Chapter XXVI: Section 8: provided minute directions for the distribution of the tracts (14)

All night long after the battle, Lee pushed his trains to the river through Fairfield Gap, and on July 4 he commenced to move his army; by the 14th he had carried it safely across the Potomac into Virginia.

Gettysburg was a drawn battle, yet, strange to state, was the decisive battle of the war and was treated by both sides and by the world as a great Union victory. The Gettysburg campaign was the last of several incursions upon Northern soil. Lee was afterward on the defensive.

While all the Northern states contributed their courage and manhood, Gettysburg, in its location, its leadership, and its incidents, was essentially a Pennsylvania battle.

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British and Indians Massacre Hundreds
at Wyoming July 3, 1778

The year 1778 brought great distress and fear to the frontier generally, but particularly to Wyoming. The defeat and surrender of Burgoyne, at Saratoga, in October, 1777, had left the British without sufficient available force in America to carry on a regular campaign for this year, and as the war was to be continued, the only resource left to the British commanders was to employ the Indians and Tories almost exclusively in carrying on a war of desolation on the frontier.

Late in June Colonel John Butler, with his own Tory rangers, a detachment of Sir John Johnson’s Royal Greens, and a large body of Indians, chiefly Seneca, descended the Susquehanna. This force numbered about 400 British and Tories, and 700 Indians.

At Fort Jenkins, the uppermost in the valley, were gathered the families of John Jenkins, Hardings, Gardners and others. This fort capitulated July 2, to a force under Captain Caldwell. Four defenders were killed and three taken prisoners.

Wintermoot’s Fort was one mile below Fort Jenkins, with a view, as afterward appeared, to aiding the Tories. Soon as the enemy appeared Wintermoot’s Fort at once threw open its gates, and here the British and Tories assembled.

There were several stockades at Wyoming, but no other means of defense than small arms. No one of the forts was able to hold out an hour against such a force as the enemy mustered. Some of the old men formed themselves into companies to garrison these forts and yield such protection as they could.

Colonel Zebulon Butler happened to be home from the Continental Army, and assumed command of the settlers. History does not record an instance of more courage displayed or more gallant devotion. There was no alternative but to fight and conquer, or die, for to retreat with their families was impossible.

On July 3 they marched out to meet the enemy. Colonel Butler commanded the right wing, aided by Major Garrett. Colonel Dennison commanded the left, assisted by Lieutenant Colonel George Dorrance. The field of fight was a plain only partly cleared. Opposed to Colonel Zebulon Butler, of Wyoming, was Colonel John Butler, with his Tory rangers, in their green uniforms.

It was between 4 and 5 o’clock when the engagement began, but the enemy outnumbered the defenders nearly three to one, and they were soon able to outflank them, especially on the left, where was a swamp exactly suited for savage warfare.

The Wyoming men fell rapidly, and it became impossible to maintain the position. Colonel Dennison gave an order to fall back, so as to present a better front to the enemy, but the command was mistaken as a signal for retreat.

The fiendish enemy sprang forward, raised horrid yells, rushed in with tomahawk and spear, and slaughtered the Americans.

There are related many instances of personal and heroic bravery on part of both officers and men. They deserved a better fate, but the battle was lost.

Then followed the most dreadful massacre in the annals of Pennsylvania—the most heart-rending tortures. The brave soldiers were slaughtered without mercy, principally in the flight, and after surrendering themselves prisoners of war.

Prisoners taken under solemn promise of quarter were gathered together, and placed in circles. Sixteen men were arranged around one large stone, since known as the bloody rock. Surrounded by a body of powerful Indians, Queen Esther Montour, a fury in the form of a woman, assumed the office of executioner, and with the death maul or tomahawk, she passed round the circle and dashed out the brains of each prisoner.

Three strong men named Hammond, Lebbens and Joseph Elliott escaped by a desperate effort. In another similar ring nine persons were slain in the same manner. Many were shot swimming the river and hunted out and killed in their hiding places. Only sixty of those who went into the battle survived. The forts were filled with widows and orphans. It is said that 150 widows and six orphans were the result of the battle.[3]

Footnote 3:

It is believed that the Indians secured 227 scalps in this battle. The
poet, Campbell, has told this dread tale in his “Gertrude of Wyoming.”

About two-thirds of those who went out fell. Naked, panting and bloody, a few who had escaped, rushed into Wilkes-Barre Fort where they told the dreadful news that all was lost. Mr. Hollenback, who swam the river amid the shots of the enemy, was the first to spread the appalling news. They fled to the mountains and down the river. Their sufferings were terrible, and they were almost famished for want of bread. In one party of nearly a hundred there was but a single man.

In Forty Fort they heard the firing distinctly, and their spirits were high, until they learned the dreadful news. The first fugitives reached the fort in the evening, and then a few others arrived during the night. Colonel Dennison also came in, and rallied the little band for defense. He succeeded the next day in entering into a capitulation for the settlement with Colonel John Butler, by which doubtless many lives were saved.

The enemy marched in, six abreast, the British and Tories at the northern gate, the Indians at the southern. On paper the terms of capitulation were fair, but the Indians immediately began to rob and burn, plunder and destroy. Even when appealed to, Tory Butler did not put a stop to it. But the Indians did not take life within the fort, only confined themselves to wanton plunder and insult.

When night fell the blaze of twenty dwellings lighted up the valley. In almost every house and field the murderous work was performed.

When the moon rose, the terrified survivors of the massacre fled to the Poconos and beyond to Stroudsburg. In the morasses of the dreadful wilderness many women and children perished, these places are still called “Shades of Death.”

In a few days Colonel Butler led the chief part of his army away, but the Indians continued in the valley burning and plundering, until nearly every building was consumed and it was clearly shown that the articles of capitulation afforded no security.

Soon after the battle Captain Spalding, with a company from Stroudsburg, took possession of the desolate valley, and rebuilt the fort at Wilkes-Barre. Colonel Thomas Hartley marched from Fort Muncy, on the West Branch, along the Sheshequin trail up into what is now Bradford County, and burned the Indian villages at Wyalusing, Sheshequin and Tioga, and cut off a part of the enemy who were taking a boat-load of plunder from Wyoming.

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Declaration of Independence Adopted
by Congress July 4, 1776

Continental Congress was confronted with a serious situation when it convened in the early winter of 1775.

John Dickinson, of Pennsylvania, continued to be one of the most important members. He was placed on the committee to correspond with foreign Powers and was intrusted with the framing of the Articles of Confederation.

The majority of Congress were now determined to destroy the authority of the British King, and, although Dickinson held the Pennsylvania delegation, with the exception of Benjamin Franklin, to his own views, the progress of events changed the public sentiment in the province. Many were to be found who, while they regretted the cruel necessity, were now ready to give up the name Englishmen. The Assembly sensed this growing feeling and at length released the delegates from former instruction and left the matter to their own judgment.

A committee with John Dickinson, the author of the Farmer’s Letters, at its head, reported:

“The happiness of these Colonies has during the whole course of this fatal controversy been our first wish; their reconciliation with Great Britain our next. Ardently have we prayed for the accomplishment of both. But if we must renounce the one or the other we humbly trust in the mercies of the Supreme Governor of the universe that we shall not stand condemned before His throne if our choice is determined by the overruling law of self-preservation which His divine wisdom has thought proper to implant in the hearts of His creatures.”

Congress now resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the question of independence. Many of the illustrious members of Congress advocated it with great warmth, principally John Adams, of Massachusetts; R. R. Livingstone, of New York, and Edward Rutledge, of South Carolina, while James Wilson, of Pennsylvania, joined with John Dickinson in opposing it.

Wilson avowed, that notwithstanding the recall of the instructions against independence by the Assembly, his own sentiments remained the same. Dickinson declared that America could be wisely governed by the King and Parliament, not as independent, but as subject States. He believed the restraining power of the King and Parliament was indispensable to protect the Colonies from disunion and civil war. The debate was adjourned until July 1, and when Congress again took up the question James Wilson had turned for independence.

Adams led the debate in favor, and Dickinson on the side opposing it. The time had not come for independence; he feared disunion among the Colonies. He pointed out that foreign aid would not be obtained without success in battle. He believed the Colonies ought at least have agreed upon the terms of their own confederation, as had been begun, and it would have been well to have fixed the bounds of each colony. Dickinson’s argument was sound and proved he had a correct grasp on public affairs, for even after the long war for independence the Colonies were divided.

Pennsylvania had been maintaining a border war with Virginia for the possession of the lands west of the Allegheny Mountains, and another and more serious war with Connecticut because of the conflicting or misunderstood boundaries.

New York had a similar dispute with Connecticut and New Hampshire, the latter contesting the region which has since become the State of Vermont. Further trouble was also to be expected as population pushed toward the West, the older colonies claiming under their original charters as far as the Pacific Ocean.

In committee, when Richard Henry Lee’s resolution declaring independence was up for vote, Dickinson, Morris, Willing and Humphreys voted against it, making a majority of the delegation from Pennsylvania, but every other colony, excepting Delaware, voted in favor of the resolution. Franklin, Wilson and Morton voted in favor of independence.

As far-seeing a man as John Dickinson was, he could not fully comprehend the idea of a separate existence of the Colonies from the mother country, and yet no purer patriot breathed the air of freedom. A zealous advocate of liberty, it was his words that startled the Colonies and struck the keynote which aroused the energies of the provincialists and made them contend for independence. Notwithstanding his overcautiousness, the declaration having been determined on, Dickinson entered heartily into its support and took an active part in all the affairs transpiring in the Colonies—even wielding his sword in the cause.

On July 2, 1776, the resolution being reported by the Committee of the Whole, came before the House. Dickinson and Morris made no further opposition, but by absenting themselves allowed the Keystone State, which Pennsylvania’s population and geographical position made her, to be put into the national arch then being erected.

John Morton is credited with casting the decisive vote. He felt the great responsibility and with it odium which he incurred in the locality which he lived. His health broke and he died the following year. From his deathbed he sent this protest to the friends who had turned from him: “Tell them they will live to see the hour when they shall acknowledge my signing of the Declaration of Independence to have been the most glorious service that I ever rendered my country.”

Pending the consideration of this important question of independence, a committee, consisting of Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, Roger Sherman and R. R. Livingstone, was appointed to prepare a Declaration of Independence. Jefferson and Adams were named a subcommittee, and the original draft of this eloquent manifesto was made by Jefferson. It was adopted by the committee without amendment and reported to Congress on June 28.

On July 4, having received some alterations, it was sanctioned by the vote of every Colony. Of the Pennsylvania delegation, Dickinson and Morris were absent when the vote was taken; Franklin, Wilson and Morton voted for, and Willing and Humphreys voted against it.

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Massacre at Wyoming Followed by “The
Great Runaway” on July 5, 1778

The great massacre at Wyoming occurred on July 3, 1778, and as the news passed down the North Branch of the Susquehanna and spread over the hills and valleys leading to the West Branch Valley it caused a general stampede, a wild, precipitate flight of the settlers from the upper region which has ever since been known as the “Great Runaway.”

The history of Pennsylvania has failed to record any flight of its inhabitants, either in numbers or the harrowing details of its movement, comparable with this catastrophe.

Within two days following the massacre the news had penetrated the entire North Branch Valley and had reached as far up the West Branch Valley as Fort Antes, now Jersey Shore.

On July 9 Colonel Samuel Hunter, the county lieutenant and commandant of the garrison at Fort Augusta (Sunbury), wrote to the Governor:

“Nothing but a firm reliance upon Divine Providence and the virtue of our neighbors induces the few to stand that remain; and if they are not speedily re-enforced they must give way; but will have this consolation, that they have stood in defense of their liberty and country as long as they could. In justice to this county (Northumberland) I must bear testimony that the States never applied to it for men in vain.

“I am sure the State must know that we have reduced ourselves to our present feeble condition by our readiness to turn out upon all occasions when called for in defense of the common cause. Should we now fall for want of assistance, let the neighboring counties reconcile themselves, if they can, the breach of brotherly love, charity and every other virtue which adorns and advances the human species above the brute creation. I will not attempt to point out the particular cruelties or barbarities that have been practiced on our unhappy inhabitants, but assure you that for the number history affords no instance of more heathenish cruelty or savage barbarity than has been exhibited in this county.”

Colonel Matthew Smith wrote from Paxtang July 12 that he “had just arrived at Harris’ Ferry and beheld the greatest scenes of distress I ever saw. It was crowded with people who had come down the river, leaving everything.”

If the distress was the worst this old patriot ever beheld, it was truly a sad scene, for Colonel Smith had suffered in both the French and Indian and Revolutionary Wars. He was in command of a company in the Arnold expedition to Quebec, when the troops for long months experienced nothing but suffering and distress.

On the same day Peter DeHaven wrote from Hummelstown: “This day there were twenty or thirty passed through this town from Buffalo Valley (Union County) and Sunbury, and the people inform me that there are 200 wagons on the road coming down.”

Another letter, written by William Maclay, later the first United States Senator from Pennsylvania, dated Paxtang, July 12: “I left Sunbury and almost my whole property on Wednesday last. I will not trouble you with a recital of the inconveniences I suffered while I brought my family by water to this place. I never in my life saw such scenes of distress. The river and roads leading down it were covered with men, women and children flying for their lives. In short, Northumberland County is broken up.

“Colonel Hunter only remained, using his utmost endeavors to rally the inhabitants to make a stand. I left him with a few—I cannot speak confidently as to numbers—but he had not 100 men on whom he could depend. Mrs. Hunter came down with me. As he is now disencumbered of his family, I am convinced he will do everything that can be expected from a brave and determined man. Something in the way of charity ought to be done for the miserable objects that crowd the banks of this river, especially those who fled from Wyoming. You know I did not use to love them, but I now sincerely pity their distress.”

Colonel Hunter the same day sent a most pathetic appeal to the president of the Supreme Executive Council, dated Fort Augusta, July 12:

“The calamities so long dreaded and of which you have been more than once informed must fall upon this country, if not assisted by Continental troops or the militia of the neighboring counties. At this date the towns of Sunbury and Northumberland are the frontiers where a few virtuous inhabitants and fugitives seem determined to stand, though doubtful whether tomorrow’s sun shall rise on them free men, captives or in eternity.”

Robert Covenhoven wrote: “I took my own family safely to Sunbury, and came back in a keel-boat to secure my furniture. Just as I rounded a point above Derrstown (now Lewisburg) I met the whole convoy from all the forts above. Such a sight I never saw in all my life. Boats, canoes, hogtroughs, rafts, hastily made of dry sticks, every sort of floating article had been put in requisition, and was crowded with women, children and plunder. There were several hundred people in all.

“Whenever an obstruction occurred at any shoal or ripple, the women would leap out into the water and put their shoulders to the boat or raft, and launch it again into deep water. The men of the settlement came down in single file, on each side of the river to guard the women and children. The whole convoy arrived safely at Sunbury, leaving the entire range of farms along the West Branch to the ravages of the Indians.”

Several persons are known to have been killed by the Indians during the “Great Runaway,” but it remains a most remarkable fact that almost the entire population moved from the settlements and for several days were in the open along the river and yet but few were killed.

In answer to the appeal from Colonel Hunter and those who really knew the situation, Colonel Daniel Brodhead with his Eighth Regiment, then on a march to Fort Pitt, was suddenly ordered to the West Branch. He arrived at Fort Muncy, July 24.

Colonel Thomas Hartley, with a small regiment, was ordered to the Susquehanna and arrived at Fort Augusta August 1, and marched to the relief of Colonel Brodhead at Fort Muncy, reaching there a week later.

Colonel Hartley was the master of the situation and using the good advice of General Potter, Colonel John Kelly, Colonel Samuel Hunter and others, who knew how to fight Indians, led a successful expedition against them, which allowed the more venturesome of the settlers to return to their fields and reap their harvests.

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John Conrad Beissel, Founder of Ephrata
Society, Died There July 6, 1768

The founder of the German religious society of Seventh Day Baptists at Ephrata was Reverend John Conrad Beissel, who died there July 6, 1768.

Beissel was born in Eberbach, Germany, in 1690, learned the trade of a baker, and came to America in 1720. He embraced the religious views of Alexander Mock, lived as a recluse for several years and at different points, and finally located on the banks of the Cocalico Creek in Lancaster County, February 4, 1732. Here he continued to live as a hermit and advocated the doctrine of celibacy and the seventh day of the week as the proper day of rest and religious worship.

He was well versed in New Testament theology; possessed a commanding appearance, a fluent talker, and in most respects was well calculated to gather around him a large class of both sexes.

He was soon joined in his new home by Martin Brener, Samuel Eckerline, and another whose religious name was “Brother Jethro.” These were soon followed by Anna and Maria Eicher, from the Conestoga Church, two of Beissel’s former converts, who could not endure the pangs of separation from their spiritual teacher.

This nucleus of a church was joined in 1733 by Israel and Gabriel Eckerline, and in the following year by a large number from Oley and Coventry, in Chester County, as well as a large congregation of Germans who came from Schoharie County, N. Y., and placed themselves under the spiritual guidance of Beissel. Soon the congregation at Falkner Swamp joined them and Beissel had suddenly become the teacher of a large settlement named Lager, meaning an encampment, but the name of which was subsequently changed to Ephrata, by which the place is still known.

Peter Miller came to America in 1730, and soon became pastor of a small Reformed congregation at Tulpehocken. He was a classical scholar and a good theologian, and after an interview with Beissel, he became one of his apostles, casting his lot with the Brotherhood of Ephrata.

Within five years the people of this religious community had accumulated a large area of landed property which was held as common stock.

Soon after the founding of this society the monastic system was inaugurated, and Beissel invested with the title of father, and assumed the name of “Friedsam,” to which was added the suffix “Gottrecht,” together meaning _Peaceable_, _God-right_.

The first building erected under the monastic system, in 1735, was on “Mount Zion,” and named Kedar. It contained one principal room for religious worship, love-feasts, and the ceremony of feet-washing. Besides this there were other rooms, very small, for the use of the brethren and sisters, those of the latter being in the upper story. Another building larger in dimensions, and called “Zion,” was built on the same hill in 1738. These, as well as several buildings of a later erection, were covered with shingles on the roof and outside walls, and remain thus covered to the present time.

In the year 1740 there were in the Ephrata cloisters thirty-six single brethren and thirty-five sisters; and at one time in later years, when the society was at the height of its prosperity, the whole congregation, including those living outside the principal buildings, but in the immediate neighborhood, numbered about three hundred.

The buildings in this cloister afforded but rude and poor accommodations to the inmates. With ceilings barely seven feet in height, passages so narrow that two persons could not pass each other in them, with very low and narrow doors, swinging on wooden hinges and fastened by wooden latches, with cells hardly large enough to hold a cot, and each having only the light and ventilation afforded by a single window, eighteen by twenty-four inches in size, and containing only the most indispensable articles of furniture, and that of the rudest description, these houses were certainly anything else than abodes of luxury for those who inhabited them.

It is stated that the brethren slept on wooden benches, with wooden blocks for pillows. Probably the dormitories of the sisters were a little better furnished in that particular.

In each cell was an hour-glass, and the walls were covered with German text passages of scripture, and verses of original poetry by Beissel.

These people wore a cowl and gown of white—linen in summer, woolen in winter. The cowl of the sisters differed but little from that of the brethren. The difference between monk and nun could scarcely be discovered at a little distance. Both sexes went barefooted, except in extreme weather. They lived on food of the plainest kind, consisting almost entirely of bread, vegetables, and mush. No animal food was on their tables, and even butter, cheese, and milk were discountenanced.

All their vessels for communion and ordinary drinking purposes, also their trays, plates and other articles for table service, and even their candle-sticks, were of wood, and manufactured by the brethren.

In the beginning of Ephrata the plow was drawn by the brethren, ranged in a long line on each side of a rope, and even the sisters often assisted in this labor. But in a short time oxen and horses were procured to perform this work.

A paper mill was built and paper manufactured for use on their own printing presses, which had been introduced as early as 1742, the first book being printed for Israel Eckerline in 1744. Many very fine publications came from these presses.

A saw mill, a flour mill, a fulling mill, and a mill for making oil from flaxseed were put in operation. All these served the outside community and the workmen were renowned for scrupulous honesty.

Singing schools were begun in 1742 and a Sabbath school was started as early as 1740. This was the first Sabbath School in America. The building for the latter was used in the fall of 1777 as a hospital for the wounded from the Battle of Brandywine.

After more than forty years of spiritual leadership Beissel died in 1768, and Peter Miller succeeded him, but the society steadily declined, until the year 1875, when disputes divided them into two factions, and consequently into legal entanglements and the effect of the community as a religious enterprise became inconsequential.

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Riots in Philadelphia Brought to an
End on July 7, 1844

Between the years 1843 and 1844 a spirit of turbulence, riot and disorder seemed prevalent throughout the United States. Philadelphia felt the influence, which first manifested itself in 1834.

On August 12, 1834, a riot took place which was much more serious than any occurrence of that character previously known. A meeting house, near the Wharton Market, was torn down and many colored people assaulted and badly beaten and their houses ransacked.

In October following occurred the Robb’s Row riot, in the Moyamensing district. A row of houses on Christian Street, west of Ninth, was burned by the mob and many persons injured. This disturbance was created by heated political antagonism, and was fought between rival partisans.

Another riot in which the blacks suffered, and many of their houses burned, occurred in July, 1835.

On May 17, 1838, occurred the Pennsylvania Hall riot, during which a large and elegant building dedicated three days before, to the purpose of public discussion by the Pennsylvania Society for the Abolition of Slavery, was broken into, set on fire and totally destroyed.

The Kensington railroad riots took place in 1840, and were a manifestation of opposition to an attempt by the Philadelphia and Trenton Railroad Company to lay their tracks on Front Street, in the business and builtup section of the city. In this disturbance the rails were torn up, houses burned and many persons injured.

Another riot in which Negroes were the victims, took place on August 1, 1842, during which Smith’s Beneficial Hall was destroyed by fire. This building was erected by Stephen Smith, a prominent colored man, to be used for the meetings of the literary and beneficial societies of colored people.

The Negro riots ceased at midnight, but on the next day the Irish laborers in the coal yards on the Schuylkill got mixed up with a band of colored laborers and the ensuing riot required militia to quell it.

Then came the weavers’ riots in Kensington, early in 1843. This was in consequence of disputes in regard to wages.

But the most terrible riots known in the history of Philadelphia took place in 1844, and resulted from political and sectarian prejudices which were aroused into activity by the formation of the Native American Party.

The movement for the organization of this party took place early in 1844. On May 6 a meeting was called, which was intended to be held on an open lot at the southeast corner of Second and Master Streets. Before the proceedings were concluded some difficulty arose between the persons holding the meeting and outsiders, who had gathered on the edge of the crowd, and assumed a rather menacing attitude.

Soon there was an attack made upon those in meeting and with such force that the participants were dispersed. They soon rallied their numbers and proceeded to a market house nearby, on Washington Street above Master. The meeting was reorganized, but the disturbances were as promptly renewed, and at this time firearms were brought into play by the assailants.

This unfortunate affair took place in a locality where the majority of the inhabitants were of the Roman Catholic faith, and although there was nothing to show that the latter were combined for purposes of breaking up the meeting, the feelings of the persons assailed led them to a bitter extremity. They soon obtained firearms and an attack was made on the buildings in the neighborhood. Seven persons were killed. The Native Americans being victors set fire to the houses attacked.

Other outrages were perpetrated and other buildings burned, including a female seminary under charge of the sisters of a religious order.

Troops were called out and quelled the rioting.

The Native Americans celebrated July 4 with a large and showy procession and ended the day’s program of festivities with a grand display of fireworks. All dispersed in good order.

On the evening of July 6 persons were discovered carrying muskets into the church of St. Philip de Neri, on Queen Street. Crowds soon assembled, but a Sheriff’s posse promptly appeared upon the scene.

An unfortunate arrest of a member of the posse, who was kept under military guard in the church through the night, caused a mob on the morning of July 7 to assemble determined to release the prisoner. A cannon loaded with slugs was fired against the rear of the church. Then it was brought to the front, but further trouble was prevented by the citizens and the prisoner was released.

Those in the church marched out and were chased and dispersed. The city was thoroughly excited with these proceedings and the people gathered in great crowds, many intent on destroying the church.

A committee, many of whom were Native Americans, organized to protect the church property and it seemed as if the trouble was at an end. But at this moment the military marched upon the scene, followed by a crowd of Sunday idlers. The soldiers attempted to clear the streets with fixed bayonets, when some one hurled a brick, striking a soldier. The captain gave orders to fire, and two volleys were sent into the crowd of men, women and children. Several were killed and many wounded.

The crowd now procured artillery and small arms and the most sanguinary street battle ensued, which continued through the night of the 7th and the morning of July 8. Two soldiers were killed and many wounded. Seven citizens were killed and several wounded.

The militia were withdrawn, the trouble subsided, and the most serious riot in the history of Philadelphia brought to an end.

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Widow Smith’s Mill Destroyed by Indians
on July 8, 1779

During the year 1774 Catherine Smith, widow of Peter Smith, commenced building a large grist mill near the mouth of White Deer Creek, in the present Union County, which she completed the following year.

When Peter Smith died in the fall of 1773, he left his widow and ten children with no estate to support his family, except a location for three hundred acres of land, including the mouth of White Deer Creek, whereon was an excellent mill seat. His widow was of the type who did not sit idly by and let her neighbors help support her family, but realizing that a grist and saw mill were both much wanted in that new country at that time, and being urged to erect these mills, she set about the task.

The widow Smith was able to borrow some money and by June, 1775, she had both mills in operation. They served the inhabitants in the White Deer Valley and for many miles on the east side of the West Branch of the Susquehanna.

During the summer of 1776, there was an urgent demand for rifles for the Continental Army and for the use of the old men and boys who remained at home to protect the women and children from the sudden attacks of the Indians, while they were doing the work about the farm and the fireside. So Catherine Smith installed a boring mill, and the records show that a great number of gun barrels were bored in this mill. She also added a hemp mill.

Her eldest son went to the army and this made her work the heavier, as he was her best help. He was killed in the service.

The Indians became active following the great Wyoming massacre, July 3, 1778, and after Colonel Thomas Hartley had chastised them during his successful expedition in the late autumn of 1778, they again became bolder when the soldiers were withdrawn and the year 1779 was one of the most terrible along the frontier of the Susquehanna Valleys.

Nearly all the inhabitants had left during the “Great Runaway,” in July, 1778, and only the most venturesome had returned. The militia were recruited locally and were under the command of Colonel John Kelly.

In May a band of nearly a score of Indians killed John Sample and wife in White Deer. Christian Van Gundy and Henry Vandyke with four others learned of the murder and went to the scene to bring away any who survived the massacre. Six more men were to follow the next day.

When Van Gundy arrived at Sample’s he had slabs put up against the door and water carried up in the loft. After dark an Indian approached the house, barking like a dog, and rubbing against the door, but no attention was paid to him. The party inside lay down and slept until three o’clock, when Van Gundy got up to light a fire. The Indians surrounded the house, and mounting a log on their shoulders, tried to beat in the door. Those inside fired, wounding two, whom the Indians carried off, but not before they set fire to the house.

Van Gundy mounted the roof, and knocked off enough boards to reach the fire, which he extinguished. An Indian shot him in the leg and one of the others was shot in the face.

At daybreak they voted whether to remain and fight or attempt escape.

Two voted to stay, four to go. On opening the door they discovered the Indian chief lying dead in front of it. Van Grundy secured his rifle and Vandyke his powder horn.

The Indians came from ambush and the men separated. Van Grundy, with his two guns, took into a ravine, and tried to get the others to follow him. They refused. The Indians killed the old people, who were scalped.

Colonel Kelly pursued these Indians and came upon five of them sitting on a log. He placed his men and at a signal four of the Indians were killed at one volley, the fifth escaped.

The Widow Smith’s mills were now the frontier and the only place of refuge, except a small stockade, named Fort Meninger, which was built about eighty rods from the river, on the north bank of White Deer Creek, covering Widow Smith’s mills. The fort was situated west of the mills forming an apex of an irregular triangle of which the mills formed one base, and a small stone house, the home of Widow Smith, the other. This stone house, with a modern addition, is still standing.

The fort and mills were abandoned at the time of the Great Runaway, July, 1778, and the fort and mills were burned by the Indians, July 8, 1779. One man was killed in the attack.

Widow Smith returned to the ruins in 1783, and was urged to rebuild the grist and saw mills, which she accomplished with much difficulty. Ejectments were brought against her by Messrs. Claypoole and Morris, and she did not have the means to support actions at law and lost her improvements.

She petitioned the Legislature, which, of course, could grant no relief under the circumstances and her petition was dismissed. The facts set forth in her petition were certified to by William Blythe, Charles Gillespie, Colonel John Kelly, General James Potter and many prominent citizens of Northumberland County.

She is said to have walked to Philadelphia and back thirteen times in this business.[4]

Footnote 4:

The distance she traveled was no less than 160 miles each way.

How long the litigation continued is not a matter of record, but in 1801, Seth Iredell took possession of the premises as tenant of Claypoole & Morris.

She died there and is buried in the old settlers’ graveyard. Her bones were disturbed when a barn was erected many years later, being identified by a venerable neighbor, by her peculiar protruding teeth.

A few years after this incident a man came to the place, having traveled from Ohio to see the old mill site. He said he was a son of Catherine Smith, and that if justice had been done her, they would still own the place.

A part of the foundation of the second mill, built by Widow Smith, serves the same purpose in a fine modern mill of today.

When soldiers were sent into that vicinity they used the Widow Smith’s stone house. General James Potter, under date of September 18, 1780, says: “I marched the remainder, consisting of 170 men up the West Branch to Fort Swartz. I then went to Colonel Kelly, who lay at the mouth of White Deer Creek, with eighty men.” This was the Widow Smith’s Mill.

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General Braddock Defeated by French
and Indians July 9, 1755

General Edward Braddock arrived in March, 1755, at Alexandria, Virginia, and at the head of two Irish regiments, under Colonels Dunbar and Halket, marched to Fredericksburg, Maryland.

This distinguished officer was sent to command an expedition against the French at Fort Duquesne. He commenced his march from Wills Creek, now called Cumberland, Md., June 10, 1755, with 2000 men, regulars and provincials.

Braddock was haughty and egotistical and entertained no doubt of his success. He advised the Governors of Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia, that soon as he captured Fort Duquesne he would leave there the guns, ammunition and stores he captured in it, but if the enemy first destroyed the fort, he would build another.

By forced marches he reached Little Meadows June 18, when 1200 men were chosen to continue the expedition, the balance remained in camp under command of Colonel Dunbar. A halt of two days was made twenty-five miles from their objective, to await reports of the Indian scouts. That was fatal.

On the morning of July 9 the little army forded the Monongahela River and advanced in solid platoons along the southern shore of that stream. Colonel Washington saw the perilous arrangement of the troops after the fashion of European tactics, and he ventured to advise Braddock to disperse his men in open order and employ the Indian mode of fighting in the forests.

The haughty General angrily replied: “What! a provincial colonel teach a British General how to fight!”

The army moved forward, recrossing the river. Meantime the French commander Contrecœur had decided to withdraw, but Captain Beaujeu gained his permission to resist Braddock’s passage at the second ford. Beaujeu’s command was reinforced by several hundred savages.

When Captain Beaujeu came in sight of the English they had already crossed the river, and had advanced so that both flanks would be exposed about two hundred yards to an enemy occupying the deep ravines, thick with tangled forest growth and vines.

Braddock marched directly into the worst ambuscade known in American history. Into these ravines the Indians glided while their white comrades blocked the English path in front and the head of the marching column went down under a storm of lead. Shaken for a moment, the vanguard moved against the concentric ring and, after another terrible discharge, returned the fire with such deadly effect that every enemy in sight was swept before it. Beaujeu and dozens of others fell victims.

The Indians turned to flee, but rallied by other French officers, they returned to cover and under their unerring fire the English advance broke and retreated. Mixing with the rear in the narrow path, both became mingled in a mob which Braddock could not restore to order. Huddled in a twelve-foot roadway, shut in by a forest alive with yells and filled with invisible fire, they lost all sense or perception, and twice shot down bodies of their own men who had gained slight vantage points, mistaking their smoke for that of the enemy. Fifty Virginians were thus slain at one blow.

The regulars refused to charge, though Braddock, with four horses successively shot from under him, and other officers strove to hearten them to invade the woods. The Provincials fought Indian fashion from behind trees and fallen logs, but Braddock with furious threats and blows drove them back again into the ranks, where they fell in scores. Washington and Halket both pleaded to have them allowed to leave the ranks and fight the Indians in their own way, but Braddock still refused.

At this point the supply of ammunition failed; the baggage train was attacked; all Braddock’s aides excepting Washington were shot down; three-fourths of the officers and three-fifths of the entire army were killed or wounded, and only then would the ill-judging but heroic Braddock give the signal for retreat. Shortly afterward Braddock received a ball through his lungs, and not one English soldier remained to carry him off the field. He was picked up by one English and two American officers and carried to a spot across the river a half mile distant.

The dying commander tried to rally his troops, by establishing a camp to care for the wounded. Here he waited for Washington to return from Dunbar’s camp, where he had been sent by Braddock. The French and Indians did not follow Braddock across the river, yet the hundred or more English soldiers he had induced to halt there, stole away and fled.

On the 10th the officers who remained with General Braddock marched with him until 10 o’clock at night, when they halted and met the convoy sent by Dunbar. Braddock never ceased to give calm, skillful and humane orders. He reached Dunbar’s camp on the 11th, where the news of his rout had already reached the soldiers under Dunbar, and they were fleeing in wild panic.

Braddock by this time realized that any further attempt to pursue the expedition was futile, and he must have known his wounds were fatal, for he ordered the stores destroyed lest they fall into the enemy’s hands, saving only sufficient for a flying march. He then proceeded with the remnant of his army toward Great Meadows, where he died and was buried in the center of the road. The entire army marched over the spot in order that the remains of the unfortunate general might not be desecrated by the savages. In 1802, his body was reinterred at the foot of a large white oak tree.

After the retreat of Braddock’s army, the savages, unwilling to follow the French in pursuit, fell upon the field and preyed on the rich plunder which lay before them. Three years later (1758) by direction of General Forbes, the remains of many of the slain in Braddock’s army were gathered up and buried.

Of 1460 men in the battle, 456 were killed and 421 wounded; 63 of the 89 commissioned officers, and every field officer, were killed or wounded. The enemy’s casualties were only about sixty.

The entire borders were left defenseless and this defeat was not only a fatal termination of a campaign which had been expected would inflict a decisive blow upon the French and their Indian allies, but it gave the signal to the disaffected Indians to make the frontiers of the Province the scene of a predatory warfare in which every section was severely scourged.

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“Sawdust War” in Williamsport Lumber
Regions Began July 10, 1872

In the decade from 1870 to 1880, Williamsport was the largest lumbering center in the United States. Everywhere Williamsport was known as “The Lumber City.”

It was customary to send gangs into the woods in winter to cut down the trees, saw them into logs and pile them on the banks of small streams and afterward, when the water was at flood height in the spring, to roll them into the streams whence they floated down the river to Williamsport, where they were caught in the big boom and rafted to the various mills to be sawed and manufactured into lumber.

After the men were through their work in the woods it was customary to bring them to Williamsport and place them in the mills to help saw up the logs. As the season was short and it was important to clean up the work of sawing before the next winter, the mills operated twelve hours a day.

The “sawdust war,” as it was called, was a strike on the part of the workmen in the mills for a ten-hour day instead of twelve. There was no question of wages involved, and the principal advocates for the change were men who were not employed in the lumber industry, but were simply labor agitators.

The move for the ten-hour day began in June, 1872, and was characterized by frequent public meetings at which the speakers urged the men to go on strike. This finally culminated in a large number of men walking out, July 1, 1872, and adopting as their slogan, “ten-hour day or no sawdust.”

The strike reached to Lock Haven, where the men followed the lead of their Williamsport fellow-workmen.

Many of the mills were compelled to shut down on account of a depleted force until July 10, when an attempt was made to start up the mills, but without success. This precipitated the “Sawdust War.”

Parades and marches were held every day, the strikers going to the several mills and endeavoring to induce the workers still on the job to quit. Meetings were held every night. Thomas H. Greevy, by reason of being secretary of the local union and secretary of the State Labor Organization, was a prominent figure and always addressed these meetings.

After the strike had been in progress for a few weeks some of the men were induced to go back to work, but others, who were not willing to return, interfered, when a number of breaches of the peace took place.

The marches to the mills finally resulted in assaults being made upon the loyal workmen, and several attacks were made on mill owners on the streets of the city. These assaults finally became so frequent and so serious that Mayor S. W. Starkweather and Samuel Van Buskirk, sheriff of the county, called upon Governor John W. Geary for militia to be sent to Williamsport.

This request was complied with, and on July 22 troops were ordered to the city. They arrived the next day, July 23, and consisted of the following units: City Grays, Harrisburg, Captain Thomas Maloney; City Zouaves, Harrisburg, Captain Robert V. Vaughn; Middletown Zouaves, Middletown, Captain James Stanley; Washington Zouaves, Lebanon, Captain B. Y. Hean; Coleman Guards, Lebanon, Captain J. P. S. Gobin; City Grays, Williamsport, Captain A. H. Stead; Taylor Guards, Williamsport, Captain John H. White.

Williamsport was placed under martial law. On the same day, July 23, Thomas H. Greevy, James M. Birmingham, A. J. Whitten, Thomas F. Blake, Henry Crook and Alem Tate were arrested on charge of inciting to riot and at a hearing on July 25, before the City Recorder, were held in $10,000 bail for their appearance at the September term of court. Bail was promptly furnished, but an hour later Greevy was rearrested and $15,000 additional bail demanded. As other charges were pending, the men were taken to jail to await trial. On July 27 motion was made for a writ of habeas corpus and reduction of the amount of bail, which, on July 29, was refused by the court.

Subsequent arrests were made on the same charge and all held for the next term of court, but those above mentioned were the principals. On July 31 all defendants were released on bail.

On July 25 the troops on duty in the city went into camp at Herdic Park under command of Brigadier General Jesse Merrill, of Lock Haven. On July 27 the troops were reinforced by the Packer Guards, Sunbury; Sanderson Guards, Mill Hall; Langlon Fencibles, Shamokin. On July 30 five companies on duty were relieved and sent home. The others were relieved a few days later.

At the September term of court for Lycoming County, on September 7, all the twenty-nine defendants were brought to trial before Judge James Gamble. James M. Birmingham, Thomas H. Greevy, A. J. Whitten, Thomas H. Blake, Patrick Conlin, Jacob Wolf, Timothy Shannon, Jr., Henry Crook, Patrick Dugan, Louis Plant, Michael Eustice, John Benway, William Iam, Daniel McMullen, David Deauchamp, Thomas Hackett, Joseph Ludget, James Spulong, James Sladen, John Bezel and Joseph Shear were found guilty and sentenced to jail for periods of thirty, sixty and ninety days, pay a fine of one dollar and the costs of prosecution, except James M. Birmingham, A. J. Whitten, Thomas H. Greevy and Thomas F. Blake, who, because they were outsiders and in no way connected with the lumber industry, were sentenced to one year in the penitentiary and costs of the prosecution.

They were sentenced on September 14; and on September 16 Peter Herdic who was then one of the leading and most influential men in the State, went to Harrisburg and induced Governor Geary to pardon them all.

The parties soon after left Williamsport, and except for two of them, all other records are lost. James M. Birmingham became a prominent citizen of Kansas City, Mo., as did his son. Thomas H. Greevy removed to Altoona, and became a prominent citizen of the State.

Greevy was engaged in journalism and edited the Labor Reform Journal of Williamsport. He also held important offices in the local and State organizations.

The first labor convention in Pennsylvania was held at Danville, in 1871, and Greevy was elected secretary, a position he held at the time of the Sawdust War. John Siney, of Schuylkill County, was State president.

After taking up his residence in Altoona, Mr. Greevy studied law, was admitted to the bar and since has become one of the leading attorneys of the State. He is a prominent adviser of the Democratic State Committee, and was a candidate for Lieutenant Governor. In every walk of life he is one of the leading citizens of the country.

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Moravians Visit Indian Town of Great
Island, July 11, 1748

Great Island, situated on the West Branch of the Susquehanna River, a short distance east of Lock Haven and opposite the mouth of Bald Eagle Creek, was a favorite camping place and council grounds for the Indians. An Indian village was situated on this island, which is frequently mentioned in the early records of the Province.

In the year 1745 David Brainerd, a missionary stationed at Shamokin, tells in his journal of a journey which he took up the West Branch. In this he speaks of extending his journey to Great Island and of the sufferings he endured.

In the summer of 1748 David Zeisberger and John Martin Mack made a missionary trip up the West Branch for the purpose of visiting the Indians, who were undergoing terrible hardships as a result of a famine. On July 11, 1748, two days after their start from Shamokin, we find the following entry in Mack’s journal:

“July 11. Toward evening reached Great Island and found Indians at home residing on this side of the island. They asked us whence we came and whether we had ought to sell. When told that we were not traders, but had only come to visit them, it was incomprehensible to them. But a few old squaws were living on the island; the men had been driven away by famine. We consequently remained on this side of the island and asked an Indian whether we could lodge in his hut. He took us in cordially and spread a bear skin for us to sleep on, but he had nothing for us to eat. Ascertained that he was a Five Nation Indian and his wife a Shawnese. Whereupon Brother Zeisberger conversed with him. His father, who is upward of seventy years, was dying of smallpox and was a most pitiful object. His care and that of the Indians here enlisted our sympathies and silent prayers.