Chapter III: Introduction: A Note on Classical Allusions to the Dards and to Greek (2)

_Láo_ _arém thé_ _ápejo_ _lang_ _biló_.
Much to gain the little lost becomes.

_Translation._

A woman had a hen; it used to lay one golden egg; the woman thought that if she gave much food it would lay two eggs; but she lost even the one, for the hen died, its stomach bursting.

MORAL.—People often lose the little they have by aspiring to more.

17. THE SPARROW AND THE MOUNTAIN.

“A sparrow who tried to kick the mountain himself toppled over.”

_Shunútur-se_ _tshíshe—sáti_ _pájja dem thé_ _náre_ _gó_.
The sparrow with the mountain kicked fall went.

18. THE BAT SUPPORTING THE FIRMAMENT.

The bat is in the habit of sleeping on its back. It is believed to be very proud. It is supposed to say as it lies down and stretches its legs towards heaven, “This I do so that when the heavens fall down I may be able to support them.”

_Tilteò_ _ráte_ _súto—to_ _pey_ _húnte_ _angái—warì_ _theun_;
A bat at night sleeping its legs upwards heaven—ward does;

_angái_ _wáti—to_ _pêy—gì_ _sanarem theun_.
the heavens when falling with my feet uphold I will.

19. “NEVER WALK BEHIND A HORSE OR BEFORE A KING” as you will get kicked in either case.

_ashpe_ _pataní_ _nè bó_; _rajó_ _mutshanì_ _nè bó_.
horse behind not walk; raja in front not walk.

20. UNION IS STRENGTH.

“A kettle cannot balance itself on one stone; on three, however, it does.”

_Ey pûtsh! èk gutur-yá dêh nè quriyein; tré[18] gútúrey á dek quréyn._
Oh son! one stone on a kettle not stops; three stones on a kettle stop.

The Gilgitis instead of “ya” = “upon” say “dja.”

“Gutur” is, I believe, used for a stone [ordinarily “bàtt”] only in the above proverb.

21. THE FROG IN A DILEMMA.

“If I speak, the water will rush against my mouth, and if I keep silent I will die bursting with rage.”

This was said by a frog who was in the water and angry at something that occurred. If he croaked, he would be drowned by the water rushing down his throat, and if he did not croak he would burst with suppressed rage. This saying is often referred to by women when they are angry with their husbands, who may, perhaps, beat them if they say anything. A frog is called “manok.”

_Tós_ _thèm—to_ _áze—jya_[19] _wéy_ _bojé_; _né them_
Voice I do—if mouth in water will come; not do,

_to py_ _muos_.
then bursting I will die.

22. THE FOX AND THE UNIVERSE.

When a man threatens a lot of people with impossible menaces, the reply often is “Don’t act like the fox ‘Lóyn’ who was carried away by the water.” A fox one day fell into a river: as he swept past the shore he cried out, “The water is carrying off the universe.” The people on the banks of the river said, “We can only see a fox whom the river is drifting down.”

23. THE FOX AND THE POMEGRANATE.

_Lóyn_ _danù_ _né utshàtte_ _somm_ _tshàmm_
The fox the pomegranate not reached on account sour,

_thù_: _tshùrko_ _hanú_.
spitting, sour it is.

“The fox wanted to eat pomegranates: as he could not reach them, he went to a distance and _biting his lips_ [as “tshàmm” was explained by an Astori although Gilgitis call it “tshappé,”] spat on the ground, saying, they are too sour.” I venture to consider the conduct of this fox more cunning than the one of “sour grapes” memory. His biting his lips and, in consequence, spitting on the ground, would make his disappointed face really look as if he had tasted something sour.

_SONGS._

THE GILGIT QUEEN AND THE MOGULS.

1. GILGITI SONG.

Once upon a time a Mogul army came down and surrounded the fort of Gilgit. At that time Gilgit was governed by a woman, Mirzéy Juwāri[20] by name. She was the widow of a Rajah supposed to have been of Balti descent. The Lady seeing herself surrounded by enemies sang:

I. Mirzéy Juwāri = Oh [daughter of] Mirza, Juwāri!
Shakeréy piál; darú = [Thou art a] sugar cup; in the
Dunyá sang taréye = world [thy] light has shone
II. Abi Khānn[21] djālo = Abi Khān [my son] was born
Lamâyi tey! latshār tāro = [I thy mother] am thy sacrifice;
the morning star
Nikāto = has risen

The meaning of this, according to my Gilgiti informant, is: Juwari laments that “I, the daughter of a brave King, am only a woman, a cup of pleasures, exposed to dangers from any one who wishes to sip from it. To my misfortune, my prominent position has brought me enemies. Oh, my dear son, for whom I would sacrifice myself, I have sacrificed you! Instead of preserving the Government for you, the morning-star which shines on its destruction has now risen on you.”

SONG OF DEFIANCE.

2. GILGITI WAR SONG.

In ancient times there was a war between the Rajahs of Hunza and Nagyr. Muko and Báko were their respective Wazeers. Muko was killed and Báko sang:

_Gilgiti._

Ala, mardāney, Báko-se: má shos they!
Múko-se: má shos they!
Báko-ga dīn sajjéy
Múko mayáro they

_English._

Hurrah! warriors, Bako [says]: _I_ will do well
Muko [also says] _I_ will do well
And Bako turned out to be the lion
[Whilst] Muko was [its prey], a [mere] Markhōr [the wild
“snake-eating” goat]

LAMENT FOR THE ABSENT WARRIOR BY HIS MOTHER.

3. ANOTHER GILGITI WAR SONG.

_Biyashtëyn náng Kashíru_
A Paradise [is the lot of whoever is struck by] the bullet of Kashiru?

_Góu nélli,[22] áje Sahibe Khann_
He has gone, my child, mother of Sahibe Khann [to the wars].

_Suregga karé wey jill bey?_
And the sun when coming will it shining become?
(When will his return cause the sun again to shine for me?)

_Mutshútshul shong putéye_
Of Mutshutshul[23] the ravine he has conquered

_Híyokto bijéy, lamayi_
Yet my soul is in fear, oh my beloved child, [literally: oh my
sacrifice]

_Ardàm Dolója yujéy_
To snatch [conquer] Doloja[24] is [yet necessary = has yet to be done].

_Translation._

“The bullet of Kashiru sends many to Paradise. He has gone to the wars, oh my child and mother of Sahib Khan! Will the sun ever shine for me by his returning? It is true that he has taken by assault the ravine of Mutshutshul, but yet, oh beloved child, my soul is in fear for his fate, as the danger has _not_ passed, since the village Doloja yet remains to be conquered.”

4. THE SHIN SHAMMI SHAH.

OLD NATIONAL SHINA SONG.

_Shammi Shah Shaîtingêy mítojo._
Shammi Shah Shaíting, from his courtyard.

_Djálle_ _tshâye_ _dûloe_ _dên_.
The green fields’ birds promenade they give.

_Nyé_ _tziréye_ _tshayote_ _kóy bijéy_.
They (near) twitter birds who fears?[25]

_Tómi tom_ _shiudóke_ _dên_.
From tree to tree a whistle they give.

_Alldátey_ _pótskeyn_ _mítojo_.
Alldát’s grandson’s from the courtyard.

_Djalle_ _tshaye_ _dúloe_ _dên_.
The green fields birds promenade give.

_Nyé_ _tziréye_ _tshayote_ _kóy bijey_.
They twitter birds who fears?[25]

_Tomi tom_; _shiudôke_ _den_.
From tree to tree; a whistling they give.

Shammi Shah Shaíthing was one of the founders of the Shín rule. His wife, although she sees her husband surrounded by women anxious to gain his good graces, rests secure in the knowledge of his affections belonging to her and of her being the mother of his children. She, therefore, ridicules the pretensions of her rivals, who, she fancies, will, at the utmost, only have a temporary success. In the above still preserved song she says, with a serene confidence, not shared by _Indian_ wives.

_Translation._

“In the very courtyard of Shammi Sha Shaîting.
“The little birds of the field flutter gaily about.
“Hear how they twitter; yet, who would fear little birds,
“That fly from tree to tree giving [instead of lasting love] a
gay whistle?
“In the very courtyards of Alldat’s grandson these birds flutter
gaily about, yet who would fear them?
“Hear how they twitter, etc., etc., etc.

5. A WOMAN’S SONG (GILGITI).

[THE DESERTED WIFE AND THE FAITHLESS HUSBAND.]

_The Wife_:

_Mey_ _kukúri_ _Patan_ _gayta_ _béyto_ _djék tòn_?
My kukuri Pathán going he sat what am I to do?

_Pípi_ _batzísse_ _garáo_ _dên_; _múso tshûsh_.
Aunt! from the family he absence has given; I cocoon.

_Gá_ _sikkìm_ _qatì_ _bring_ _báleo_ _dês_;
And coloured silk spinning animal bind do = could.

_Mió_ _dudélo_ _tshût_ _biló_!
My milk-sweet late has become!

_The Husband_:

_Anì_ _Azari_ _rey_[26]
That Azari, [is] a Deodar cedar[?]

_Rajóy_, _nà_ _sómmo_? _anì_ _Azareo_ _rôk_ _bilôs_.
Kingly, is it not so [my] love! That Azari illness I have.

_Anì_ _Wazíreyn_ _shuyi_ _gas-mall_, _na_ _sommo_!
This Wazîr’s child princess, not [so] love?

_Bálli_ _dapújo_ _gî_ _bem_; _anì_ _pâr_
Then from my waist (girdle) taking I’ll sit; this beyond

_tshísheyn_.
the mountains.

_Súri_ _war_ _tshîsheyn_ _djondjì_[27] _tzáe_ _bijôte_.
Sun this side’s mountain birch tree(?) to you both.

_Somm_ _tshinèm_; _anù_ _shëò_ _qoáreyn_ _kinì_—_ga_
Alike I love; This white hawk black and

_Tshikki_[28] _méy_ _begà_ _beìh_; _balli_ _pashéjo_
fragrant bag mine being sit; Then on my turban

_gi_ _beyim_.
wearing I will sit.

_Translation of “A Woman’s Song.”_

_The deserted wife sings_:—My Pathan! oh kukúri, far away from me has he made a home; but, aunt, what am I to do, since he has left his own! The silk that I have been weaving during his absence would be sufficient to bind all the animals of the field. Oh, how my darling is delaying his return!

_The faithless husband sings_:—[My new love] Azari is like a royal Deodar; is it not so, my love? for Azari I am sick with desire. She is a Wazeer’s princess; is it not so, my love? Let me put you in my waist. The sun on yonder mountain, and the tree on this nigh mountain, ye both I love dearly. I will recline when this white hawk and her black fragrant tresses become mine; encircling with them my head I will recline [in happiness.]

6. THE JILTED LOVER’S DREAM.

[IN THE ASTORI DIALECT.]

_Tshunni_ _nazdik_ _mulayi_.[29]
(Oh) Little delicate [maid] woman.

_Barêyo_ _báro_, _na_.[30]
The husband old is, [is he not?]

_Hapótok_ _thyayé_ _gé_.
With a bear done it going, [you have “been and gone and done it.”]

_Sómmi_ _rátijo_ _Sómmi_ _shakejo_ _Mey nish harayé_
In the sleep of night The sleep from the arm. My sleep awake

_gé_. _Mashàq_ _phirì_ _phùt_ _talósto_.
has gone. Turning round again opening hastily I saw.

_Méy laktéy_ _píribann_ _tshîtsho_ _häun_. _Datshîno_ _hata-jó_
My darling waistband variegated was. Right hand-from

_aina_ _giní_, _Tshakéoje_ _wazze_. _Nu_ _kabbo_ _hata-jó_
mirror taking, Looking she came. This left hand-from

_surmá_ _giní_. _Paléoje_ _wazze_.
antimony taking, Applying she came.

The above describes the dream of a lover whose sweetheart has married one older than herself; he says:

_Translation._

“That dear delicate little woman has a frightful old husband.
“Thou hast married a bear! In the dead of night, resting on my arm,
“My sleep became like waking. Hastily I turned and with a quick
glance saw
“That my darling’s waistband shone with many colours,
“That she advanced towards me holding in her right a mirror into
which she looked,
“That she came near me applying with her left the antimony to her
eyes.”

7. MODERN ASTORI SONG.

This Song was composed by Rajah Bahadur Khan, now at Astŏr, who fell in love with the daughter of the Rajah of Hunza to whom he was affianced. When the war between Kashmir and Hunza broke out, the Astoris and Hunzas were in different camps; Rajah Bahadur Khan, son of Rajah Shakul Khan, of the Shíah persuasion,[31] thus laments his misfortunes:

_Lotshúko_ _sabäin_ _kên_ _nimâz_ _thé_ _duwá_
Early in morning’s time [usual] prayers done supplication

_them_ _Qabûl thé_, _Rahîma_ _Garìbëy_ _duwa_
I make Accept, oh merciful [God] of the poor the prayer.

_Dòn_ _mahî_—_yeen_ _dim_
[her] teeth [are] of fish bone = like ivory, [her] body

_puru_—_yeen_ _tshamûye_ _tshîké_ _hane_ _me_ _armán_
[like a] reed[32] [her] hair musk is. My longing

_tûte_ _hane_ _Bulbúl_ _shakàr_.
to you is [Oh] nightingale sweet!

_Chorus_ falls in with “_hai, hai, armân bulbúl_” = “oh, oh, the longing [for the] nightingale!”[33]

_Translation._

After having discharged my usual religious duties in the early morning, I offer a prayer which, oh thou merciful God, accept from thy humble worshipper. [Then, thinking of his beloved.] Her teeth are as white as ivory, her body as graceful as a reed, her hair is like musk. My whole longing is towards you, oh sweet nightingale.

Chorus: Alas, how absorbing this longing for the nightingale.

8. GURAIZI SONGS.

This district used to be under Ahmad Shah of Skardo, and has since its conquest by Ghulab Singh come permanently under the Maharajah of Kashmîr. Its possession used to be the apple of discord between the Nawabs of Astor and the Rajahs of Skardo. It appears never to have had a real Government of its own. The fertility of its valleys always invited invasion. Yet the people are of Shîná origin and appear much more manly than the other subjects of Kashmîr. Their loyalty to that power is not much to be relied upon, but it is probable that with the great intermixture which has taken place between them and the Kashmîri Mussulmans for many years past, they will become equally demoralized. The old territory of Guraiz used in former days to extend up to Kuyam or Bandipur on the Wular Lake. The women are reputed to be very chaste, and Colonel Gardiner told me that the handsomest women in Kashmîr came from that district. To me, however, they appeared to be tolerably plain, although rather innocent-looking, which may render them attractive, especially after one has seen the handsome, but sensual-looking, women of Kashmîr. The people of Guraiz are certainly very dirty, but they are not so plain as the Chilásis. At Guraiz three languages are spoken: Kashmîri, Guraizi (a corruption of a Shiná dialect), and Panjabi—the latter on account of its occupation by the Maharajah’s officials. I found some difficulty in getting a number of them together from the different villages which compose the district of Guraiz, the Arcadia of Kashmir, but I gave them food and money, and after I got them into a good humour they sang:

GURAIZI HUNTING SONG.

_Guraizi._ _English._

_Pere, tshaké, gazàri meyaru_ = Look beyond! what a fine stag!
Beyond, look! a fine stag.

Chorus. _Pére, tshaké, djôk maar = Chorus. Look beyond! how
âke dey._ gracefully he struts.
Beyond, look! how he struts!

_Pére, tshaké, bhapûri bay bâro_ = Look beyond! he bears twelve
Beyond, look! shawl wool 12 loads. loads of wool.

Chorus. _Pére, tshaké, djôk maarâke = Chorus. Look beyond! how
dey._ gracefully he struts.
Beyond, look! how he does strut!

_Pére, tshaké, dòni shilélu_ = Look beyond! his very teeth
Beyond, look! [his] teeth are of are of crystal.
crystal [glass]

Chorus. _Pére, tshaké, djôk maarâke = Chorus. Look beyond! how
dey._ gracefully he struts.

This is apparently a hunting song, but seems also to be applied to singing the praises of a favourite.

There is another song, which was evidently given with great gusto, in praise of Sheir Shah Ali Shah, Rajah of Skardo.[34] That Rajah, who is said to have temporarily conquered Chitrál, which the Chilasis call Tshatshál,[35] made a road of steps up the Atsho mountain which overlooks Bûnji, the most distant point reached before 1866 by travellers or the Great Trigonometrical Survey. From the Atsho mountain Vigne returned, “the suspicious Rajah of Gilgit suddenly giving orders for burning the bridge over the Indus.” It is, however, more probable that his Astori companions fabricated the story in order to prevent him from entering an unfriendly territory in which Mr. Vigne’s life might have been in danger, for had he reached Bûnji he might have known that the Indus never was spanned by a bridge at that or any neighbouring point. The miserable Kashmîri coolies and boatmen who were forced to go up-country with the troops in 1866 were, some of them, employed, in rowing people across, and that is how I got over the Indus at Bûnji; however to return from this digression to the _Guraizi Song_:

9. PRAISE OF THE CONQUEROR SHEIR SHAH ALI SHAH.

_Guraizi._ _English._

Sheir Shah Ali Shah = Sheir Shah Ali Shah.
Nōmega djong = I wind myself round his name.[36]
Ká kōlo shing phuté = He conquering the crooked Lowlands.
Djar súntsho taréga = Made them quite straight.
Kâne Makponé = The great Khan, the Makpon.
Kâno nom mega djong = I wind myself round the Khan’s name.
Kó Tshamūgar bòsh phuté = He conquered bridging over [the Gilgit
river] below Tshamûgar.
Sar[37] súntsho taréga = And made all quite straight.

I believe there was much more of this historical song, but unfortunately the paper on which the rest was written down by me as it was delivered, has been lost together with other papers.

“Tshamūgar,” to which reference is made in the song, is a village on the other side of the Gilgit river on the Nagyr side. It is right opposite to where I stayed for two nights under a huge stone which projects from the base of the Niludâr range on the Gilgit side.

There were formerly seven forts at Tshamūgar. A convention had been made between the Rajah of Gilgit and the Rajah of Skardo, by which Tshamūgar was divided by the two according to the natural division which a stream that comes down from the Batkôr mountain made in that territory. The people of Tshamūgar, impatient of the Skardo rule, became all of them subjects to the Gilgit Rajah, on which Sher Shah Ali Shah, the ruler of Skardo, collected an army, and crossing the Makpon-i-shagaron[38] at the foot of the Haramûsh mountain, came upon Tshamūgar and diverted the water which ran through that district into another direction. This was the reason of the once fertile Tshamūgar becoming deserted; the forts were razed to the ground. There are evidently traces of a river having formerly run through Tshamūgar. The people say that the Skardo Rajah stopped the flow of the water by throwing quicksilver into it. This is probably a legend arising from the reputation which Ahmad Shah, the most recent Skardo ruler whom the Guraizis can remember, had of dabbling in medicine and sorcery.[39]

CHILASI SONGS.

[The Chilasis have a curious way of snapping their fingers, with which practice they accompany their songs, the thumb running up and down the fingers as on a musical instrument.]

10. CHILASI.

Tù hùn Gítshere bódje sòmmo dímm bamèm
Mèy shahínni pashalóto dewà salám dáute
Rás; Aje góje bómto méy dùddi aje nush
Hargìnn Zúe déy mo bejómos
Samat Khánay sóni mó báshémm tutàk
Mùugà deyto; mó dabtar dèm

11.

A. Tshekòn thónn; tikki wéy nush, oh Berader
Adòn; thōn; madéy nush; ey Berader

B. Hamírey tshûki, púki thàs, palútos
Ni rátey ló ne bĕy, oh Berader!

The last word in each sentence, as is usual with all Shín songs, is repeated at the beginning of the next line. I may also remark that I have accentuated the words _as pronounced in the songs_ and not as put down in my Vocabulary.

_Translation._

MESSAGE TO A SWEETHEART BY A FRIEND.

You are going up to Gitshe, oh my dearest friend,
Give my compliment and salute when you see my hawk.
Speak to her. I must now go into my house; my mother is no more
And I fear the sting of that dragon,[40] my step-mother—
Oh noble daughter of Samat Khan; I will play the flute
And give its price and keep it in my bosom.

The second song describes a quarrel between two brothers who are resting after a march on some hill far away from any water or food wherewith to refresh themselves.

_Younger brother._—Am I to eat now, what am I to say, there is, oh
my brother, neither bread nor water.
Am I to fetch some [water] what am I to say, there is no masak
[a water-skin], oh my brother!

_Elder brother._—The lying nonsense of Hamir (the younger brother)
wounds me deeply (tears off the skin of my heart).
There will be no day to this long night, oh my brother!

12. THE TRANSITORINESS OF THIS WORLD.

_Kàka_, _mosè_ _djò_ _râum_ | _Mèy_ _dássga_ _nè bèy_ | _Tàbàm_
Brother! I what am to say? | My choice it is not | In the

_aresà_ _dáro_ | _Módje_ _làshga_ _nè béy_ | _Dajála_
whole of the present time | To me shame is not | The next

_éle_ _jilto_ | _Jáko_ _udàsóne_ _han_
world near has come | People despairing will be

_2nd Verse._

_Watàn_ _dáro_ _zár_ | _Tu_ _mashahúre_ _billé_ | _Ash_
In my country famous | You famous have become | To-day

_bajóni_ _dégi_ _bárri_ _musafiri_ | _Zari_ _mójo_
to get you prepared on a great journey | Openly me

_lai langíddi_ = _íje_ | _Djíll_ _mey_ _hawallí_ | _Sín qatída_
much pains | My soul is in your keeping | The river

_phúne_ | _Sudà_ _chogarong_
is flowing, the large flower | Of silver colour.[41]

A PRAYER OF THE BASHGELI KAFIRS.

[_In the Kalásha dialect._]

The ideas and many of the words in this prayer were evidently acquired by my two Kafirs on their way through Kashmir:

“Khudá, tandrusti dé, prushkári rozì de, abattì kari, dewalat man. Tu ghóna asas, tshik intara, tshik tu faidá káy asas. Sat asmán tì, Stru suri mastruk mótshe dé.”

_MANNERS AND CUSTOMS._

A. AMUSEMENTS.

The Chaughan Bazi or Hockey on horseback, so popular everywhere north of Kashmir, and which is called Polo by the Baltis and Ladakis, who both play it to perfection and in a manner which I shall describe elsewhere, is also well known to the Ghilgiti and Astori subdivisions of the Shina people. On great general holidays as well as on any special occasion of rejoicing, the people meet on those grounds which are mostly near the larger villages, and pursue the game with great excitement and at the risk of casualties. The first day I was at Astor, I had the greatest difficulty in restoring to his senses a youth of the name of Rustem Ali who, like a famous player of the same name at Mardo, was passionately fond of the game, and had been thrown from his horse. The place of meeting near Astor is called the Eedgah. The game is called TOPE in Astor, and the grounds for playing it are called SHAJARAN. At Gilgit the game is called BULLA, and the place SHAWARAN. The latter names are evidently of Tibetan origin.

The people are also very fond of target practice, shooting with bows, which they use dexterously but in which they do not excel the people of Nagyr and Hunza. Game is much stalked during the winter. At Astor any game shot on the three principal hills—_Tshhamô_, a high hill opposite the fort, _Demídeldèn_ and _Tshólokot_—belong to the Nawab of Astor—the sportsman receiving only the head, legs and a haunch—or to his representative, then the Tahsildar Munshi Rozi Khan. At Gilgit everybody claims what he may have shot, but it is customary for the Nawab to receive some share of it. Men are especially appointed to watch and track game, and when they discover their whereabouts notice is sent to the villages from which parties issue, accompanied by musicians, and surround the game. Early in the morning, when the “Lóhe” dawns, the musicians begin to play and a great noise is made which frightens the game into the several directions where the sportsmen are placed.

The guns are matchlocks and are called in Gilgiti “_turmàk_” and in Astór “tumák.” At Gilgit they manufacture the guns themselves or receive them from Badakhshan. The balls have only a slight coating of lead, the inside generally being a little stone. The people of Hunza and Nagyr invariably place their guns on little wooden pegs which are permanently fixed to the gun and are called “Dugazá.” The guns are much lighter than those manufactured elsewhere, much shorter and carry much smaller bullets than the matchlock of the Maharajah’s troops. They carry very much farther than any native Indian gun and are fired with almost unerring accuracy. For “small shot” little stones of any shape—the longest and oval ones being preferred—are used. There is one kind of stone especially which is much used for that purpose; it is called “Balósh Batt,” which is found in Hanza, Nagyr, Skardo, and near the “Demídeldèn” hill already noticed, at a village called Pareshinghi near Astor. It is a very soft stone and large cooking utensils are cut out from it, whence the name, “Balósh” Kettle, “Batt” stone, “Balósh Batt.” The stone is cut out with a chisel and hammer; the former is called “Gútt” in Astori and “Gukk” in Gilgiti; the hammer “toá” and “Totshúng” and in Gilgiti “samdenn.” The gunpowder is manufactured by the people themselves.[42]

The people also play at backgammon, [called in Astóri “Patshis,” and “TAKK” in Gilgiti,] with dice [called in Astóri and also in Gilgiti “dall.”]

Fighting with iron wristbands is confined to Chilasi women who bring them over their fists which they are said to use with effect.

The people are also fond of wrestling, of butting each other whilst hopping, etc.

To play the Jew’s harp is considered meritorious as King David played it. All other music good Mussulmans are bid to avoid.

The “Sitara” [the Eastern Guitar] used to be much played in Yassen, the people of which country as well as the people of Hunza and Nagyr excel in dancing, singing and playing. After them come the Gilgitis, then the Astoris, Chilasis, Baltis, etc. The people of Nagyr are a comparatively mild race. They carry on goldwashing which is constantly interrupted by kidnapping parties from the opposite Hunza. The language of Nagyr and Hunza is the Non-Aryan Khajuná and no affinity between that language and any other has yet been traced. The Nagyris are mostly Shiahs. They are short and stout and fairer than the people of Hunza [the Kunjûtis] who are described[43] as “tall skeletons” and who are desperate robbers. The Nagyris understand Tibetan, Persian and Hindustani. Badakhshan merchants were the only ones who could travel with perfect safety through Yassen, Chitral and Hunza.

DANCES[44]

Fall into two main divisions: “slow” or “Búti Harip” = Slow Instrument and Quick “Danni Harip,” = Quick Instrument. The Yassen, Nagyr and Hunza people dance quickest; then come the Gilgitis; then the Astóris; then the Baltis, and slowest of all are the Ladakis.

When all join in the dance, cheer or sing with gesticulations, the dance or recitative is called “thapnatt” in Gilgiti, and “Burró” in Astóri.

When there is a solo dance it is called “nàtt” in Gilgiti, and “nott” in Astóri.

“Cheering” is called “Halamush” in Ghilgiti, and “Halamùsh” in Astóri. Clapping of hands is called “tza.” Cries of “_Yú_, Yú dea; tza theá, Hiú Hiú dea; Halamush thea; shabâsh” accompany the performances.

There are several kinds of Dances. The PRASULKI NATE, is danced by ten or twelve people ranging themselves behind the bride as soon as she reaches the bridegroom’s house. This custom is observed at Astor. In this dance men swing above sticks or whatever they may happen to hold in their hands.

The BURÓ NATT is a dance performed on the Nao holiday, in which both men and women engage—the women forming a ring round the central group of dancers, which is composed of men. This dance is called THAPPNATT at Gilgit. In Dareyl there is a dance in which the dancers wield swords and engage in a mimic fight. This dance Gilgitis and Astòris call the _Darelâ nat_, but what it is called by the Dareylis themselves I do not know.

The mantle dance is called “GOJA NAT.” In this popular dance the dancer throws his cloth over his extended arm.

When I sent a man round with a drum inviting all the Dards that were to be found at Gilgit to a festival, a large number of men appeared, much to the surprise of the invading Dogras, who thought that they had all run to the hills. A few sheep were roasted for their benefit; bread and fruit were also given them, and when I thought they were getting into a good humour, I proposed that they should sing. Musicians had been procured with great difficulty, and after some demur, the Gilgitis sang and danced. At first, only one at a time danced, taking his sleeves well over his arm so as to let it fall over, and then moving it up and down according to the cadence of the music. The movements were, at first, slow, one hand hanging down, the other being extended with a commanding gesture. The left foot appeared to be principally engaged in moving or rather jerking the body forward. All sorts of “pas seuls” were danced; sometimes a rude imitation of the Indian Nátsh; the by-standers clapping their hands and crying out “Shabâsh”; one man, a sort of Master of Ceremonies, used to run in and out amongst them, brandishing a stick, with which, in spite of his very violent gestures, he only lightly touched the bystanders, and exciting them to cheering by repeated calls, which the rest then took up, of “Hiù, Hiù.” The most extraordinary dance, however, was when about twelve men arose to dance, of whom six went on one side and six on the other, both sides then, moving forward, jerked out their arms so as to look as if they had all crossed swords, then receded and let their arms drop. This was a war dance, and I was told that properly it ought to have been danced with swords, which, however, out of suspicion of the Dogras, did not seem to be forthcoming. They then formed a circle, again separated, the movements becoming more and more violent till almost all the bystanders joined in the dance, shouting like fiends and literally _kicking_ up a frightful amount of dust, which, after I had nearly become choked with it, compelled me to retire.[45] I may also notice that before a song is sung the rhythm and melody of it are given in “solo” by some one, for instance

Dānă dāng dānŭ dăngdā
nădañg dānŭ, etc., etc., etc.

B. BEVERAGES.

BEER.

Fine corn (about five or six _seers_ in weight) is put into a kettle with water and boiled till it gets soft, but not pulpy. It is then strained through a cloth, and the grain retained and put into a vessel. Then it is mixed with a drug that comes from Ladak which is called “Papps,” and has a salty taste, but in my opinion is nothing more than hardened dough with which some kind of drug is mixed. It is necessary that “the marks of four fingers” be impressed upon the “Papps.” The mark of “four fingers” make one stick, 2 fingers’ mark ½ a stick, and so forth. This is scraped and mixed with the corn. The whole is then put into an earthen jar with a narrow neck, after it has received an infusion of an amount of water equal to the proportion of corn. The jar is put out into the sun—if summer—for twelve days, or under the fire-place—if in winter—[where a separate vault is made for it]—for the same period. The orifice is almost hermetically closed with a skin. After twelve days the jar is opened and contains a drink possessing intoxicating qualities. The first infusion is much prized, but the corn receives a second and sometimes even a third supply of water, to be put out again in a similar manner and to provide a kind of Beer for the consumer. This Beer is called “Mō,” and is much drunk by the Astóris and Chilasis [the latter are rather stricter Mussulmans than the other Shiná people]. After every strength has been taken out of the corn it is given away as food to sheep, etc., which they find exceedingly nourishing.

WINE.[46]

The Gilgitis are great wine-drinkers, though not so much as the people of Hunza. In Nagyr little wine is made. The mode of the preparation of the wine is a simple one. The grapes are stamped out by a man who, fortunately before entering into the wine press, washes his feet and hands. The juice flows into another reservoir, which is first well laid round with stones, over which a cement is put of chalk mixed with sheep-fat which is previously heated. The juice is kept in this reservoir; the top is closed, cement being put round the sides and only in the middle an opening is made over which a loose stone is placed. After two or three months the reservoir is opened, and the wine is used at meals and festivals. In Dareyl (and not in Gilgit, as was told to Vigne,) the custom is to sit round the grave of the deceased and eat grapes, nuts and Tshilgōzas (edible pine). In Astor (and in Chilâs?) the custom is to put a number of Ghi (clarified butter) cakes before the Mulla, [after the earth has been put on the deceased] who, after reading prayers over them, distributes them to the company who are standing round with their caps on. In Gilgit, three days after the burial, bread is generally distributed to the friends and acquaintances of the deceased. To return to the wine presses, it is to be noticed that no one ever interferes with the store of another. I passed several of them on my road from Tshakerkōt onward, but they appeared to have been destroyed. This brings me to another custom which all the Dards seem to have of burying provisions of every kind in cellars that are scooped out in the mountains or near their houses, and of which they alone have any knowledge. The Maharajah’s troops when invading Gilgit often suffered severely from want of food when, unknown to them, large stores of grain of every kind, butter, ghi, etc., were buried close to them. The Gilgitis and other so-called rebels, generally, were well off, knowing where to go for food. Even in subject Astor it is the custom to lay up provisions in this manner. On the day of birth of anyone in that country it is the custom to bury a stock of provisions which are opened on the day of betrothal of the young man and distributed. The ghi, which by that time turns frightfully sour, and [to our taste] unpalatable and the colour of which is red, is esteemed a great delicacy and is said to bring much luck.

The chalk used for cementing the stones is called “San Bàtt.” Grapes are called “Djatsh,” and are said, together with wine, to have been the principal food of Ghazanfar, the Rajah of Hunza, of whom it is reported that when he heard of the arrival of the first European in Astor (probably Vigne) he fled to a fort called Gojal and shut himself up in it with his flocks, family and retainers. He had been told that the European was a great sorcerer, who carried an army with him in his trunks and who had serpents at his command that stretched themselves over any river in his way to afford him a passage. I found this reputation of European sorcery of great use, and the wild mountaineers looked with respect and awe on a little box which I carried with me, and which contained some pictures of clowns and soldiers belonging to a small magic lantern. The Gilgitis consider the use of wine as unlawful; probably it is not very long since they have become so religious and drink it with remorse. My Gilgitis told me that the Mughullí—a sect living in Hunza, Gojal, Yassen and Punyal[47]—considered the use of wine with prayers to be rather meritorious than otherwise. A Drunkard is called “Máto.”

C. BIRTH CEREMONIES.

As soon as the child is born the father or the Mulla repeats the “Bâng” in his ear “Allah Akbar” (which an Astóri, of the name of Mirza Khan, said was never again repeated in one’s life!). Three days after the reading of the “Bâng” or “Namáz” in Gilgit and seven days after that ceremony in Astor, a large company assembles in which the father or grandfather of the newborn gives him a name or the Mulla fixes on a name by putting his hand on some word in the Koran, which may serve the purpose or by getting somebody else to fix his hand at random on a passage or word in the Koran. Men and women assemble at that meeting. There appears to be no pardah whatsoever in Dardu land, and the women are remarkably chaste.[48] The little imitation of pardah amongst the Ranis of Gilgit was a mere fashion imported from elsewhere. Till the child receives a name the woman is declared impure for the seven days previous to the ceremony. In Gilgit 27 days are allowed to elapse till the woman is declared pure. Then the bed and clothes are washed and the woman is restored to the company of her husband and the visits of her friends. Men and women eat together everywhere in Dardu land. In Astór, raw milk alone cannot be drunk together with a woman unless thereby it is intended that she should be a sister by faith and come within the prohibited degrees of relationship. When men drink of the same raw milk they thereby swear each other eternal friendship. In Gilgit this custom does not exist, but it will at once be perceived that much of what has been noted above belongs to Mussulman custom generally. When a son is born great rejoicings take place, and in Gilgit a musket is fired off by the father whilst the “Bâng” is being read.

D. MARRIAGE.

In Gilgit it appears to be a more simple ceremony than in Chilâs and Astór. The father of the boy goes to the father of the girl and presents him with a knife about 1½ feet long, 4 yards of cloth and a pumpkin filled with wine. If the father accepts the present the betrothal is arranged. It is generally the fashion that after the betrothal, which is named: “_Shéir qatar wíye, ballí píye_, = 4 yards of cloth and a knife he has given, the pumpkin he has drunk,” the marriage takes place. A betrothal is inviolable, and is only dissolved by death so far as the woman is concerned. The young man is at liberty to dissolve the contract. When the marriage day arrives the men and women who are acquainted with the parties range themselves in rows at the house of the bride, the bridegroom with her at his left sitting together at the end of the row. The Mulla then reads the prayers, the ceremony is completed and the playing, dancing and drinking begin. It is considered the proper thing for the bridegroom’s father, if he belongs to the true Shín race, to pay 12 tolas of gold of the value [at Gilgit] of 15 Rupees Nanakshahi (10 annas each) to the bride’s father, who, however, generally, returns it with the bride, in kind—dresses, ornaments, &c., &c. The 12 tolas are not always, or even generally, taken in gold, but oftener in kind—clothes, provisions and ornaments. At Astór the ceremony seems to be a little more complicated. There the arrangements are managed by third parties; an agent being appointed on either side. The father of the young man sends a present of a needle and three real (red) “múngs” called “lújum” in Chilâsi, which, if accepted, establishes the betrothal of the parties. Then the father of the bride demands _pro formâ_ 12 tolas [which in Astór and Chilâs are worth 24 Rupees of the value of ten annas each.]

All real “Shín” people must pay this dowry for their wives in money, provisions or in the clothes which the bride’s father may require. The marriage takes place when the girl reaches puberty, or perhaps rather the age when she is considered fit to be married. It may be mentioned here in general terms that those features in the ceremony which remind one of Indian customs are undoubtedly of Indian origin introduced into the country since the occupation of Astór by the Maharaja’s troops. Gilgit which is further off is less subject to such influences, and whatever it may have of civilization is indigenous or more so than is the case at Astór, the roughness of whose manners is truly Chilâsi, whilst its apparent refinement in some things is a foreign importation.

When the marriage ceremony commences the young man, accompanied by twelve of his friends and by musicians, sits in front of the girl’s house. The mother of the girl brings out bread and Ghi-cakes on plates, which she places before the bridegroom, round whom she goes three times, caressing him and finally kissing his hand. The bridegroom then sends her back with a present of a few rupees or tolas in the emptied plates. Then, after some time, as the evening draws on, the agent of the father of the boy sends to say that it is time that the ceremony should commence. The mother of the bride then stands in the doorway of her house with a few other platefuls of cakes and bread, and the young man accompanied by his bridesman [“Shunèrr” in Astóri and “Shamaderr” in Gilgiti,] enters the house. At his approach, the girl, who also has her particular friend, the “Shaneróy” in Astóri, and “Shamaderoy” in Gilgiti, rises. The boy is seated at her right, but both in Astór and in Gilgit it is considered indecent for the boy to turn round and look at her. Then a particular friend, the “Dharm-bhai”[49] of the girl’s brother asks her if she consents to the marriage. In receiving, or imagining, an affirmative, he turns round to the Mulla, who after asking three times whether he, she and the bridegroom as well as all present are satisfied, reads the prayers and completes the ceremonial. Then some rice, boiled in milk, is brought in, of which the boy and the girl take a spoonful. They do not retire the first night, but grace the company with their presence. The people assembled then amuse themselves by hearing the musicians, eating, &c.

It appears to be the custom that a person leaves an entertainment whenever he likes, which is generally the case after he has eaten enough.

It must, however, not be imagined that the sexes are secluded from each other in Dardistan. Young people have continual opportunities of meeting each other in the fields at their work or at festive gatherings. Love declarations often take place on these occasions, but if any evil intention is perceived the seducer of a girl is punished by this savage, but virtuous, race with death. The Dards know and speak of the existence of “pure love,” “pâk âshiqi.” Their love songs show sufficiently that they are capable of a deeper, than mere sexual, feeling. No objection to lawful love terminating in matrimony is ever made unless the girl or the boy is of a lower caste. In Gilgit, however, the girl may be of a lower caste than the bridegroom. In Astór it appears that a young man, whose parents—to whom he must mention his desire for marrying any particular person—refuse to intercede, often attains his point by threatening to live in the family of the bride and become an adopted son. A “Shîn” of true race at Astor may live in concubinage with a girl of lower caste, but the relatives of the girl if they discover the intrigue revenge the insult by murdering the paramour, who, however, does not lose caste by the alliance.

The bridegroom dances as well as his twelve companions. The girl ought not to be older than 15 years; but at 12 girls are generally engaged.[50]

The Balti custom of having merely a _claim to dowry_ on the part of the woman—the prosecution of which claim so often depends on her satisfaction with her husband or the rapacity of her relatives—is in spite of the intercourse of the Baltis with the Shîn people never observed by the latter; not even by the Shîn colonists of little Tibet who are called “Brokhpá.”

When the bridegroom has to go for his bride to a distant village he is furnished with a bow. On arriving at his native place he crosses the breast of his bride with an arrow and then shoots it off. He generally shoots three arrows off in the direction of his home.

At Astór the custom is sometimes to fire guns as a sign of rejoicing. This is not done at Gilgit.

When the bridegroom fetches his bride on the second day to his own home, the girl is crying with the women of her household and the young man catches hold of her dress in front (at Gilgit by the hand) and leads her to the door. If the girl cannot get over embracing her people and crying with them quickly, the twelve men who have come along with the bridegroom (who in Astóri are called “hilalée” = bridegrooms and “garóni” in Gilgiti) sing the following song:—

INVITATION TO THE BRIDE.

_Nikàstalì_ _quáray kusúni_ (_“astali” is added to the fem. Imp_).
Come out hawk’s daughter.

_Nikastali_ _ke_ _karaníliè_ (“_balanîle_,” in Gilgiti).
Come out why delayest thou!

_Nikastali_ _máleyn_ _gutíjo_.
Come out (from) thy father’s tent.

_Nikastali_ _ke_ _karaníliè_.
Come out why delayest thou.

_Né ro_ _tsharéyn_ _baráye_.
Do not weep waterfall’s fairy.

_Né ro_ _teyn_ _róng_ _boje_.
Do not weep thy colour will go.

_Né ro_ _jaro_ _shidati_.
Do not weep brethren’s beloved.

_Né ro_ _téy_ _róng_ _boje_.
Do not weep thy colour will go.

_Né ro_ _maleyn_ _shidati_.
Do not weep father’s beloved.

_Né ro_ _téy_ _róng_ _boje_.
Do not weep thy colour will go.

_Translation._

Come out, O daughter of the hawk!
Come out, why dost thou delay?
Come forth from thy father’s tent,
Come out and do not delay.
Weep not! O fairy of the waterfall!
Weep not! thy colour will fade;
Weep not! thou art the beloved of us all who are thy brethren,
Weep not! thy colour will fade.
O Weep not! thou beloved of fathers, [or “thy father’s darling.”]
For if thou weepest, thy face will grow pale.

Then the young man catches hold of her dress, or in Gilgit of her arm, puts her on horseback, and rides off with her, heedless of her tears and of those of her companions.

E. FUNERALS.

Funerals are conducted in a very simple manner. The custom of eating grapes at funerals I have already touched upon in my allusion to Dureyl in the chapter on “Wine.” Bread is commonly distributed together with Ghî, etc., three days after the funeral, to people in general, a custom which is called “Nashí” by the Astóris, and “Khatm” by the Gilgitis. When a person is dead, the Mulla, assisted generally by a near friend of the deceased, washes the body which is then placed in a shroud. Women assemble, weep and relate the virtues of the deceased. The body is conveyed to the grave the very day of the decease. In Astor there is something in the shape of a bier for conveying the dead. At Gilgit two poles, across which little bits of wood are placed sideways and then fastened, serve for the same purpose. The persons who carry the body think it a meritorious act. The women accompany the body for some fifty yards and then return to the house to weep. The body is then placed in the earth which has been dug up to admit of its interment. Sometimes the grave is well-cemented and a kind of small vault is made over it with pieces of wood closely jammed together. A Pîr or saint receives a hewn stone standing as a sign-post from the tomb. I have seen no inscriptions anywhere. The tomb of one of their famous saints at Gilgit has none. I have heard people there say that he was killed at that place in order to provide the country with a shrine. My Gilgiti who, like all his countrymen, was very patriotic, denied it, but I heard it at Gilgit from several persons, among whom was one of the descendants of the saint. As the Saint was a Kashmiri, the veracity of his descendant may be doubted. To return to the funeral. The body is conveyed to the cemetery, which is generally at some distance from the village, accompanied by friends. When they reach the spot the Mulla reads the prayers standing as in the “Djenazá”—any genuflexion, “ruku” رکوعand prostration are, of course, inadmissible. After the body has been interred the Mulla recites the Fatiha, [opening prayer of the Koran] all people standing up and holding out their hands as if they were reading a book. The Mulla prays that the deceased may be preserved from the fire of hell as he was a good man, etc. Then after a short benediction the people separate. For three days at Gilgit and seven days at Astor the near relatives of the deceased do not eat meat. After that period the grave is again visited by the deceased’s friends, who, on reaching the grave, eat some ghí and bread, offer up prayers, and, on returning, slaughter a sheep, whose kidney is roasted and divided in small bits amongst those present. Bread is distributed amongst those present and a little feast is indulged in, in memory of the deceased. I doubt, however, whether the Gilgitis are very exact in their religious exercises. The mention of death was always received with shouts of laughter by them, and one of them told me that a dead person deserved only to be kicked. He possibly only joked and there can be little doubt that the Gilgit people are not very communicative about their better feelings. It would be ridiculous, however, to deny them the possession of natural feelings, although I certainly believe that they are not over-burdened with sentiment. In Astór the influence of Kashmir has made the people attend a little more to the ceremonies of the Mussulman religion.

In Chilâs rigour is observed in the maintenance of religious practices, but elsewhere there exists the greatest laxity. In fact, so rude are the people that they have no written character of their own, and till very recently the art of writing (Persian) was confined to, perhaps, the Rajas of these countries or rather to their Munshis, whenever they had any. Some of them may be able to read the Koran. Even this I doubt, as of hundreds of people I saw only one who could read at Gilgit, and he was a Kashmiri who had travelled far and wide and had at last settled in that country.

F. HOLIDAYS.

The great holiday of the Shîn people happened in 1867, during the month succeeding the Ramazan, but seems to be generally on the sixth of February. It is called the “Shinó náo,” “the new day of the Shîn people.” The Gilgitis call the day “Shinó bazóno,” “the spring of the Shîn people.” [The year, it will be remembered, is divided into bazono = spring; walo = summer; shero = autumn; yono = winter.] The snow is now becoming a little softer and out-of-door life is more possible. The festivities are kept up for twelve days. Visits take place and man and wife are invited out to dinner during that period. Formerly, when the Shîns had a Raja or Nawab of their own, it used to be the custom for women to dance during those twelve days. Now the advent of the Sepoys and the ridiculous pseudo-morality of the Kashmir rule have introduced a kind of Pardah and the chaste Shîn women do not like to expose themselves to the strangers. Then there is the Naurôz, which is celebrated for three, and sometimes for six, days.

There are now five great holidays in the year:

The I’d of Ramazân.
The Shinó-Náo.
The Naurôz.
Kurbanī I’d.
The Kùy Náo,[51] { Astóri.
Dúmniká, { Gilgiti.

On the last-named holiday the game of Polo is played, good clothes are put on, and men and women amuse themselves at public meetings.

The Shîn people are very patriotic. Since the Maharaja’s rule many of their old customs have died out, and the separation of the sexes is becoming greater. Their great national festival I have already described under the head of “Historical Legend of Gilgit” (pages 14 to 16).

G. THE RELIGIOUS IDEAS OF THE DARDS.