Marcellus, 269 _seq._, 285, 296, 299, 324, 326, 374

Marcus. See Cicero, Marcus

_Mariba_, 368

Marius, 37, 49, 65, 124, 246, 254, 291, 294, 328

_Marseilles_, 193, 206, 246

Matius, 191 note, 246, 251

_Megara_, 102

Memmius Gemellus, 115

Messala, 105, 359, 381

Metellus, 164 note

Michael Angelo, 309 note

_Milan_, 316

Milo, 80, 89 note, 97, 206

Mithridates, 127, 230

_Mitylene_, 269, 324

_Modena_, 75, 76, 350, 360

Molière, 280

Mommsen, 1 note, 23, 31, 45, 213, 228, 287, 384

Montaigne, 33

Mummius, 246

Munatius, 289

_Munda_, 202, 265, 302, 330

_Nabata_, 368

_Naples_, 162, 172, 206

Napoleon, 228

_Narbonne_, 330

_New Orleans_, 213

Nicole, 16

Nigidius Figulus, 267, 268

Ninnius, 153

Octavius, 74, 76, 77, 106, 139, 158, 164 note, 165, 173, 264, 301, 302,
308, 316, 329, 345, 353, 354, 356, 357;
his correspondence with Cicero, 359;
Cicero’s opinion of him, 360;
Ancyran Inscription, 361 _seq._;
pro-praetor, triumvir, 365;
his war with Sextus Pompey, 367;
his victories, 367, 368;
his relations with his soldiers, 369 _seq._;
with the people, 372, 373;
with the senate, 373 _seq._;
population of Rome, 376 note;
his policy in rebuilding Rome, 377;
political greatness of Rome, 378 _seq._;
“Father of his Country,” 381;
change in his character, 381 _seq._;
effects of his policy, 386, 387;
publication of Cicero’s letters, 388 _seq._

Oppius, 188, 195, 222

Ovid, 169, 171, 174

_Palatine_, 37, 86, 162, 169, 215, 217, 251, 374, 390

_Pannonia_, 370

Pansa, 73, 350, 365

_Paphos_, 120

Papirius Paetus, 13, 83

_Paris_, 15, 213

Pascal, 138, 229

_Patras_, 119

Patroclus, 287

Paula Valeria, 176

Paulus Emilius, 379

Petreius, 323

_Pharsalia_, 51, 69, 85, 94, 97, 149, 154, 189, 192, 202, 207, 209,
257, 259, 261, 266 _seq._, 272, 275, 277, 285, 291 _seq._, 299, 302,
306, 318, 319, 321, 325, 327 _seq._, 337, 350, 359, 374, 384

Philip (tribune), 80

_Philippi_, 136, 207, 307, 316, 323, 371, 374, 380, 382

Philotimus, 97

_Picenum_, 213

Pilois, 15

Pinarius, 244

_Piraeus_, 102

Piso, 100, 220

Plancus, 75, 243, 246, 354, 359, 389

Plato, 26, 27, 31, 223, 321

Plautus, 90, 162, 174

Pliny, 113, 141

Plutarch, 77, 91, 193, 241, 289, 290, 316, 326, 331, 334, 337, 349,
357, 390

Polybius, 31, 325

_Pompeii_, 153

Pompey, 14, 21, 40, 49, 51, 56, 57, 70, 81, 82, 87, 110, 117, 135, 143,
152, 182, 185 _seq._, 197, 210, 215 _seq._, 256, 258, 263, 285, 312,
317, 318, 327, 335

Pompey, Sextus, 74, 330, 367, 370, 380, 382

Pomponia, 91, 236 _seq._

Porcia, 333, 347

Postumia, 295, 296

Propertius, 171, 235

Ptolemy Auletes, 117, 222

Publilia, 99, 143

_Puteoli_, 85, 118, 160, 162, 313

Quintilian, 177, 205 note, 207

Quintilius Varus, 170, 323

Quintus. See Cicero, Quintus

_Quirinal_, 134, 140, 149

Rabirius Postumus, 116 _seq._, 312

_Ravenna_, 186, 187

_Reate_, 61

_Rennes_, 15

_Rhegium_, 70

_Rhine_, 250, 251, 254, 367, 378

_Rhone_, 254

Rochefoucauld, La, 16

Rollin, 271

_Rome_, 2 _seq._, 12, 14, 24, 31, 37, 48, 51, 53 _seq._, 59, 62, 64
_seq._, 70, 72, 74, _seq._, 80 _seq._, 89 note, 91, 112, 115 _seq._,
124, 125, 127, 130 _seq._, 150 _seq._, 162 _seq._, 186, 195 _seq._,
210 _seq._, 218, 226, 262 _seq._, 280 _seq._, 297 _seq._, 304
_seq._, 312 _seq._, 320, 325, 326, 335, 341, 344, 349 _seq._, 361

Roscius, 38, 52

Rousseau, 282

_Rubicon_, 151, 186, 188, 256

Rullus, 43

Rutilius, 294

_Sabine country, the_, 25

Saint-Simon, 4, 9, 309

_Salamis_, 314

Sallust, 50

Saturninus, 294

Scaeva, 192

Scaevola, family of, 294 _seq._

Scaptius, 314, 315

Scapula, 323

Scipio (Africanus minor), 33, 286

Scipio (Africanus major), 243, 379

Scipio (Nasica), 70, 285, 323

Sebosus, 11, 12

Seneca, 50, 112, 178, 290, 324, 382

Servilia, 305, 333, 347

Servilius, 204, 205, 297

Servius Galba, 149, 243

Servius Ocella, 176

Sévigné, Mme. de, 6, 14 _seq._, 104, 261

Sicac, 95

_Sicily_, 74, 83, 115, 121, 266, 268, 297, 347

_Sicyon_, 130

Sieyès, 124

Sositheus, 108

_Spain_, 102, 187, 190, 197, 202, 230, 263, 265, 270, 288, 367

_Sparta_, 120

Statius, 236, 237

Suetonius, 194, 203, 240, 296, 379, 382 _seq._

Sulla, 36, 38, 45, 57, 59, 136, 139, 158, 245, 264, 291, 317, 328, 343

Sulpicius Galba, 192

Sulpicius, Servius, 102, 119, 184, 273, 285, 293 _seq._

Sulpicius (tribune), 124

Sylla, P., 83

_Syria_, 117, 336

Tacitus, 121, 161, 205, 302, 310, 322, 366, 369, 386, 389

Terence, 33, 162

Terentia, 91 _seq._, 99, 142, 165, 166

_Thapsus_, 202, 265, 286, 302, 326

Theophanes, 135

_Thespiae_, 119

_Thessalonica_, 316

_Thessaly_, 197, 215, 317, 349

Thrasea, 290

Thucydides, 21

_Thurium_, 206

_Tiber_, 152, 168, 169, 172, 214, 373

Tiberius, 100, 307, 370

Tiberius Nero, 100

Tiro, 88, 99, 106, 109 _seq._

Torquatus, 267, 296, 326

Trebatius, 95, 188, 231 _seq._, 240, 241, 244, 245

Trebonius, 192, 197, 203, 204, 246, 284, 330

Triarius, 326

_Troy_, 287

Tullia, 100 _seq._, 142, 258

Turenne, 16

_Tusculum_, 53, 61, 86 note, 88, 91, 95, 111, 138, 144, 149, 217, 259,
260

_Ulubrae_, 231

_Utica_, 286

Varro, 61, 93, 138, 259

Vatinius, 4, 8, 170, 220, 222, 350

Vectenus, 87

Vedius, P., 120

Vedius, C., 306

_Velia_, 70, 72, 77, 348, 355

Velleius, 307

Vercingetorix, 225, 265, 344

_Verona_, 169

Verres, 8, 83, 120

Vestorius, 87

_Via Sacra_, 215

Virgil, 113 note, 235, 319

_Volaterrae_, 120

Volcatius Tullus, 243

Volumnius, 151

Volusius, 171

_Xanthus_, 316

Zeuxis, 238

RICHARD CLAY & SONS, LIMITED,
BREAD STREET HILL, E. C., AND
BUNGAY, SUFFOLK.

-----

Footnote 1:

The course of this work will show that I have made great use of works
published in Germany, especially the fine Roman History of M. Mommsen,
so learned and at the same time so living. I do not always share his
opinions, but the influence of his ideas will be perceived even in
passages where I do not agree with him. He is the master of all who
study Rome and her history now.

Footnote 2:

Corn. Nepos, _Att._ 16.

Footnote 3:

See Cicero’s _Epist. ad fam._ ii. 8 and viii. 1. I shall quote
Orelli’s edition of Cicero’s works in the course of this work.

Footnote 4:

I have attempted to clear up some of the questions to which the
publication of Cicero’s letters has given rise in a treatise entitled,
_Recherches sur la manière dont furent recueillies et publiées les
lettres de Cicéron_, Paris, Durand, 1863.

Footnote 5:

_Pro. Rosc. com._ 7.

Footnote 6:

_In Verrem. act. sec._ v. 11.

Footnote 7:

_In Vatin._ 2.

Footnote 8:

_Pro Font._ 11.

Footnote 9:

_Pro Rabir. post._ 13.

Footnote 10:

_In Pison._ 20.

Footnote 11:

_Ad fam._ ix. 21.

Footnote 12:

_Ad Quint._ ii. 15, 6.

Footnote 13:

_Ad fam._ xv. 17.

Footnote 14:

_Ibid._ xvi. 16.

Footnote 15:

_Ad Att._ xiii. 18.

Footnote 16:

_Ad fam._ xv. 16.

Footnote 17:

_Ad Att._ ii.

Footnote 18:

_Ad Att._ ii. 15.

Footnote 19:

_Ibid._ ii. 4.

Footnote 20:

_Ad Quint._ iii. 1, 4.

Footnote 21:

_Ad Att._ iv. 15.

Footnote 22:

_Ibid._ iv. 1.

Footnote 23:

_Ad fam._ ix. 24.

Footnote 24:

_Ad Att._ vii. 9.

Footnote 25:

_Ad Att._ vii. 1, 2.

Footnote 26:

Forsyth, _Life of Cicero_. London, Murray, 1864. Merivale, _History of
the Romans under the Empire_, vols. i., ii.

Footnote 27:

Abeken, _Cicero in seinen Briefen_. Hannover, 1835.

Footnote 28:

Drumann, _Geschichte Roms_, etc., vols. v., vi.

Footnote 29:

Mommsen, _Römische Geschichte_, vol. iii.

Footnote 30:

_Pro Rosc. Amer._ 16.

Footnote 31:

_De leg._ ii. 1.

Footnote 32:

_Ad Att._ xii. 52.

Footnote 33:

It has been remarked that, in his _Republic_, Cicero speaks of
kingship with much esteem, and even a sort of emotion which may easily
surprise us in a republican like him; but he understands by it a kind
of primitive and patriarchal government, and he demands so many
virtues in the king and his subjects that we see very well that he
does not think that this royalty was easy or even possible. We cannot
therefore admit, as has been done by some, that Cicero meant to
announce beforehand, and to approve of the revolution that Caesar
accomplished some years later. On the contrary, he indicates in very
clear terms what he will think of Caesar and his government when he
attacks those tyrants who, in their greed for rule, wish to govern
alone, in contempt of the rights of the people. “The tyrants many be
clement,” he adds; “but what does it matter whether we have an
indulgent or a barbarous master? One is none the less a slave with
either” (_De Rep._ i. 33).

Footnote 34:

_In Verr. act. sec._ v. 70.

Footnote 35:

_De Rep._ i. 26.

Footnote 36:

_Ibid._ i. 34.

Footnote 37:

_De Rep._ i. 45.

Footnote 38:

In that curious letter that he wrote to Pompey after his consulship
(_ad fam._ v. 7), in which he seems to propose a kind of alliance, he
attributes to him the part of Scipio and takes for himself that of
Laelius.

Footnote 39:

_Pro. Rosc. Amer._ 8.

Footnote 40:

_Pro. Rosc. Amer._ 46.

Footnote 41:

_Ibid._ 29.

Footnote 42:

_Ibid._ 52.

Footnote 43:

_Ad Herenn._ i. 3.

Footnote 44:

_De Orat._ ii. 59.

Footnote 45:

_Pro Cluent._ 50.

Footnote 46:

I here employ the phrases of M. Havet, who has set this idea in a
clear light in one of the too scanty writings he has published on
Cicero. Speaking of this, we maybe permitted to regret that M. Berger
and he have not given to the public the excellent series of lectures
which they delivered at the Collège de France and at the Sorbonne, of
which Cicero was so often the subject. If they had acceded to the
wishes of their auditors, and the entreaties of all friends of
letters, France would have nothing to envy Germany on this important
question.

Footnote 47:

Varro, _De re rust._ ii. 1.

Footnote 48:

_De brevit. vitæ_, 5. _Non sine causa, sed sine fine laudatus._

Footnote 49:

On the exile of Cicero, and the policy that he followed after his
return, see the study on _Caesar and Cicero_, Part I.

Footnote 50:

_Ad Att._ ix. 1.

Footnote 51:

_Ibid._ x. 7.

Footnote 52:

_Ad Att._ ix. 10.

Footnote 53:

_De bello civ._ i. 22.

Footnote 54:

He even seems to say several times that the position of the plebeians
in the republic was, on the whole, better than that of the patricians
(_Pro Cluent._ 40. _Pro domo sua_, 14).

Footnote 55:

_Pro Sext._ 49.

Footnote 56:

_De bello afric._ 45.

Footnote 57:

_De bello civ._ ii, 32.

Footnote 58:

See the _Histoire de l’esclavage dans l’antiquité_ of M. Wallon, Vol.
II. ch. ix.

Footnote 59:

Luc., _Phars._ ii. 300:

_Non ante revellar
Exanimem quam te complectar, Roma, tuumque
Nomen, libertas, et inanem prosequar umbram._

Footnote 60:

In the study on Brutus.

Footnote 61:

_Ad fam._ xii. 25.

Footnote 62:

_Philipp._ xiv. 7.

Footnote 63:

_Ad fam._ x. 31.

Footnote 64:

_Ibid._ xii. 13.

Footnote 65:

_Ibid._ xii. 12.

Footnote 66:

_Ad Brut._ 3.

Footnote 67:

_Philipp._ iii. 14.

Footnote 68:

Apud Senec., _Suas_, 6.

Footnote 69:

Plut. _Cic._ 48.

Footnote 70:

_De offic._ ii. 21: Things had not changed when Cicero was consul. We
see that his brother, in a letter that he addressed to him then, says
that there were few knights in Rome, _pauci equites_, that is, few men
possessing more than £3200.

Footnote 71:

_Parad._ 6. _Qui honeste rem quaerunt mercaturis faciendis, operis
dandis publicis sumendis_, etc.

Footnote 72:

_Hist._ xxxiv. 4.

Footnote 73:

_In Verrem, act. prim._ 14.

Footnote 74:

_De petit cons._ 5 and 9.

Footnote 75:

_Ad Att._ i. 20.

Footnote 76:

A. Gell. xii. 12.

Footnote 77:

_Ad Att._ xiii. 45 _et seq._

Footnote 78:

_Pro Mil._ 18.

Footnote 79:

_Ad Att._ ii. 20.

Footnote 80:

_Philipp._ ii. 16.

Footnote 81:

_Ad Att._ xvi. 1.

Footnote 82:

His villa at Tusculum particularly had cost him very dear. What proves
it to have been of great value is that on his return from exile the
senate allowed him 500,000 sesterces (£4000) to repair the damage it
had suffered in his absence, and that he thought they were far from
having given him enough.

Footnote 83:

_Ad Att._ xii. 25.

Footnote 84:

_Ad fam._ v. 6.

Footnote 85:

_Parad._ 6.

Footnote 86:

It is not probable that Cicero wronged his creditors like Milo, who
only gave them 4 per cent. When he left Rome after the death of
Caesar, Cicero wrote to Atticus that the money that was owing him
would suffice to pay his debts; but as at that moment money was scarce
and debtors held off, he ordered him to sell his goods, if necessary,
and added: “Consult only my reputation.” _Ad Att._ xvi. 2.

Footnote 87:

_Ad fam._ ix. 26: _Me nihil istorum ne juvenem quidem movit unquam_.

Footnote 88:

_Pro Caelio_, 19.

Footnote 89:

_Dio Cass._ xlvi. 18.

Footnote 90:

_Ad fam._ xiii. 72.

Footnote 91:

_Ad Att._ xiv. 19.

Footnote 92:

_Ibid._ xiii. 21.

Footnote 93:

_Ad fam._ ix. 15: _on attici, sed salsiores quam illi Atticorum,
romani veteres atque urbani sales_.

Footnote 94:

Plut. _Cic._ 8.

Footnote 95:

_Ad Att._ ii. 4.

Footnote 96:

_Ad fam._ xiv. 4: _Neque Dii, quos tu castissime coluisti, neque
homines, quibus ego semper servivi_, etc.

Footnote 97:

_Ad fam._ xiv. 7.

Footnote 98:

_Ad fam._ xiv. 1.

Footnote 99:

_Ibid._ xiv. 3.

Footnote 100:

_Ibid._ xiv. 4.

Footnote 101:

_Ibid._ xiv. 5.

Footnote 102:

_Ad fam._ xiv. 12.

Footnote 103:

_Ibid._ xiv. 17.

Footnote 104:

_Ibid._ xiv. 20.

Footnote 105:

_Ad Att._ iv. 1.

Footnote 106:

_Pro Caecin._ 5.

Footnote 107:

_Ad Att._ vii. 1, 3.

Footnote 108:

_Ad fam._ iv. 14.

Footnote 109:

_Ad Att._ xi. 2.

Footnote 110:

_Ibid._ xi. 24.

Footnote 111:

_Ibid._ xii. 22.

Footnote 112:

_Ibid._ xii. 21.

Footnote 113:

_Ad Att._ xii. 32.

Footnote 114:

_Ad Quint._ i. 3.

Footnote 115:

_In Verr. act. sect._ i. 44.

Footnote 116:

_Ad Att._ vii. 4.

Footnote 117:

_Ad Att._ vii. 3.

Footnote 118:

Horace, _Sat._ II. 3, 239.

Footnote 119:

_Ad Att._ xi. 25.

Footnote 120:

_Ad fam._ iv. 5.

Footnote 121:

_Ad Att._ iv. 6.

Footnote 122:

_Ad Att._ x. 8.

Footnote 123:

Plin. _Hist. nat._ xiv. 22.

Footnote 124:

_Ad fam._ xvi. 21.

Footnote 125:

_Brut. ad Cic._ ii. 3.

Footnote 126:

_De offic._ ii. 7.

Footnote 127:

_Ad Att._ i. 12.

Footnote 128:

_Ad fam._ xiii. 77.

Footnote 129:

_Ad fam._ xvi. 22.

Footnote 130:

A. Gell. vii. 3.

Footnote 131:

_Ad fam._ xvi. 10.

Footnote 132:

_Ibid._ xvi. 21.

Footnote 133:

_Ad fam._ xvi. 18.

Footnote 134:

_Ad fam._ xvi. 3, 4.

Footnote 135:

A. Gell. xiii. 20.

Footnote 136:

Plin. _Epist._ viii. 16.

Footnote 137:

Virgil, however, always faithful to ancient traditions, places, in
Tartarus, the patron who had deceived his client beside the son who
had struck his father.

Footnote 138:

_De petit. cons._ 9.

Footnote 139:

_Ad fam._ xiii. 19.

Footnote 140:

_Ad Quint._ i. 1.

Footnote 141:

_Ad fam._ xiii. 22.

Footnote 142:

_Ibid._ vii. 31.

Footnote 143:

_Ad Att._ vi. 1.

Footnote 144:

I have endeavoured to prove this with more detail in a memoir
published by the _Revue archéologique_, entitled, _Atticus, éditeur de
Cicéron_.

Footnote 145:

_Ad Att._ iv. 4, 8.

Footnote 146:

_Ad Att._ i. 13.

Footnote 147:

_Ibid._ i. 19.

Footnote 148:

_De Leg._ i. 7. He is still faithful to this part of an amateur in
philosophy, when he says further on (i. 21), that Antiochus had made
him take a few steps in the Academy, _deduxit in Academiam perpauculis
passibus_. He never penetrated further.

Footnote 149:

_T. Pomp. Att._ 13. All the preceding details are taken from the life
of Atticus by Cornelius Nepos.

Footnote 150:

_Ad Att._ vi. 1.

Footnote 151:

_Ad Att._ iv. 9.

Footnote 152:

_Ibid._ vi. 1.

Footnote 153:

_Ad Att._ vii. 8: _soles conglutinare amicitias_.

Footnote 154:

It is the saying of Tacitus: _pessimum veri affectus venenum sua
cuique utilitas_.

Footnote 155:

_Ad Att._ xiii. 33.

Footnote 156:

It must be remarked, however, that the last letter that we have from
Cicero to Atticus (xvi. 16) contains a proof of the very active steps
that Cicero took to save a part of the fortune of Atticus which was
endangered after the death of Caesar.

Footnote 157:

_Ad Att._ iv. 8.

Footnote 158:

_Ad Att._ ii. 1.

Footnote 159:

_Ad Att._ i. 14.

Footnote 160:

_Ibid._ xvi. 3.

Footnote 161:

_Ibid._ xii. 3.

Footnote 162:

_Ad Att._ xii. 51.

Footnote 163:

_Ibid._ i. 18.

Footnote 164:

_Ibid._ xii. 14.

Footnote 165:

_Cui potest esse vita vitalis, ut ait Ennius, qui non in amici mutua
benevolentia conquiescat?_ (Cicero, _De Amicit._ 6.)

Footnote 166:

_T. Liv._ xxi. 63: _Quaestus omnibus patribus indecorus visus_

Footnote 167:

Scipio says so in the _Republic_ (i. 22): _Quum mihi sit unum opus hoc
a parentibus majoribusque meis relictum, atque administrate rei
publicae_, etc.

Footnote 168:

Corn. Nep. _Attic._ 7: _Usus es aetatis vacatione_.

Footnote 169:

Nep. _Attic._ 6.

Footnote 170:

_Ad Att._ xiv. 10.

Footnote 171:

_Ibid._ viii. 2.

Footnote 172:

_Ibid._ x. 15.

Footnote 173:

_Ad Att._ x. 16.

Footnote 174:

_Ad Att._ i. 17. See also _de Offic._ i. 21, and especially i. 26.
This last passage evidently contains an allusion to Atticus.

Footnote 175:

_Epist. Brut._ i. 17.

Footnote 176:

_De Rep._ i. 2.

Footnote 177:

_Epist. Brut._ i. 17.

Footnote 178:

_Attic._ 10.

Footnote 179:

_De Orat._ 34.

Footnote 180:

In the time of the Gracchi, the Censor Metellus thus expressed himself
in a speech in which he vigorously attacked bachelors: “Citizens, if
we could live without wives we should all dispense with that
encumbrance (_omnes ea molestia careremus_); but, as nature has willed
it to be as impossible to do without them as it is disagreeable to
live with them, let us sacrifice the charms of so short a life to the
interests of the republic, which must always endure.” This way of
encouraging men to marry seemed apparently very efficacious, since, at
the time when men married less than ever, Augustus thought he ought to
have the speech of old Metellus read to the people.

Footnote 181:

Liv. xxxiv. 3.

Footnote 182:

_Pro Muraen._ 12.

Footnote 183:

Schol. Bob. _p. Sext._ ed. Or. p. 304.

Footnote 184:

Schwab. _Quaest. Catull._ p. 77.

Footnote 185:

All these details, and those that follow, are taken from the _Pro
Caelio_ of Cicero.

Footnote 186:

Macr. _Sat._ ii. 10.

Footnote 187:

Ovid, _Trist._ ii. 427.

Footnote 188:

Apul. _de Mag._ 10. A learned German, M. Schwab, in a book that he has
just published on Catullus (_Quaest. Catull._ 1862), seems to me to
have put the truth of this assertion of Apuleius beyond doubt.

Footnote 189:

_Catull. Carm._ 26.

Footnote 190:

_Catull. Carm._ 86.

Footnote 191:

_Cat. Carm._ 5.

Footnote 192:

_Cat. Carm._ 12.

Footnote 193:

_Cat. Carm._ 70.

Footnote 194:

_Ibid._ 85.

Footnote 195:

Probably with some woman that Caelius loved. Cicero, in replying to
this letter, tells him that the rumour of his exploits has reached
Mount Taurus. Many suppose he means amorous exploits.

Footnote 196:

_Ad fam._ viii. 7.

Footnote 197:

Quint. _Inst. or_, iv. 2.

Footnote 198:

_De Ira._ iii. 8.

Footnote 199:

_Ad fam._ ii. 8.

Footnote 200:

_Ad fam._ viii. 6.

Footnote 201:

_Ibid._ viii. 4.

Footnote 202:

_Ibid._ viii. 5. The sense of this phrase is altered in Orelli.

Footnote 203:

_Ibid._ viii. 14.

Footnote 204:

_Ad fam._ viii. 13.

Footnote 205:

_Ibid._ viii. 14.

Footnote 206:

_Ad fam._ ii. 8.

Footnote 207:

See the excellent memoir of M. Th. Mommsen, entitled _Die Rechtsfrage
zwischen Caesar und dem Senat_. Breslau, 1857.

Footnote 208:

_Ad fam._ viii. 14.

Footnote 209:

We see at the end of the eighth book _De Bello Gallico_, that Caesar
had eight legions in Gaul, one in Cisalpine Gaul, and two that he gave
to Pompey. At the first threat of war he ordered those that were in
Gaul to approach the frontier. After the capture of Corfinium he had
three of his old legions with him.

Footnote 210:

_Ad Att._ vii. 4.

Footnote 211:

_Ad Att._ vii. 8.

Footnote 212:

_Ibid._ viii. 12.

Footnote 213:

_Ad fam._ viii. 15.

Footnote 214:

_Ad Att._ viii. 11.

Footnote 215:

_Ibid._ ix. 6.

Footnote 216:

_Ad Att._ ix. 12.

Footnote 217:

_Ad Att._ ix. 10.

Footnote 218:

_Ad fam._ ii. 16.

Footnote 219:

_Ibid._ vi. 6.

Footnote 220:

_Ad fam._ viii. 17.

Footnote 221:

_De amic._ 15.

Footnote 222:

It would be wrong to pass over the name of Matius in silence. A very
fine letter of his on the death of Caesar remains (_Ad fam._ xi. 28).
He was a true friend of Caesar; but it is to be remarked that he was
not one of those whom he made praetors and consuls, and whose debts he
had often paid. Matius never filled any important political office,
and his name would not have come down to us if it had not been for
Cicero’s correspondence.

Footnote 223:

_De bell. civ._ iii. 53.

Footnote 224:

_Ibid._ iii. 91.

Footnote 225:

_De amic._ 15.

Footnote 226:

_Ad Att._ ix. 19.

Footnote 227:

_Ibid._ ix. 18.

Footnote 228:

Suet. _Caes._ 54.

Footnote 229:

_Ad Att._ x. 4.

Footnote 230:

_Ad fam._ viii. 15.

Footnote 231:

_Pro Flacco_, 38.

Footnote 232:

_Ad fam._ viii. 17.

Footnote 233:

A very curious detail preserved by Quintilian, shows us that Caelius
retained his levity of character and bantering humour in the midst of
these grave affairs in which he staked his life. After his curule
chair had been broken he had another made entirely of leather thongs,
and took it to the consul. All the spectators burst out laughing. The
story ran that Servilius had had a strapping in his youth.

Footnote 234:

_Inst. orat._ x. 1.

Footnote 235:

_Pro Marcello_, 9.

Footnote 236:

_In Pis._ 22.

Footnote 237:

_Pro Dom._ 28.

Footnote 238:

_Ad Quint._ ii. 1.

Footnote 239:

_Ibid._ ii. 3.

Footnote 240:

_Pro Sext._ 35.

Footnote 241:

_Ad pop. pro red._ 7.

Footnote 242:

_Ad Att._ iv. 3. _Ego diaeta curari incipio, chirurgiae taedet._

Footnote 243:

_Ad Att._ iv. 2.

Footnote 244:

_Ad Att._ iv. 5.

Footnote 245:

_Ad Att._ iv. 5.

Footnote 246:

_Ibid._ iv. 6.

Footnote 247:

_Ad fam._ i. 9.

Footnote 248:

_Ad fam._ i. 9.

Footnote 249:

_In Pis._ 32.

Footnote 250:

_Ad Quint._ ii. 12.

Footnote 251:

_Ibid._ ii. 15.

Footnote 252:

This at least was the opinion of all the historians of antiquity. We
read in a fragment of a letter from Cicero to Q. Axius quoted by
Suetonius (_Caes._ 9): _Caesar in consulatu confirmavit regnum de quo
aedilis cogitaret._

Footnote 253:

_Ad Quint._ ii. 13.

Footnote 254:

Or only forty-two, if we place his birth in 654. See, on this point,
an interesting note in the _Life of Caesar_, by Napoleon III., Bk. II.
ch. i.

Footnote 255:

_Ad fam._ vii. 5.

Footnote 256:

_Ad fam._ vii. 5.

Footnote 257:

_Ad Quint._ ii. 15.

Footnote 258:

_Ad fam._ vii. 6: _nisi te extrusissemus_.

Footnote 259:

_Ad fam._ vii. 17.

Footnote 260:

_Ibid._ vii. 13.

Footnote 261:

_Ad fam._ vii. 18.

Footnote 262:

_Ibid._ vii. 10.

Footnote 263:

_De orat._ ii. 3.

Footnote 264:

_Ad Quint._ i. 2.

Footnote 265:

_Caes._ 47.

Footnote 266:

_Ad fam._ vii. 7.

Footnote 267:

Suet. _Caes._ 67.

Footnote 268:

Suet. _Caes._ 46, 48.

Footnote 269:

_Ad Quint._ iii. 1.

Footnote 270:

_Ad Quint._ iii. 9.

Footnote 271:

_Ad Quint._ ii. 15.

Footnote 272:

_Ibid._ ii. 16.

Footnote 273:

Cic. _Brut._ 72, and Pliny, _Hist. nat._ vii. 30.

Footnote 274:

Caesar wrote to Cicero twice from Britain. The first letter took
twenty-six days to reach Rome, and the second twenty-eight. This was
quick travelling for that time, and we see that Caesar must have
organized his mail-service well. Furthermore, we know his stay in
Britain was very short.

Footnote 275:

_Ad Quint._ iii. 1.

Footnote 276:

_De prov Cons._ 13, 14.

Footnote 277:

M. Mommsen completely settles this in his _Roman History_.

Footnote 278:

_De Arusp. resp._ 25.

Footnote 279:

_Ad Att._ vii. 7.

Footnote 280:

_Ad Att._ xi. 20. I read _cognitionem_ instead of _notionem_, which
does not seem to me to have any sense.

Footnote 281:

_Ad fam._ ix. 1.

Footnote 282:

_Ad Att._ xvi. 31.

Footnote 283:

_Ad fam._ ix. 5.

Footnote 284:

_Ad Att._ ix. 20.

Footnote 285:

_Ad Att._ x. 4.

Footnote 286:

_Bell. Afric._ 88.

Footnote 287:

_Ad Att._ ix. 7.

Footnote 288:

The general amnesty that Suetonius speaks of did not take place till
much later.

Footnote 289:

_Ad fam._ vii. 7.

Footnote 290:

It is unnecessary to say that I believe in the authenticity of this
speech: it has been disputed for reasons that seem to me futile.
Further on I shall reply to those drawn from the character of the
speech, by showing that it is less base and servile than has been
asserted.

Footnote 291:

_Pro Marc._ 4.

Footnote 292:

_Ad fam._ iv. 4.

Footnote 293:

_Pro Marc._ 7.

Footnote 294:

_Ibid._ 8.

Footnote 295:

_Philipp._ iii. 11.

Footnote 296:

_Ad fam._ xv. 5.

Footnote 297:

_Pro Muraen._ 31.

Footnote 298:

_Pro Muraen._ 35.

Footnote 299:

_Pro Mur._ 36.

Footnote 300:

_Ad Att._ ii. 1.

Footnote 301:

_Ad Att._ xii. 4.

Footnote 302:

_Ann._ iv. 34.

Footnote 303:

_Ad Att._ xiii. 46.

Footnote 304:

Caes. _Bell. civ._ i. 4.

Footnote 305:

_Philipp._ ii. 32.

Footnote 306:

It is not easy to say what Caesar’s projects were, as his work was
interrupted by his death. Some insist that he only desired a sort of
dictatorship for life; the greater number suppose that he thought of
permanently establishing monarchical rule. The question is too grave
to be entered upon incidentally, and settled in a few words. I will
simply say that perhaps he only thought at first of the dictatorship;
but in proportion as he became more powerful, the idea of founding a
monarchy seemed to take more consistency in his mind. Yet it may be
inferred from a passage in Plutarch (_Brut._ 7), that he was not
decided on the question of an hereditary succession when he died.

Footnote 307:

_Ad fam._ xii. 17.

Footnote 308:

_Brut._ 51.

Footnote 309:

_Pro Rabir._ 7.

Footnote 310:

_Pro Rosc. Am._ 12.

Footnote 311:

_Ad fam._ iv. 5.

Footnote 312:

_Ibid._ xiii. 68.

Footnote 313:

_Ibid._ xii. 18.

Footnote 314:

_Ibid._ vi. 9.

Footnote 315:

_Pro Marc._ 10.

Footnote 316:

_Ad Att._ xii. 45.

Footnote 317:

_Pro Dejot._ 12.

Footnote 318:

“All the honest men,” said Cicero (_Phil._ ii. 12), “in so far as they
could, have killed Caesar. Some wanted the means, others the
resolution, several the opportunity; no one wanted the will.”

Footnote 319:

_Ann._ i. 3.

Footnote 320:

The authenticity of these letters has been often called in question
since the last century, and has been debated in Germany quite recently
with much warmth, and a distinguished critic, F. Hermann of Göttingen,
has published some remarkable essays, to which it seems to me
difficult to reply, in order to prove that they are really letters of
Brutus and Cicero. I have summed up his principal arguments in
_Recherches sur la manière dont furent recueillies les lettres de
Cicéron_, ch. v.

Footnote 321:

_Ad Att._ vi. 1.

Footnote 322:

_Ad fam._ iii. 11.

Footnote 323:

_Ad Att._ vi. 1.

Footnote 324:

_Orat._ 10.

Footnote 325:

_Ad Att._ xiv. 1.—A very curious statue of Brutus is to be seen at the
Campana Museum. The artist has not tried to idealize his model, and
seems to have aimed at nothing but a vulgar exactness; but we can very
well recognize in it the real Brutus. We can trace in that low
forehead and the heavy bones of the face a narrow mind and an
obstinate will. The face has a feverish and sickly look; it is at once
young and old, as is the case with those who have never really been
young. Above all we perceive in it a strange sadness, that of a man
overwhelmed by the weight of a great and fateful destiny. In the fine
bust of Brutus preserved in the Museum of the Capitol, the face is
fuller and handsomer. The sweetness and sadness remain; the sickly
look has disappeared. The features exactly resemble those on the
famous medal struck during Brutus’ last years, and which bears on the
reverse a Phrygian cap between two daggers, with the threatening
legend, _Idus Martiae_. Michael Angelo commenced a bust of Brutus, of
which the admirable rough model may be seen at the Uffizi in Florence.
It was not a fancy study, and we see that he had made use of ancient
portraits while idealizing them.

Footnote 326:

_Ad Att._ xv. 1, B.

Footnote 327:

_Ad Att._ xii. 21.

Footnote 328:

Liv. xlv. 18.

Footnote 329:

Cic. _Ad Quint._ i. 1.

Footnote 330:

_Ad Att._ vi. 1.

Footnote 331:

_Ad Quint._ i. 1.

Footnote 332:

_Ad Att._ vi. 1.

Footnote 333:

_Ibid._ v. 21.

Footnote 334:

_Ad Att._ xi. 4.

Footnote 335:

_Ad fam._ xv. 15.

Footnote 336:

_Ad fam._ iv. 9.

Footnote 337:

Cic. _Brut._ 96.

Footnote 338:

_Tusc._ ii. 2.

Footnote 339:

See on this question the very interesting work of M. Martha, _Les
Moralistes sous l’Empire Romain_.

Footnote 340:

_Ad Att._ xv. 2.

Footnote 341:

Quint. x. 1.

Footnote 342:

Sen. _Cons. ad Helv._ 9.

Footnote 343:

_Epist. Brut._ i. 16.

Footnote 344:

App. _De bell. civ._ iv. 133.

Footnote 345:

Plut. _Brut._ 12.

Footnote 346:

Those who employed these manœuvres well knew that they were taking
Brutus on his weak side. His descent from him who expelled the kings
was much contested. The more it was regarded as doubtful the more
anxious he was to prove it. To say to him: “No, you are not Brutus,”
was to put on him the necessity or the temptation of proving his
origin by his actions.

Footnote 347:

_Ad fam._ xv. 18.

Footnote 348:

_De Offic._ ii. 7.

Footnote 349:

_De Divin._ ii. 2.

Footnote 350:

_Brut._ 97.

Footnote 351:

_Epis. Brut._ i. 17.

Footnote 352:

_Ibid._ x. 16.

Footnote 353:

_Ibid._ i. 17.

Footnote 354:

Quint. ix. 3.

Footnote 355:

It must, however, be noticed that there are several of Cassius’
letters in Cicero’s correspondence, and that some of them are witty
and very lively. There are even puns in them.—(_Ad fam._ xv. 19.)

Footnote 356:

_De Bell. civ._ ii. 113. Plutarch relates the same thing, and almost
in the same words.

Footnote 357:

_Ad Att._ xv. 4.

Footnote 358:

_De Bell. civ._ ii. 120.

Footnote 359:

_Ad Att._ xiv. 10, and xv. 11.

Footnote 360:

_De Bell. civ._ iii. 42.

Footnote 361:

_Ad Att._ xv. 11.

Footnote 362:

_Ad fam._ xi. 3.

Footnote 363:

_Philipp._ x. 4.

Footnote 364:

_Ad fam._ x. 1.

Footnote 365:

_Ad fam._ xi. 7.

Footnote 366:

_Ibid._ x. 16.

Footnote 367:

_Ad Brut._ ii. 7.

Footnote 368:

_Ad fam._ xi. 23.

Footnote 369:

_Philipp._ xiii. 19.

Footnote 370:

_Philipp._ xi. 8.

Footnote 371:

_Ad fam._ xii. 2.

Footnote 372:

_Ad Att._ xiv. 20.

Footnote 373:

_Ad Brut._ i. 10.

Footnote 374:

_Epist. Brut._ i. 17.

Footnote 375:

_Ad fam._ ix. 16.

Footnote 376:

_Ad Att._ xvi. 11.

Footnote 377:

_Ibid._ xiv. 12.

Footnote 378:

_Ad fam._ xii. 25: _Quem ructantem et nauseantem conjeci in Caesaris
Octaviani plagas_.

Footnote 379:

Orelli, _Fragm. Cic._ p. 465.

Footnote 380:

Suet. _Aug._ 101.

Footnote 381:

_Exploration archéologique de la Galatie_, etc., par MM. Perrot,
Guillaume et Delbet. Paris, 1863. Didot. As the Galatians spoke Greek
and understood Latin ill, the official text was put in the place of
honour, in the temple itself, and the translation was placed outside
where every one might read it, in order to bring the narrative of
Augustus within their reach. But the exterior of the temple has not
been any more respected than the interior. The Turks have fixed their
houses against the walls, carelessly driving their beams into the
marble, and using the solid masonry as a support for their brick and
mud party-walls. All the skill of M. Perrot and his companion M.
Guillaume was required to penetrate into these inhospitable houses.
When they had entered they met with still greater difficulties. It was
necessary to demolish the walls, take away the beams and support the
roofs in order to reach the ancient wall. This was but little. The
wall was hammered and cracked, blackened by dirt and smoke. How could
the inscription that covered it be deciphered? It was necessary to
remain for weeks in dark and foul rooms, or on the straw of a loft,
working by candlelight, throwing the light in every direction on the
surface of the marble, and thus gradually winning each letter by
extraordinary efforts of courage and perseverance. This painful labour
was rewarded by complete success. Of nineteen columns of Greek text,
the English traveller Hamilton had copied five completely and
fragments of another; M. Perrot brings back twelve entirely new ones.
One only, the ninth, could not be read; it was behind a thick
party-wall that it was found impossible to pull down. These twelve
columns, although they have suffered much from the ravages of time,
fill up in great part the lacunae of the Latin text. They make us
acquainted with entire paragraphs of which no traces remain in the
original; and even in passages where the Latin was better preserved
they rectify at almost every step mistakes that had been made in the
interpretation of the text. M. Egger, in his _Examen des historiens
d’Auguste_, p. 412 _et seq._, has carefully and critically studied the
inscription of Ancyra. M. Mommsen, with the help of M. Perrot’s copy,
is preparing a learned work on this inscription, after which, no
doubt, nothing will remain to be done. (M. Mommsen’s work, that was
announced in the first edition of this book, has since appeared under
the title: _Res gestae divi Augusti ex monumentis Ancurano et
Apolloniensi_.)

Footnote 382:

Dio, lii. 14–40. See what M. Egger says of Dio in his _Examen des
hist. d’Aug._ ch. viii.

Footnote 383:

The figure cannot be read either in the Latin or Greek.

Footnote 384:

The figure cannot be read. The great number of gladiators who fought,
and no doubt perished in these bloody _fêtes_ will be noticed. Seneca,
to show how far men can become indifferent to death, relates that,
under Tiberius, a gladiator complained of the rarity of these grand
massacres; and alluding to the time of Augustus said: “That was a good
time! _Quam bella aetas periit!_”

Footnote 385:

There is some probability, according to a passage of Suetonius (_Aug._
52), that what the Greek text of the inscription calls absolute
authority αὐτεξουσιὸς ἀρχὴ was the dictatorship.

Footnote 386:

I have only summed up here a very curious chapter of Dio Cassius
(_Hist. Rom._ liii. 17). We see there clearly how the Roman
constitution, in which the separation of powers was a guarantee for
liberty, became, by the sole fact of their concentration, a formidable
engine of despotism.

Footnote 387:

The Ancyra inscription gives most precise information on the subject
of this increase. In 725 Augustus took the census for the first time
after an interruption of forty-one years: 4,063,000 citizens were
counted in this return. Twenty-one years later, in 746, the numbers
returned amounted to 4,233,000. In 767, the year of Augustus’ death,
there were 4,937,000. If, to the figures that Augustus gives, we add
the number of women and children who were not comprised in the Roman
census, we shall see that in the last twenty years of his reign the
increase had reached an average of very nearly 16 per cent. This is
exactly the figure to which the increase of population in France rose,
after the Revolution, from 1800 to 1825; that is, like political
circumstances produced like results. It might be thought, indeed, that
this increase of population under Augustus was due to the introduction
of foreigners into the city. But we know, from Suetonius, that
Augustus, contrary to the example and principles of Caesar, was very
chary of the title of Roman citizen.

Footnote 388:

Suet. _Aug._ 31.

Footnote 389:

_De Clem._ 9; _Divus Augustus mitis fuit princeps_. It is true that
elsewhere he calls his clemency a wearied-out cruelty.

Footnote 390:

Suet. _Aug._ 84.

Footnote 391:

See especially Velleius Pat. ii. 66.

Footnote 392:

Sen. _Suas._ 6.

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TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES

1. Silently corrected obvious typographical errors and variations in spelling. 2. Retained archaic, non-standard, and uncertain spellings as printed. 3. Re-indexed footnotes using numbers and collected together at the end of the last chapter. 4. Enclosed italics font in _underscores_.