Chapter I: Part 1

CRIMES
OF THE
HOUSE OF AUSTRIA
AGAINST MANKIND.

PROVED BY EXTRACTS

FROM THE HISTORIES OF COXE, SCHILLER, ROBERTSON, GRATTAN, AND SISMONDI, WITH MRS. M. L. PUTNAM’S HISTORY OF THE CONSTITUTION OF HUNGARY, AND ITS RELATIONS WITH AUSTRIA, PUBLISHED IN MAY, 1850.

EDITED
BY E. P. PEABODY.

=Second Edition.=

NEW-YORK:
G. P. PUTNAM, 10 PARK PLACE.
1852.

Entered according to act of Congress, in the year 1852,
BY RODOLPHE GARRIQUE,
In the Clerk’s Office of the District Court of the United States for the
Southern District of New-York.

PREFACE
OF
SECOND EDITION.

This work was first published for the benefit of the Hungarian Fund, on the understanding (which proved a misunderstanding), of a certain autograph acknowledgment which failed to arrive at the time expected.

Those who had the care of the publication consequently took the liberty, without the leave or knowledge of the Editor, who was absent, to mutilate the correspondence that formed the Preface, making it irrelevant within itself, and insignificant altogether. The Preface is therefore wholly left out in this edition, and an Analytic Index is prefixed; and the stereotypes have passed into the hands of the present publisher, who republishes it, confident that these important passages of unquestionable history will benefit the Hungarian cause, by showing its necessity and justice, although it is impossible to benefit the Hungarian Fund by the proceeds of the work.

ANALYTICAL INDEX.

Biographical Notices of Rodolphe of Hapsburgh, 4;
of Albert I., 15;
Frederic & Leopold, 22;
Albert II., 24;
Rodolphe & Frederic, 31;
Albert III. & Leopold II., 32;
Albert V., 39;
Sigismund, 40;
Charles V., 51;
Ferdinand I., 62;
Philip II., 143;
Ferdinand II., 79;
Leopold I., Emperor, 188;
Joseph I., 190;
Charles VI., 191;
Maria Theresa, 179 & 192;
Joseph II., 160 & 192;
Leopold II., 193;
Francis, 196.

Destruction of Constitutional Rights of Austria and Styria, 16; 20; 44.

Attempted destruction of those of Switzerland, 16; 20; 32; 40 to 48.

Destruction of those of Bohemia, 17; 39; 64.

Italy and its Conquered Rights, 91–110.

Netherlands do. do., 136–174.

Poland and its Partition, 176–181.

Hungary, and the War upon its Constitution, 20; 39; 62; 182–230.

ERRATA.

Rulhire for _Rulhière_, pp. 176 & 177.
Philip II. for _III._, last line of p. 148.

CRIMES
OF
THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA
AGAINST MANKIND.

Frederic Schlegel, in that extraordinary piece of sophistry, called the Philosophy of History, would have it “that the final cause of the Universe was to build up the Romano-Germanic Empire as the Metropolis and bulwark of _Christendom_.”

This work, the substance of a course of eighteen lectures, delivered in Vienna, has little chance of making any great impression on mankind; for the genius which in his younger days guided SCHLEGEL in surveying the literatures of the world, and inspired his eloquent account of them, seems naturally enough to have deserted him, when he yoked himself as a drayhorse to the car of despotism and superstition. Nothing short of imperial authority could have compelled any human audience to have endured eighteen lectures of such dark metaphysics; but this, as we are exultingly told, was abundantly exerted, even by example, for the Imperial family attended in person!

That “Might makes Right” is a principle asserted not exclusively by the House of Austria, or rather by the _House of Hapsburgh_; (for we must not entirely absorb Austria in the House of Hapsburgh. Recent events have shown that Austria also has an entity of its own, and that so far as it exists, it has interests antagonistic to those of the reigning family).

But the Imperial House makes pretensions which especially challenge mankind to bring it to the bar for righteous judgment. From the day when Rodolph the First wrote to Pope Gregory X. to confirm his election to the Empire, even to the present hour, this family has professed to be the elect Servant of the Most High, for the benefit of Mankind. Out of its own mouth shall it be judged.

“_Conscious_,” says Rodolph, in that memorable document, “_of my own deficiency, and trembling with astonishment and fear, I hesitated whether I should accept so eminent a station_; until, at length, _trusting in Him_, who in the high and ineffable decrees of his Providence, changes as He wills the condition of mortals, _adds strength to the feeble and gives eloquence to the simple, I assumed courage sufficient to venture, weak as I am_, upon so laborious and difficult an office, hoping that neither _the grace of God_, nor the favour _of His Holy Church_, nor your paternal affection will be wanting to me. _Turning, therefore, all my thoughts to Him_ under whose authority we live, and placing all my expectations on you alone, I fall down before the feet of your Holiness, beseeching you, with the most earnest supplications, to favour me with your accustomed kindness in my present undertaking; and that you will deign _by your mediation with the Most High_ to support _my cause, which I may truly call the cause of the whole German Empire, that He may condescend to direct my steps according to His will, and lead me in the ways of His commandments_. That I may be enabled therefore, successfully to perform _what is most acceptable to Him and to His_ Holy Church, may it graciously please your Holiness to crown me with the Imperial Diadem, for I trust I am both able and willing to undertake and accomplish whatever you and the Holy Church shall think proper to impose upon me.”

Such is the great and solemn pretension. And now in the first place mankind asks, who art thou, Rodolph of Hapsburgh, professing thyself humbly and unwillingly to be taking upon thyself the cares of Empire, out of mere devotion to God and to the human race whom God would lead, as a bridegroom leads his bride to the altar, giving himself to her and for her? Has then the Christian Charity which is greater than Faith and Hope and “_seeketh not her own_,” marked thy life’s conduct up to this time? And what are the conditions of the compact between thyself and the earthly representative of the Divine Providence? Are they that thou shalt enquire into the genius and institutions of all the nations that shall be united under thee, with a view to vindicate to every man the liberty wherewith Christ would make him free; to give scope for the perfect development of every material resource of the countries they inhabit, and of every intellectual and moral opportunity that the Past, the Present, and the Future shall present?

Thine own words challenge the enquiry; the pretensions of all thy posterity, ever renewed, repeat the challenge. From the mountains of Switzerland, from the plains of Italy, from the rocks of Catalonia, from ruined and emasculated Bohemia, from partitioned Poland, from long betrayed though ever generous Hungary, even from thine own Tyrol and Styria, and Austria, come up the accusers, and impartial History gives utterance in some small measure to the voice of their manifold accusation.

The present volume will principally consist of a series of extracts from different historical works, in which the crimes of the House of Hapsburgh against liberty and law are _incidentally_ related. There seems to be a call, just now, that the testimony of History upon this subject should be laid before the American people. Their heart is touched by the events of the last three years, and it is well that their sensibility should have the support of their reason, enlightened by the truth, that they may not be the victims of every newspaper paragraph which venal partisans of the cause of legitimacy in Europe may have the art to insinuate into the current periodicals; and which presume upon the common ignorance in this country, of the details of European history, that comes to us at best only through books written more or less in the spirit of monarchy. A history of Europe written from the republican point of view, a history of nations and not of their governors, is the desideratum for the people of these United States. But such a work requires both genius and integrity of soul to conceive, and a vast industry properly to execute, the discovery of the exact truth being infinitely the greatest part of the labor required. We may only avail ourselves at this moment of such history as is written, and if something of the force of the statement is lost by the fragmentary nature of our work, on the other hand something will be gained to the argument from the consideration, that the passages brought as witnesses were not written primarily to serve the object to which we direct them. They are largely taken from conservative writings. Archdeacon Coxe gathered his materials in Vienna, and himself states that “to this family Europe owes its preservation,” and that it has “formed the great bulwark of political freedom!” To the tissue of violence and rapacity which forms the life of each successive head of the family, he always appends an EULOGY, sometimes ludicrously in contrast with the facts he has related, but which is presumptive evidence that he would not make those facts worse than they were. From the first chapter of his History of the House of Austria we extract the origin of the family, with a memoir which elucidates the personal character of the author of the letter to the pope, quoted above. We abridge all we extract by making as many omissions as possible; but the exploring of the sources from which we make our extracts will show that the omissions in no instance falsify the facts related. We purposely leave out the false coloring which the author’s own remarks sometimes give to these facts, together with the numerous episodes which make the narrative heavy, and weaken the moral impression of it, by scattering and wearying the attention.

Ethico, Duke of Alsace in the seventh century, and Guntram, Count of Alsace and Brisgau in the tenth century, were the most important ancestors of the House of Hapsburgh. Guntram’s grandson Werner, bishop of Strasburg, built the castle which gives name to the House, near Windisch, the site of the Roman colony, Vindonessa; and a nephew of his, likewise named Werner, took the title of Count of Hapsburgh in 1046. A Count of Hapsburgh, called Albert IV., went on a crusade in 1232, and died at Askalon in 1240. He was the father of the great founder of the imperial power of the family.

“Rodolph was born in 1218, probably at the ancient castle of Limburgh, or Limper in Brisgau, on the confines of Alsace, and was presented at the font by the Emperor Frederic II., to whose house he was distantly allied. Under the auspices of his warlike father he passed his youth in the court and camp of Frederic II., and was initiated at an early age in the use of arms. He was trained to wrestling and running, was skilled in horsemanship, excelled in throwing the javelin, and being endowed with great strength and vigor, gave eminent proofs of superiority over his companions in all military exercises.

“On the death of his father, Rodolph inherited only the Landgraviate of Upper Alsace, the Burgraviate of Rheinfelden, and in conjunction with his brothers, succeeded to the County of Hapsburgh, the inhabitants of which being free, were exempted from arbitrary taxes; to some scattered domains in Suabia and Brisgau; and the advocacies or prefectureships of a few of the neighboring towns and districts. Though in possession of such confined territories, Rodolph followed the example of the German princes, who considered peace as inglorious, _and sought to aggrandise their fortunes by pillage or conquest_. He maintained a splendid establishment, formed a chosen band of troops, collected adventurers from all nations, more than his scanty revenues would support; and eager to signalise himself in arms, gave full scope to his enterprising genius. For some time he found no respite from war; he was either engaged in protecting the surrounding states from the incursions of banditti and depredations of the powerful barons, or _under various pretences invading the possessions of others_, and defending his own property from the encroachments of ambitious neighbours.

“The first of his exploits in his native country was in 1242, against Hugh of Tuffenstein, a young baron, who had provoked his resentment by contumelious expressions. Rodolph invested a fortress of considerable strength belonging to his adversary, and having failed in attempting to take it by storm, obtained entrance _by bribing the sentinels_, and made himself master of the place, notwithstanding the desperate valour of Hugh, who was killed in the defence.

“He next turned his arms against his uncle and guardian Rodolph of Lauffenburg, whom he accused of embezzling a part of his patrimony. He found, however, an intrepid and enterprising opponent in his cousin Godfrey, the son of Rodolph: and after carrying havoc into each other’s territories, the two relatives effected a reconciliation, by which Rodolph obtained some compensation for his demands. This accommodation was succeeded by an intimate friendship between the two youthful heroes, who in this short contest had learned to admire and emulate each other.

“We next find Rodolph engaged in hostilities with his uncle Hartman, count of Kyburgh. The dominions of the House of Kyburgh were at this time jointly possessed by Hartman the elder, second son of Ulric, and his nephew Hartman the younger. In order to find resources for the pay of his retainers, Rodolph had obtained from his uncle a sum of money as the arrears of his mother’s portion. Encouraged by the facility with which he succeeded in this demand, and pressed by his necessities, he made further exactions, and at length claimed a considerable part of the territories belonging to the two Hartmans. This claim being rejected he instantly invaded, in 1244, the dominions of Hartman the elder, occupied Baden, Winterthur, and Mersburgh, extorted a considerable largess as the price of their restoration, and a promise, that should his uncle and cousin die without issue male, the possessions of the House of Kyburgh should revert to him. _By this violence_ he indeed obtained a sum of money for his immediate necessities; but forfeited the affections of his uncle, and nearly lost the territories which he was entitled to inherit; for Hartman, with the consent of his nephew, transferred to the bishop of Strasburgh the counties of Baden, Lentzburgh, and Kyburgh, and received them in return for himself and his nephew as fiefs of the see.

“The chronicles, which detail his minutest actions, scarcely again mention him till the year 1253, when he, engaged with other nobles of the Imperial or Ghibeline party against Bertold, bishop of Basle, _penetrated into the suburbs of the city by night, and burnt a nunnery_, for which he was excommunicated by Pope Innocent IV. It was probably to obtain the revocation of this sentence, that we find him serving under Ottocar, king of Bohemia, against the Prussians, a (Slavonian) people then in a state of paganism, _who were defending their liberties_, in opposition to the Teutonic knights, and against whom the pope had published a crusade. He afterwards assisted Ottocar in his war with Bela, king of Hungary; and perhaps had a share in the complete victory which insured to the king of Bohemia the possession of Austria and Styria, and confined Bela within the limits of Hungary.

“On his return to his native country he was involved in a series of wars in Alsace and Switzerland. Finding the bishop and citizens of Strasburgh in open hostilities against each other, he assisted the bishop, signalised himself by his valour and activity, and _compelled the citizens_ to conclude a truce. At the same time he effected a reconciliation with his uncle Hartman, who, pleased with his change of conduct, and struck with his rising fame, endeavoured to recover from the bishop of Strasburgh the deed of donation which he had made of his territories. Rodolph urged the same request to the bishop during the truce, recapitulated his services, and tendered his future assistance; but meeting with a refusal, he replied, “Since you pay no regard to the greatest services, and seem inclined rather to offend than conciliate your friends, Rodolph of Hapsburgh, instead of your ally, is become your most inveterate enemy.” Laying his hand on his sword, he added, “While I am master of this weapon, neither you nor any other person shall wrest from me those dominions, which I am to inherit by right of my mother; and since, in contradiction to every principle of justice, you grasp at the possessions of others, know that you shall shortly lose your own.” Nor was this threat uttered in vain; for in 1259 the citizens of Strasburgh, availing themselves of the breach, requested Rodolph to accept the supremacy of their city, and the command of their troops. He joyfully received this well-timed offer, and repairing to take possession of his new charge, the inhabitants went out in crowds to meet their deliverer, hailed him as a person sent by heaven, and considered his presence as a sure omen of victory.

“By espousing the cause of the citizens, Rodolph acted with _equal prudence and judgment_. The citizens in those days were mostly soldiers, accustomed to defend their liberties against the vexations of their own nobles, and of the neighboring barons. They were animated with an undaunted spirit; from the nature of their governments, they were more subject to control, and more obedient to military order than the lawless retainers of the nobles; and their industry and commerce supplied the means of supporting the burdens of war. From their instruction in public schools, and from the force of example, their minds were more enlightened, their comprehension keener, and they were more calculated for those ambuscades, feints, and stratagems, of which the art of war at that time principally consisted. Rodolph, in the character of their captain, general, or advocate, won their confidence and esteem. _Assisted by their spirit, and supported by their riches, he was enabled to humble the rivals of his power._

“Among others the citizens of Zurich, in 1265, chose him as their prefect, and invested him with the command of their troops; and this appointment involved him in a war with the count of Regensberg, and a formidable confederacy of the neighboring barons, _which highly contributed to his subsequent greatness_.

“During the troubles of the interregnum in the German empire, the burghers of Zurich, which was an imperial city, had gradually acquired considerable privileges, and began to assume the administration of their own affairs. In order to strengthen themselves against the power of the nobles, they contracted alliances with the sister republics, and endeavored to secure a protector among their neighboring princes. For this purpose they despatched an embassy to Lutold, baron of Regensberg, whose territories almost surrounded Zurich, and extended along the eastern shore of the lake, as far as Rapperschwyl. Lutold answered the messengers with scorn: ‘Tell your citizens that Zurich is surrounded by my subjects as a fish in a net; let the inhabitants surrender themselves to me, and I will govern them with mildness.’ In this strait the citizens turned to Rodolph of Hapsburgh, who accepted their offer, repaired to Zurich, and assumed the command. Undaunted by the confederacy which Lutold had formed with the count of Tockenburgh, and other neighboring barons, he placed his hopes of success in celerity and decision. He collected his own troops and those of Zurich; drew assistance from the cities of Alsace, and the circle of the Lower Rhine; summoned to his standard the mountaineers of Uri, Schwyz, and Underwalden, and marched against the enemy.”

We omit the details of his success in this instance, and of his surprising the castles of Balder, and of Utleberg.

“After a series of similar stratagems, sieges, and other engagements, his arms were crowned with repeated successes; and the confederate barons, struck with terror, exclaimed, ‘All opposition is fruitless! Rodolph is invincible!’”

It was when Rodolph was engaged in a war, growing out of his possession of Kyburgh, whose details we omit, that having retired to his tent, he was awakened at midnight by his nephew Frederic of Hohenzollern, burgrave of Nuremberg, with the intelligence that he was unanimously chosen King of the Romans by the electors of Germany. In the first moments of surprise, Rodolph could not give credit to this unexpected intelligence; and even expressed his indignation against the burgrave for attempting to deceive and insult him. “Convinced, however, by his solemn protestations, and by letters from the electors, he recovered from his surprise, and _joyfully accepted the proffered dignity_. The news of his election being quickly disseminated, the citizens of Basle opened their gates, notwithstanding the remonstrances of the bishop. ‘We have taken arms,’ they said, ‘against Rodolph, Count of Hapsburgh, and not against the King of the Romans.’ The bishop acceded to terms of peace, the prisoners on both sides were released, and Rodolph’s followers admitted in triumph. The new sovereign was received amidst general acclamations; the citizens took the oath of fidelity, and presented him with a considerable largess towards defraying the expenses of his coronation. The bishop, chagrined at the success and elevation of his rival, struck his forehead with vexation, and profanely exclaimed, “Sit fast, great God, or Rodolph will occupy thy throne!”

We omit the account which Coxe gives of the general state of Germany as aside from our purpose. He proceeds to tell us that in an unfavorable aspect of affairs, the electors met at Frankfort in September 1273, and two candidates presented themselves, Alphonso King of Castile, and Ottocar King of Bohemia; but, contrary to all expectation, the nomination fell on Rodolph, Count of Hapsburgh.

“Many circumstances contributed to favor his advancement, among which the most effectual were the views and interests of the seven electors, by whom the right of nomination was at this time assumed; namely, the Archbishops of Mentz, Cologne, and Treves, the King of Bohemia, Otho Margrave of Brandenburgh, Albert Duke of Saxony, and Louis Duke of Bavaria and Count Palatine, who seems to have possessed a joint vote with his brother Henry. Of these, the most strenuous in the cause of Rodolph was Werner of Eppenstein, Elector of Mentz. On his nomination to the archiepiscopal see of Mentz, Werner had repaired to Rome, in order to receive the confirmation of his office, and the pallium from the hands of the Pope; and as the road was infested with banditti, he was escorted by Rodolph himself across the Alps, and treated on his return with equal cordiality and magnificence. Werner, captivated by his attentions, character, and talents, expressed a wish that he might live to repay the obligation. Such an opportunity now presented itself, and Werner used all his influence to secure the nomination of Rodolph. He secretly gained the Electors of Cologne and Treves; and found means to influence the secular Electors, by the prospect of a matrimonial alliance with their future chief, who had six daughters unmarried. His intrigues and recommendation were strongly supported by Frederic of Hohenzollern, the friend and relation of Rodolph, who had great influence with the secular electors, contributed to remove all obstacles, and concluded the negotiation in his name.

“The peculiar situation of Louis the Severe, Duke of Bavaria, induced him to accept the hand of Matilda, eldest daughter of Rodolph. He had espoused Mary, princess of Brabant, and on a vague suspicion of infidelity had put her to death. Although he had received absolution from Pope Alexander IV., on condition of founding a convent of Chartreux, yet discontents still prevailing among the Bavarian nobles, who were convinced of Mary’s innocence, rendered him apprehensive of the interference of a future emperor. For this reason he received with joy the proposal of Matilda in marriage; and agreed to support the nomination of a prince, whose interests would be thus strongly connected with his own. Two of the other secular Electors, Albert of Saxony and Otho of Brandenburgh, were likewise gained by the hope of espousing Agnes and Hedwig.

“The character and situation of the Count of Hapsburgh were admirably suited for the emergency, and to the views of the Electors, who desired an emperor, but dreaded a master. His great civil and military talents rendered him a fit person to direct the reins of government, while from the comparatively small extent of his possessions, he was not deemed sufficiently powerful to wrest from the Electors those fiefs which they had appropriated during the troubles of the empire, or to rule Germany with the same despotic sway as the great chiefs of the Houses of Franconia and Suabia.

“Werner having succeeded in obtaining six voices, artfully proposed that the princes should abide by the nomination of Louis of Bavaria. He either gained the consent of the Bohemian ambassadors to this compromise, by insinuating that the choice would fall on Ottocar, or prevailed on the other Electors to reject his vote, and to allow two voices to the Bavarian princes. Louis accordingly nominated Rodolph of Hapsburgh; the protests and remonstrances of the Bohemian ambassadors were disregarded, and the election of Rodolph declared unanimous by the concurrence of the seven Electors. The new King of the Romans was inaugurated at Aix-la-Chapelle, with the ancient crown of Charlemagne; and the ceremony was followed by the marriage of his two daughters, Matilda and Agnes, with Louis of Bavaria and Albert Duke of Saxony, which increased his weight and influence, and secured to him the assistance of those powerful princes.

“His situation was full of difficulty and danger. He was threatened with the vengeance of his disappointed rival Ottocar, and he was opposed by the Anti-Cæsar, Alphonso of Castile; both of whom refused to acknowledge his election, and sent ambassadors with large presents, to obtain the countenance of the Pope. Fully sensible therefore of the perils with which he was surrounded, Rodolph did not rely on the unanimity of his election, nor on his coronation at Aix-la-Chapelle; but turned his first and principal attention to secure the ratification of the reigning pontiff. It was on this occasion he wrote the letter to Gregory X. already quoted.

“The ambassadors of Rodolph were received with complacency by the Pope, and obtained his sanction by agreeing in the name of their master to the same conditions which Otho IV. and Frederic II. had sworn to observe, _i. e._, by confirming all the donations of the emperors, his predecessors, to the papal see; by promising to accept no office or dignity in any of the papal territories, particularly in the city of Rome, without the consent of the Pope; by agreeing not to disturb, nor permit the house of Anjou to be disturbed in the possession of Naples and Sicily, which they held as fiefs from the Roman see; and by engaging to undertake in person a crusade against the infidels. In consequence of these concessions, Gregory gave the new King of the Romans his most cordial support, refused to listen to the overtures of Ottocar, and after much difficulty finally succeeded in persuading Alphonso to renounce his pretensions to the Imperial dignity.”

The foregoing extract is a commentary on the letter to the Pope first quoted. We must now proceed to illustrate the career of Rodolph and his successors, as _Emperors_, in order to show how the system of rapine which had marked his private action, became the rule thereafter, in spite of the prayers which he craved from the Pope, that the most High _should lead him_ in the ways _of His commandments, to successfully perform what is most acceptable to Him_!

And here we must draw a distinction. Rodolph contended in the spirit of rapine with other kings animated by the same spirit, and his successors do the same. We do not care to examine all these struggles of selfishness with selfishness. What we wish to select from history, is the contest of these rulers with the liberty and welfare of _the nations_, the possession of which was the subject matter of dispute. It is impossible by means of any history yet written, or indeed for any thing short of the imagination of a humane heart, to conceive all the sufferings and oppressions and injustice done to the people, whose territories were the theatres of these struggles, whose laboriously acquired property supported the combatants, and who themselves were constrained to become combatants in battles where even victory brought them no benefits. We shall especially dwell upon the direct invasion of the Constitutions and natural rights of nations, and the most salient calamities inflicted in these ever renewing wars of selfish ambition.

Rodolph’s first contest was with Ottocar, king of Bohemia, his old friend, but who had been a rival for the imperial crown, and now refused to accept Rodolph as Emperor.

Ottocar was then the most powerful prince of Europe. “For his dominions extended from the confines of Bavaria to Raab in Hungary, and from the Adriatic to the shores of the Baltic.” He had himself acquired Styria, Austria, Carniola, and Carinthia. He had also the alliance of Henry of Bavaria.

But Rodolph was not daunted by Ottocar’s power. He began upon Henry of Bavaria, and forcing him to renounce his alliance with Ottocar, attached him to himself by giving his daughter Hedwig to Otho, son of Henry, promising a part of Upper Austria for her portion. He then conquered Austria, while he employed Meinhard of Tyrol to conquer Styria and Carinthia, and ended with himself laying siege to Vienna. The result of all in the end was nothing less than that Ottocar renounced all his claims to Austria, Styria, Carinthia, Carniola, and Windischmark, and delivered up to the king of Hungary all the places he had formerly wrested from him with Rodolph’s own assistance, doing homage to Rodolph, kneeling, for Bohemia and Moravia, of which he obtained from him the investiture.

Immediately after this Rodolph established his own family in the Austrian dominions, by persuading the Archbishop of Saltzburgh and the bishops of Passau, Freysinger, and Bamberg, to confer on his sons, Albert, Hartman, and Rodolph, the ecclesiastical fiefs held by the duke of Austria.

“In order to reward his retainers,” says Coxe, “_he was compelled to lay considerable impositions on his new subjects_, and to obtain free gifts from the bishops and clergy; and the discontents arising from this, probably induced Ottocar to attempt the recovery of the territories which he had lost. So desperate did Rodolph then find his affairs, and so little had he gained of real power, or made his allies and new people feel that their interests were identified with his success, that he frequently exclaimed, says Coxe, “that there was not one in whom he could confide, or on whose advice he could depend,” and, in the words of a contemporary chronicle, “all his family ran to confessors, arranged their affairs, forgave their enemies, and received the communion.”

In these desperate circumstances he roused himself to conciliate the city of Vienna by declaring it an imperial city, and then, with the assistance of the king of Hungary, at the battle of Marchfield, defeated Ottocar, who was taken prisoner and killed in cold blood, (not, however, by the hand or with the consent of Rodolph). A peace ensued, for Rodolph was afraid to retain the Hungarian army in his dominions, and he could not fight without it. He obtained Moravia for five years by the treaty of peace; his son-in-law Otho became regent for the infant son of Ottocar, while his son Rodolph married the Bohemian princess Agnes, and his two daughters were affianced to the young king of Bohemia, and to Otho the Less. After this, some time was spent in transferring the Austrian territories to his family, in which operation he found many difficulties; but at length he succeeded, and with the consent of the States of Austria, declared that duchy and Styria an indivisible domain, and vested its sole administration in his son Albert.

But even before the second war with Ottocar was over, we find Rodolph in Italy. He had indeed yielded to the conditions made by Pope Gregory X. not to interfere with the house of Anjou in Naples, or to claim any authority over the papal territories; but in less than two years after Gregory’s death, he attempted, the revival of the imperial authority in Italy. The decided action of Nicholas III. who threatened him with excommunication, induced him, however, to give up this enterprise; and to reward his compliance, Nicholas induced Charles, King of Naples, to resign the vicariate of Tuscany to Rodolph, receiving in exchange the investiture of Provence and Tourcalquier _as fiefs of the_ EMPIRE, for which acts of homage Rodolph, on the other hand, affianced his daughter Clementia to Charles Martel of Naples. But, after all, Rodolph could not revive the imperial authority in Tuscany, on account of the secret action of Naples, and not being sure of success, he with great judgment let the matter rest, “and indemnified himself,” says Coxe, “by drawing considerable sums from Lucca and other cities, for the confirmation and extension of their privileges;” thus making them pay for retaining their own rights.

The rest of Rodolph’s life was taken up in what Coxe calls “establishing the internal tranquillity of the empire,” for which he is much lauded: for, in doing this, he put down the power of many oppressive barons. At one time “he condemned to death nine and twenty nobles of the most illustrious families in Thuringia, who had broken the public peace; and he razed in one year seventy castles and strongholds, the habitation of banditti, or of powerful nobles worse than banditti.” He was also “zealous to wrest from the princes those fiefs which they had appropriated during the troubles of the war.” Coxe gives an account of these expeditions, and the circumstances of each particular case. We extract one paragraph, which seems to indicate that, in all this action for the “tranquillity of the empire,” Rodolph was animated by something else than the pure motive of saving the people from the exactions of the barons.

“With the view of extending his influence in Switzerland, Rodolph endeavored to gain possession of Berne, which was built by the dukes of Zæringen, but was afterwards declared an imperial city, and during the interregnum had obtained the protection of the house of Savoy. Under the pretext that the Bernese had assisted the house of Savoy, and oppressed the Jews who were fiscals of the empire, he led, in 1288, an army of 30,000 men against the city. But this great man, who had humbled the pride of Ottocar, and depressed the powerful house of Savoy and Burgundy, was foiled by the firmness and spirit of this rising republic; and after an ineffectual attempt to set fire to the town, he relinquished his enterprise. Another expedition in the following year under his son Albert, though made with the utmost secrecy and address, was equally frustrated; and his aggrandisement was alone effectually checked by a petty republic, on the borders of his own territories.”

The settling of the affairs of Bohemia, which had become intolerable through the mal-administration of Otho, the regent whom Rodolph had appointed, seems to have been for the advantage of Bohemia, or at least of its king; who became distracted at that time (1290) by the contest for the throne of Charles Martel with Ladislaus, proposed nothing better for Hungary than his conferring the investiture of it, _as a fief of the empire_, upon his son Albert! This, it is true, resulted in nothing, as Albert was too much occupied in settling the dissensions in his own dominions, to make good his claims (_if claims_ they could be called); and Andrew III. maintained himself on the throne of his grandfather, to which the Hungarians had called him.

It was in vain that Rodolph, when he saw his end approaching, assembled the German Diet, to choose his son Albert Emperor. He died on the 15th of July, 1291, with this purpose unfulfilled; having been himself Emperor nineteen years. Coxe calls his reign glorious, and closes his memoir of him with a description of his person, and anecdotes to illustrate his chivalric character.

It may readily be conceded that Rodolph had the noble qualities and manners possible to his position and circumstances. But we have given his life to be judged by another standard than that usually applied to measure princes; a standard, however, that _his own pretensions of serving God and His Church_[1] make an equitable one. The House of Hapsburgh can show nothing better than the life and actions of Rodolph, its founder, on which to ground its pretensions of divine right. Does mankind admit the _legitimacy_ of the claim? Does the God of humanity admit it?

At the time of the death of Rodolph, Albert, his son, was engaged in quelling an insurrection in Austria, which he had provoked, says Coxe, “by his stern and unconciliating manners,” and by arbitrarily conferring the principal offices of state, and the richest heiresses in the country, upon his Suabian followers, rather than upon the magnates of Austria and Styria. The details of the contest it is not worth while to relate. The end was, that he besieged Vienna, and reduced the inhabitants by famine “to propose a surrender, when he accepted their submission.” We always quote the words of Coxe:—“_He commanded the principal magistrates to repair bareheaded and barefooted to his camp with their charters, tore them in pieces with his own hands, and abrogated all those privileges which he deemed injurious to his authority._” He then reduced the nobles to obedience by means of the military succour he received from Alsace and Suabia. Immediately afterwards he put down an insurrection in Styria, by similar means and with similar success. Albert was, however, disappointed of the imperial crown. “His splendid talents, powerful connections, and affinity to four of the electors, seemed to insure the possession of it; but his arrogance and rapacity, his unconciliating manners and despotic temper, had alienated some of the electors, while his power excited the jealousy and alarmed the apprehension of all.”

On the election of Adolphus of Nassau he was however prudent. The disappointment disciplined his pride to his advantage, and it was by means of the wisdom with which he then acted for his own future interests rather than from his present angry passions that he was enabled to take advantage of the faults and mistakes of Adolphus, and form a confederacy of the Electors against him, by which that Emperor was finally ruined. On the death of Adolphus, Albert was elected. In the meanwhile he had subdued the first confederacy formed against him by the Helvetian Republics. The details of this war is a tissue of violence and cruelty,[2] which was only interrupted by the general amnesty proclaimed by Adolphus, and which Albert was too prudent to openly defy, surrounded as he then was by enemies within and without, who would easily have been encouraged to combine against him.

The history of Albert next details the beginning of an intrigue made against Pope Boniface VIII., who had not confirmed his election to the Empire. This was an alliance with Philip the Handsome, of France, with whom Boniface was at variance. On his return from the journey Albert made to France, at this time, 1299, to negotiate this alliance, and confirm it by affiancing his son Rodolph to Philip’s sister Blanche, he was induced, by the death of the Count of Holland, to turn aside and lead an army against the Low Countries, to make good a claim which he laid to the counties of Holland, Zealand, and Friesland, that really belonged to John de Avesdes. But the inveterate enmity of the Pope, and the rising discontents of the Electors of the Rhine, called him to save his authority in the Empire. He therefore, being defeated by John de Avesdes, concluded an accommodation, and invested him with the territories in dispute.

The promptness and energy with which he reduced the Electors of the Rhine opened the way to a reconciliation with the Pope, who had asserted that there was no other sovereign or King of the Romans but the sovereign pontiff of Christendom. It is true Boniface at first not only refused to confirm Albert’s authority, but inveighed against him as the murderer of Adolphus, and released the electors, vassals, and subjects of the Empire from their oath of allegiance; yet finding himself foiled in his attempt to shake the authority of the King of France, he changed his policy, to detach Albert from Philip, by making overtures that Albert was glad to meet. In short his Boniface removed, by a sovereign act, all the irregularities of election, and declared him a faithful son of the Church; while Albert acknowledged on his side that the right of the electors to choose an emperor was derived from the See of Rome; and bound himself, by oath, to defend the supremacy of the Church against all the world; to oppose its enemies, whether kings or emperors; to renounce the alliances which he had contracted with powers inimical to the Holy See, and to declare war against them at the orders of Boniface or his successors. Boniface even excommunicated the King of France, and gave his crown to Albert! We do not know to what lengths the Pope would have induced the emperor to go against Philip, to make good this gift, but the latter prevented any movement by seizing Boniface violently, and treating him so harshly that he died.

Albert was now obliged to turn his attention to matters nearer home than the crown of France. There had long been causes of misunderstanding with Wenceslaus, King of Bohemia, who in 1300 was elected King of Poland, where he had previous claims on the duchies of Cracow and Sandomir by the gift of Griffina, widow of the late duke Lesko. As his first wife, Albert’s sister, was dead, he married the daughter of Premislaus II. of Poland, who had died in 1296. Hardly had he obtained this new throne than his son Wenceslaus was chosen King of Hungary, over Charobert, who had been invested with that kingdom by Pope Boniface VIII. as a fief of the Roman see; an interference strongly resented by the Hungarians. Boniface had thundered a bull of excommunication against the Hungarians on this occasion; but it being despised, and his legate expelled, he called on Albert to support Charobert’s cause, who was also his own nephew. Albert eagerly listened to these overtures, and laid Wenceslaus under the ban of the empire, seconding the act by arms. The death of Wenceslaus II. and the accession of his inexperienced and feeble son, enabled Albert to arrange this affair in his own way; and in a few years, the death of Wenceslaus III. without issue, awakened in him new aspirations for power, and he prepared to transfer the crown of Bohemia into his own family.

“Like many other kingdoms of Europe, at that period, Bohemia was considered as an elective monarchy, though the crown was always continued in the same line, and the eldest son was chosen or confirmed during the lifetime of the father. Wenceslaus being the last male of the ancient dynasty, the throne was open to different pretenders. Henry of Carinthia became a candidate in virtue of his marriage with Anne, eldest sister of the deceased monarch; but Albert claimed the disposal of the crown, both as a fief of the empire, and in virtue of the compact between Rodolph and Wenceslaus II., which entailed Bohemia on the Austrian family, in default of issue male. He accordingly proposed his eldest son Rodolph, who strengthened his claims by promising to espouse Elizabeth[3], widow of Wenceslaus II., and was supported by a powerful party of the nobles.

“The States assembled at Prague, and the votes were divided between Henry of Carinthia, and Rodolph of Austria. The sisters of the late king came barefooted into the assembly, and supplicated with tears for Henry of Carinthia; but their entreaties were disregarded, and Rodolph was chosen on the 1st of April, 1306. Accompanied by his father, and at the head of a considerable force, he entered Prague in triumph, and fulfilled his promise of marrying the widowed queen. At the same time Albert obtained the formal renewal of the compact, which seemed to insure the succession of his own family.

“A mild and moderate system of conduct would have conciliated the natives, and fulfilled the accomplishment of his wishes, but such a conduct was not consonant to the character of Albert. By his influence Rodolph, though naturally mild and amiable, imposed heavy taxes on his subjects, disregarded their prejudices and customs, stripped the churches of their costly ornaments, and prosecuted the bishop of Prague, who remonstrated against this sacrilege. A large party of nobles broke into open revolt, the spirit of discontent spread with rapidity, and the whole nation seemed eager to take up arms against the Austrian despotism. To quell these commotions, Rodolph collected an army; but while he was besieging the fortress of Horazdovitz, he was hurried to the grave by a dysentery, in July, 1307, at the age of twenty-two, and before he had completed the first year of a precarious and disputed sovereignty.

“On this event, Frederic, the second son of Albert, was proposed to the states, who met in the episcopal palace of Prague. When Tobias of Bechnia, a nobleman of high rank, named Frederic of Austria, the assembly exclaimed, “We will have no Austrian king!” Bechnia tauntingly observing, “You will perhaps again choose a peasant from the village of Staditz, and marry him to the widowed queen,” a tumult arose; the most violent drew their sabres; Bechnia, with two others of the Austrian party were massacred, and Henry of Carinthia raised to the throne by unanimous acclamation.

“The haughty spirit of Albert, affected with the loss of Bohemia, was still more deeply wounded by the contemptuous rejection of his son. He accordingly asserted his claims in arms, and accompanied by Frederic, whom he declared King of Bohemia, led a powerful body of troops from Germany into the kingdom, and laid siege to Kuttenberg and Colin. But the approach of winter, the desultory attacks of the Bohemian forces, the obstinate resistance of the garrisons, and the severity of the season, at length compelled him to retire. He did not, however relinquish his object, but placing garrisons in Königsgratz, and other fortified towns, which had been yielded to him by Elizabeth, drew his troops into Austria, and determined to return in spring with a still more powerful army.

“Albert had availed himself of the short interval during which his son held quiet possession of Bohemia, to support the pretensions of his nephew Charles of Naples, in opposition to Otho of Bavaria, who was lineally descended from Bela IV., and had been raised to the throne of Hungary by the anti-papal party in 1306. He entered Hungary with a considerable army, but did little more than devastate the country, till he was called to defend his own territories against an irruption of the Hungarians.

“He likewise engaged in a war for the possession of Misnia and Thuringia, which he endeavoured to appropriate as fiefs of the empire.

“But at this juncture the insurrection of the Swiss called his attention to another quarter.

“Helvetia, or, as it is now called, Switzerland, at this period was divided into small sovereignties and baronial fiefs, the imperial cities of Zurich, Berne, Basle, and Schaffhausen, the demesnes of the church, and the small states or cantons of Schwyz, Uri, and Underwalden, which, though dependent on the empire, enjoyed a democratic form of government. Among the sovereigns, the most conspicuous were the counts of Savoy, and the house of Hapsburgh, which had considerably increased in power and territory by the elevation of Rodolph and Albert, who, as chiefs of the empire, possessed the right of appointing bailiffs in the imperial cities and districts, for the purpose of administering the criminal jurisdiction.

“At the suggestion of Albert, Rodolph seems to have formed the design of acquiring the sovereignty of the ecclesiastical and baronial territories, and having thus encompassed the free cities and democratic states, either to obtain their voluntary submission, or compel the refractory to acknowledge his authority. In consequence of this design, Rodolph made considerable purchases, particularly of Friburgh from the house of Kyburg, and of the town of Lucern from the abbey of Murbach, with the seignorial rights in several villages of the district of Schwyz. These acquisitions excited jealousies and discontent among the natives of Uri, Schwyz, and Underwalden, and gave birth to an association by which they bound themselves not to submit to foreign jurisdiction. The temperate spirit of Rodolph yielded to the opposition of a people so jealous of their liberties, and from whom he had received such essential services; he accordingly quieted their apprehensions by a solemn confirmation of their privileges, as head of the empire, and this act was confirmed by Adolphus.

“Soon after the death of Rodolph, Albert manifested his intention of appropriating or subjugating the free districts of Helvetia. The natives of Uri, Schwyz, and Underwalden, justly apprehensive of his rapacious character and powerful resources, held a general assembly to renew their confederacy, and assert their independence. They also espoused the cause of Adolphus, and assisted him with a small but chosen body of their bravest troops. On the death of Adolphus, and the election of Albert, a general panic spread through all the people of the Alps; and their alarms were increased by the declaration of Albert to their deputies, who requested him, as chief of the empire, to confirm their privileges, that he intended to propose an alteration in their government.

“Before, however, he attempted to subjugate these brave and spirited people, he increased his influence and acquisitions in Switzerland. He pacified the citizens of Zurich by confirming their privileges, obtained the advocacies of the abbeys of St. Gallen and Einsidlin, demolished the castles of the petty lords in the district of Glarus, who had adhered to Adolphus, and by purchase and intrigue, acquired the supreme authority in various parts, from the lake of Thun, to the heart of the country inhabited by the Grisons. Having thus nearly surrounded the Swiss by his extensive domains, he summoned them to submit to his authority. His haughty spirit was little affected by the simple answer of these free mountaineers: “We are partial to the condition of our forefathers, and only desire the confirmation of our privileges.” He disdained to listen to their remonstrances, and placed over them governors, whose tyrannical and capricious administration at length roused the natives to assert their injured rights.

“Under the auspices of three patriots, Fürst, Melchthal, and Stauffacher, the plan of a general insurrection was secretly formed, and the revolution, which gave liberty to Switzerland burst forth in Uri, Schwyz, and Underwalden, on the 13th of January, 1308. The governors were expelled, their castles seized, and the whole people rose, as with one accord, to defy the power of the house of Austria, and of the head of the empire.

“Albert, confident of his superior force, rejoiced at this insurrection as affording a pretext for subjugating the natives of a territory which he had long coveted, postponed the intended invasion of Bohemia and Thuringia, and was preparing to lead an army into Switzerland, when his life and reign were closed by the hand of violence.”

The Austrian princes, Frederic and Leopold, were unquestionably disappointed at the election of Henry of Luxembourg to the imperial throne, instead of one of themselves; but, after some intrigues, they concluded to accept quietly from him the investiture of their hereditary dominions, and Leopold faithfully served the Emperor in Italy and elsewhere. At his death there was a contested election, and both Frederic of Austria and Louis of Bavaria were chosen. In the wars that ensued between these rivals, Switzerland was again invaded by Leopold, who commenced hostilities against the three Swiss cantons, who had espoused the Bavarian party.

“Leopold seized the pretext of a dispute between the convent of Einsidlin, of which he was advocate, and the natives of Schwyz, who had surrounded the abbey, and seized four of the canons and the schoolmaster, in revenge for an insult on some Swiss pilgrims. He considered the reduction of this country as an easy task, and vain of his military skill and superior force, boasted that he would trample the audacious rustics under his feet. He assembled 20,000 men, and hastened to put his threat in execution; 4,000 on the side of Oberhasli were to pass by Mount Brunig into Underwalden; a body of 1000 from Lucern was to make a diversion by Stantz, and he himself intended to march from Zug with 15,000, and penetrate to Schwyz.

“The northern inlets of the country being fortified with strong entrenchments and towers, only two passages led towards Schwyz. The first was the pass of Art, along the foot of the crags which border the lake of Zug, impracticable for armed cavalry; the other led through the straits of Morgarten, about three miles in length, between the lake Egeri and the heights rising above the village of Morgarten, from which it derives its name.