Chapter III: Part 3

The symbol of this day as given by Landa is shown in plate LXV, 49. This is substantially the usual form found in the codices as given in LXV, 50, 51, 55, the first two being usual in the Troano, Cortesian, and Peresian codices, and 55 in the Dresden. In a few instances, as Tro. 12a and 12c, it assumes the face form 52. The face form shown at 54 occurs in the Dresden Codex, as do the variations seen at 53 and 56.

Dr Seler and Brasseur contend that the forms shown in plate LXV, 52 and 54, make it evident that the broken line, which is the chief characteristic of the glyph, is intended to represent, or rather is derived from, the ear of the dog. This, Seler says, is frequently represented in the Mexican codices, and also many times in the Maya manuscripts, with the tip of the ear torn away. To illustrate this, he presents several figures of dog's heads, one of which is shown in our plate LXV, 57.[239-1]

There would seem to be some foundation for this supposition, yet there are difficulties in the way of its acceptance which appear unsurmountable. The first of these is that it furnishes no explanation or clue to the relation between the symbol and the Maya or Tzental name. Second, it does not appear to have been used in any instance as the symbol of the dog, which seems to be a fatal objection, if it is assumed to be merely ideographic. Third, it renders only more difficult any explanation of the character shown in plate LXV, 58, which is of such frequent occurrence in all the codices. If a satisfactory interpretation of this glyph could be found, it would assist greatly in deciphering the codices. I am rather inclined to think it is a sign of repetition--as "repeat thrice." If there were some word for _ear_ which could be connected with _oc_ or _elab_, then we might suppose the symbol to be used phonetically. However, as this can not be found, some other explanation must be sought.

The Nahuatl and Quiche-Cakchiquel names are the ordinary terms in these languages for "dog," and the Mexican symbol for the day is the head of a dog. Dr Seler does not attempt to explain the Tzental name, and merely suggests that the Maya word _oc_, "foot, footprint, track," and as a verb, "to enter, to go into," may have been adopted by the priests as expressing a prominent characteristic of the dog. Dr Brinton is inclined to derive the name _oc_ from the verb _ocol_, _oclah_, "to steal, to rob," rather than from _ocol_, "to enter," supposing it to have been selected as indicative of another characteristic of the dog. This he believes also to be the signification of the Tzental term _elab_. This it seems to me is again reversing the order, unless we assume that the Quiche _tzi_ and Mexican _itzcuintli_ are the older terms.[240-1]

Dr Brinton says that according to Bartolome de Pisa the Zapotec name signifies "dog," though he does not find it with this meaning in the vocabularies. Dr Seler, however, obtains the signification "dog" for this name by supposing that it is derived from _tee-lao_, "mouth downward," referring to some myth of a dog representing the lightning, or lightning demon, as falling or plunging downward from the sky in certain figures of the codices. This, Dr Brinton says, "seems strained," which may also be said of the explanations of the Maya name.

The symbol of the dog as found in the Dresden Codex (13c), and as admitted by Dr Seler, is shown in plate LXV, 59. The same symbol is found in the same codex, 21b. Now, I think it possible to show, with a considerable degree of certainty, what is the chief phonetic element of this symbol, at least of its first or left-hand character. In plate LXV, 60, from Tro. 22*a, is seen (omitting the prefix) substantially the symbol that Landa interprets _le_, "the lasso," and also "to lasso." As the lower character is his _e_, we may take for granted that the upper portion indicates the _l_ sound; further evidence of this, however, will be presented under the twentieth day. As this is followed by the symbol seen in plate LXV, 61, which refers to the "turkey" (kutz or cuitz),[240-2] and the figure below the text shows a snared turkey, the interpretation appears to be appropriate. Turning now to Dres. 44 (l)c, we notice in the picture below the text the compound glyph shown in plate LXV, 62. Immediately below it is the figure of a fish, which the two individuals represented are trying to catch in a seine. As this contains the same elements as 61 (plate LXV), reversed, the phonetic value should be _tz'c_. Referring to Perez' Lexicon, we find that _tzac_ is a fish "so named;" Brasseur says, "a little fish resembling a sardine which inhabits the senotes."

Now these give _tz'_ as the chief phonetic element of the left character of the dog symbol (LXV, 59), which is also the consonant element of the name for "dog" (_tzi_) in the Tzental, Cakchiquel, and most of the Maya dialects, though not of the Maya proper. This furnishes a consistent and appropriate rendering of the left portion of the symbol. Although the symbol for the mouth _Kankin_ (LXV, 63) presents a difficulty, it is possible some other name was applied to this month of which _tz_ was a leading element; Yaxkin is sometimes written with the prefix _Dze_.

As _och_ is the Maya name for the "male fox," and _oquil_ or _ocquil_ is the name in Tzental and Tzotzil for "wolf," it is possible the Maya name may have been derived from one of these. Moreover, it is worthy of notice that "foot" in Tzotzil is written _oquil_ as well as _oc_.

I was at first inclined to adopt Dr Seler's suggestion that the distinguishing feature of the symbol might have been taken from the dog's ears as given in the codices. However, a more thorough examination leads me to doubt this suggestion. The little black clots or blocks on the bent line appear here, as in the _chicchan_ symbol, to be the most prominent and essential elements of the symbol. As they do not appear in the ear figures, it seems impossible that the character should have been derived from these figures. It is more likely that they represent the knots on a string or cord; and this supposition appears to be sustained by the fact that the Maya word _hok_, according to Brasseur, signifies "a knot, hook;" and _hokal_ "to be knotted, formed of knots." Perez says "_hok_, el lazo formado para anudar;" "_hokol_, lazarse para anudarse la cuerda." If this supposition be correct, the symbol is used for the day because of its phonetic value, and without any reference to its original signification.

THE ELEVENTH DAY

Maya, _chuen_; Tzental, _batz_; Quiche-Cakchiquel, _batz_; Zapotec, _loo_; Nahuatl, _ozomatli_.

The symbol of this day is subject to few and slight variations. The form given by Landa, which is also quite common in most of the codices, especially Tro. and Cort., is shown in plate LXV, 64. Slight variants are shown in LXV, 65, 66, and 67. An exceptional and peculiar form from Dres. 32b is seen in LXV, 68. A form from the Perez codex in which an eye is introduced is given at LXV, 69. The character on the Palenque Tablet and some other inscriptions, which is supposed to be the symbol of this day, is shown at LXV, 70, but the proof that it is, in these cases, the day symbol is not so conclusive as that in regard to other day symbols, as no method of bringing it into relation with the other time symbols of the inscriptions has been found.

A closely corresponding form is seen in the symbol for the mouth _Tzec_ as found in the Dres. Codex (see plate LXV, 71). If the glyphs are in any sense phonetic, it is probable that in the comb-like appendage to this symbol (Landa's _ca_) we have the _'c_ (_'k_) sound, and that the variation in the main character from the usual _chuen_ glyph (in having the bounding line open and turned right and left at the top) is indicative of the variation in the phonetic value. The explanation of the symbol, which replaces the eye in the dog or panther like figure in Tro. 32c and 33c, and is alluded to by Dr Seler in this connection (LXVI, 1), has already been given under the discussion of the "Third Day." There, as I have shown, it probably indicates the Maya word _choco_, "heat, warmth," alluding to the hot, dry season which parches and shrivels up the growing corn. This explanation retains the phonetic value of the symbol, and it appears also to be entirely consistent with the figures found in connection with it.

There is another symbol closely allied in form (plate LXVI, 2) which is of frequent occurrence in the codices, usually, and, in fact, almost exclusively, in the picture spaces, and apparently bearing some relation to the offerings. It is often in groups, and is many times repeated in groups on the so-called "title pages" of the Tro. and Cort. manuscripts. It, however, frequently occurs in the form seen in the dog's eye (LXVI, 1), grouped as the other (Dres., 25a, etc) and undoubtedly used as an equivalent, as we find numerals attached as with the other form. The only distinction, as will be observed, is the presence or absence of the little divided square at the top. As that with the divided square is more detailed, it is probably the correct form, and, if so, can not be distinguished from the _Chuen_ symbol.

On Dres. 29b, 30b, and 31b the symbol shown in plate LXVI, 3, is found in each group of characters. This bears a close resemblance to the symbol for the month _Tzec_, but varies in some important respects, as will be seen by comparison. The appendix, as I am inclined to believe, gives the _ah_, _ha_, or _hal_ sound, and shows that it is a verb or word indicating action. As we find in each group the figure or symbol of a food animal, the whole series may be supposed to relate to feasts, or eating, or the collection of food. This suggestion is strengthened by the fact that the _kan_ or maize symbol is placed in connection with the animal figures. It is possible, therefore, that this character may be correctly rendered by _tziclim_ (_tziclimtah_), "to distribute, share, divide among many." As it is followed in each case by a cardinal-point symbol, and the symbol of the double tongued or toothed deity, probably Itzamna, is found in each group, it is probable that the text relates to religious festivals. This interpretation, however, is a mere suggestion or guess, which as yet I am unable to fortify by any other evidence than the resemblance of the main character to the _Tzec_ symbol.

The Nahuatl, Tzental, and Quiche-Cakchiquel names of this day are the ordinary terms in these languages for "monkey." Dr Brinton thinks the Maya name, which does not appear to have any signification in this language as a separate word (though _chuenche_ is "aborao, tuble," "a certain tree"), is derived from a Tzental term, _chiu_, which is applied to a particular species of monkey. He and Dr Seler refer to the _chouen_ in a legend of the Popol Vuh, which undoubtedly stands in close relation to _batz_ or "monkey," there spoken of as _hunbatz_. As these words in the Quiche myth appear unquestionably to refer to a species of the monkey tribe, or mythical persons under the symbolism of monkeys, the conclusion they reach is probably correct, and justifies the belief that the Maya name should be interpreted "monkey."

The origin of the symbol is uncertain, and Dr Seler makes no attempt to explain it. The difference between the simple form with the three teeth only (plate LXVI, 2) and the typical _Chuen_ symbol indicates a difference in the word equivalents, or in the signification if ideographic. It is possible that Brasseur is right in rendering the former by _co_, which signifies "tooth;" in which case we may be justified in assuming that the additions in the _Chuen_ symbol give the additional phonetic elements in the word. It may be, as supposed by some authors, that it was intended to represent the front view of an open mouth of some animal, as _chi_ is the Maya word for mouth.

THE TWELFTH DAY

Maya, _eb_; Tzental, _euob_; Quiche-Cakchiquel, _e_ or _ee_; Zapotec, _pija_; Nahuatl, _mallinalli_ or _itlan_.

There are comparatively few variations in the symbol of this day; some, however, are of sufficient importance to render recognition doubtful but for their presence in the day series. That given by Landa is seen in plate LXVI, 4; the form most usual in the Tro. and Cort. codices is that shown in LXVI, 5; the variations seen in LXVI, 6, 7, 8, are from the Dresden Codex, and that in LXVI, 9, is from the Peresianus.

This character occurs very seldom, if ever, except as a day symbol, hence it is presumed to be purely ideographic or pictorial. There is, however, a deity symbol found in the Tro. Codex (plate LXVI, 10) in which we see apparently the chief characteristic of the _eb_ symbol. Here, however, instead of a dot-bordered tooth, there is a dot-bordered dark stripe which runs downward entirely across the face. This is accompanied usually by the numeral prefix 11. The symbol of the same deity as found in the Dresden Codex is shown in plate LXVI, 11. Here the stripe is reduced to a single broken line. Dr Schellhas contends that he is a Death god and the equivalent of the Mexican Xipe. That he is a god of the underworld in the Tro. Codex is apparent from his ornaments and the dotted lines on his body or limbs; yet in two instances--plates 5a and b--he is represented as a traveling merchant. Whether the deity in the Dresden Codex is the same as that of the Tro. Codex is not positively certain, but the presence of the numeral 11 with the symbol, and in some instances the dotted lines on the body of the deity, indicate that the two are identical. Whether this deity glyph bears any relation to the day symbol is, however, doubtful. The only names of Maya deities I find with _buluc_ ("eleven") as a prefix are Ahbuluc-Balam and Buluc-Ahau (?). The first, which signifies "He of the Eleven Tigers," was one of the idols made at the festival of the new year Cauac. On one of the four plates of the Dresden Codex representing the festivals of the new year (26a) we observe that the image carried by the chac is a tiger-like animal marked with dotted lines. Whether this is to be connected with the deity above mentioned is doubtful. The other name, Buluc-Ahau, mentioned by Landa, is the name of one of the signs of the Katun given in his figure of the cycle, and, although he uses the word "idol," does not appear to refer to any particular deity.

In regard to the names of the first three calendars, Dr Seler remarks as follows:

_E_, _ye_ signifies "the edge," "sharpness," "the notch;" _eb_,
_ebil_, _ebal_, _yebal_, "a row of notches," "flight of steps,"
"stairs." In Quiche-Cakchiquel _e_ signifies "the tooth," "the
edge;" _ee_ is the plural form in Cakchiquel of the word, as _eeb_
of the Quiche; _euob_ is also a plural form in the Tzental, as I
think, from a singular _eu-ee_. The name must denote the same thing
in all the languages, i. e., "a row of teeth," "flight of steps"--a
signification which harmonizes excellently with many Mexican forms
of the character [plate LXVI, 12] as well as with the Meztitlan
name of it (_itlan_, "his tooth").

Dr Brinton says that "in Maya _eb_ is the plural of _e_, which means 'points' or 'ends,' like those of pins or thorns, and plainly was intended to designate the broom by reference to its numerous points. From the same idea, rows of teeth received the same name. The Tzental and Quiche names _e_ and _euob_--the latter a plural--were from the same radical and had the same signification." He says the Nahuatl and Zapotec names both signify the brush or broom of twisted twigs, or stiff grass used for cleaning and dusting, and also this grass itself. Thus he brings the names of the five calendars into harmony. This explanation corresponds with that given by Clavigero of the Mexican term, which he says is the name of a certain plant of which brooms were made.

I am inclined to believe the symbol in this instance is a mere pictograph intended to represent the tip of some lanceolate leaf, the dots denoting the hairs along the edge. The tips of the "reed grass," as shown in the symbolic representation of _Zacatla_ ("Nombres Geograficos" by Penafiel; plate LXVI, 13), would give precisely the dot-bordered tooth in the symbol. It is to be observed, however, that the Mexican symbol for this day, the usual form of which is shown in LXVI, 14, is essentially different and has joined with the green blades the skeleton underjaw. In some instances, as at _Malinaltepec_ ("Nombres Geograficos"), the entire skull is added. A more elaborate form of the symbol, from the Borgian Codex plate 26, is given in LXVI, 15. Here the skeleton jaw is replaced by the roots of the plant; observe, however, the brush-like projections above. Are we to see in this associated death's-head a reference to death, or rather to the earth, a symbolism undoubtedly found in the Tro. Codex? Or must we suppose that behind the name is to be found the signification of the Meztitlan name _itlan_, from _tlantli_, "tooth?" Dr Seler remarks that "it seems to me quite possible that the point surrounded by dots in the character _eb_ is an abbreviation of figure 326" (the prefix to our plate LXIV, 48).[245-1]

THE THIRTEENTH DAY

Maya, _ben_ or _been_; Tzental, _ben_; Quiche-Cakchiquel, _ah_; Zapotec, _quii_, _ii_, or _laa_; Nahuatl, _acatl_.

The symbol of this day is subject to but few and, with one or two exceptions, but slight variations. Landa's figure is represented at LXVI, 16, those usual in the codices in LXVI, 17, 18, 19, and an irregular form found in Dres. 10c in symbol 20 of the same plate. When used in combination with other glyphs and otherwise than as a day symbol, the form, though usually typical, is subject occasionally to wide variations, though there is considerable doubt whether the latter are to be considered _ben_ symbols.

Dr Seler contends that the figure originated from the plaited reed or mat, which, if correct, enables us to trace it by gradations to a wholly different figure. But before referring further to these, it is best that the signification of the names should be given, as determined by linguistic evidence.

The Nahuatl name _acatl_ signifies "reed," "cane," or "stalk;" and, according to Ximenes and Brasseur, the Quiche-Cakchiquel _ah_ also signifies "reed," especially the "cornstalk" or "sugar cane." The Zapotec _quii_ has also the same signification, "reed," and Dr Brinton says _laa_ has the same meaning, but Dr Seler says he can not find it with this signification in the lexicons, nor do I find it in any to which I have access. The Maya and Tzental _ben_, however, presents a more serious difficulty in the attempt to bring it into harmony with the others. Dr Seler contents himself with reference to certain words which have _been_ or _ben_ as their root. This root, he says, signifies "consumed," and the words to which he refers mean "to be consumed," "to waste away," "to fail, be lacking, go away." This is also the signification to which Dr Brinton refers. "I find," he says, "that in Tzental the dried cornstalk (cana de mais seco) is called _cagh-ben_, and from this I doubt not this day-name in that dialect and the Maya was taken and syncopated. The verb _ben_ or _been_ in Tzental means 'to walk, to go,' but in the above compound the _ben_ is from the Maya stem _benel_, 'to be used up, to be dead.'"

The opinion of Dr Seler, above stated, that the symbol of this day originated from the delineation of the plaited reed or mat, is based on the representation of the mat both in symbols and figures in the Mexican and Maya codices. Some of these are shown in our plate LXVI, 21 to 24. The first, 21, is from the Mendoza Codex, and is found also in Tro. 20*d. These are undoubtedly intended to denote mats or something of a kindred nature. The same figure is seen on the roofs of temples and houses, one of which is shown in LXVI, 22, from Tro. 10*c. In these instances they appear to indicate the thatching with which the roof is covered. The form is sometimes varied, as in LXVI, 23, from Tro. 10*a. The symbol which, it is presumed, refers to the mat as seen in Tro. 21*d, is given in LXVI, 24; that representing the house in Tro. 10*c is seen in LXVI, 25; another of a slightly different form, from Tro. 7*c, in LXVI, 20; and another, referring also to a house or to the roof, as Dr Seler supposes, is given in LXVI, 27.

There can be no question that plate LXVI, 21, is intended to represent a mat or something of that nature, nor that the character shown at 24 is the symbol used to represent this mat, straw, or plaited fabric; nor can it be doubted that the figures shown at 22 and 23 are conventional figures for houses of some kind. It must also be admitted that the characters shown at 25, 26, and 27 are symbols denoting these houses. According to Dr Seler's interpretation, figures 24 and 27 are, in some cases, used "to denote a seat on a mat [24]; sometimes the mat roof of the temple or the temple itself" (27). In his opinion these characters, especially 27, contain "the element of the mat and a symbol of carrying--the hand or elements which have been borrowed from the figure of the hand--and in these hieroglyphs the transition of the realistically delineated mat into the character _ben_ may be distinctly traced."

That the upper part of plate LXVI, 25 and 26, and of other similar figures in the codices which might be shown, do make a close approach in form to the _ben_ symbol, must be admitted. But there is one break in the chain which needs to be closed before the evidence is entirely satisfactory. Does the upper part of these house symbols (25-26) indicate roof mats or thatching? An examination of the house figures shows these supposed mat figures to be something standing on the top of the roof--something rising, as it were, perpendicularly along and above the comb or crest. Now, precisely such battlements or elevated crests appear to have been common on the roofs of the temples or structures which have been preserved to modern times. We see them in the figures given by Charnay, Stevens, and other explorers; and what is worthy of special notice in this connection is, that they sometimes consist of openwork or trellis-like figures. Therefore, if we connect the upper part of the house symbols with the _ben_ glyph, it is still by no means certain that it is derived from, or bears any relation to, the mat character. We notice further that in the figures of houses this supposed mat figure is not used to indicate the thatching, but is clearly distinguished from it. Again, if the upper characters of LXVI, 25, 26, are intended to signify the thatching, roof matting, or roof, and are simple ideograms drawn from the thing represented, then the lower characters in these symbols might well be supposed to represent the wall or framework of the house. But the widely different relations in which we find this lower character forbid this conclusion. That the wall may be indicated is true, but if so it must be ikonomatically or by the phonetic value of the symbol. I have therefore found it very difficult to reach any entirely satisfactory conclusion in regard to these house symbols. That the lower character is phonetic in the true or rebus sense can, I think, be shown, but, notwithstanding the objections I have presented, the most satisfactory interpretation of the upper part is that it represents the roof, as we see in the upper figure of LXVI, 25, the crosshatching and the double _ben_ lines. Hence it would seem satisfactory to consider it merely an ideogram or picture but for the prefix, which can not be readily accounted for on the idea of a pictorial representation.

As we have found that the lower character of plate LXVI, 26, has the phonetic value of _ch_ usually combined with _o_ or _u_ (see remarks above on LXV, 44), we may find in this glyph _otoch_, "house," though the full signification of the entire compound symbol appears to embrace more than this. Possibly the upper part is a determinative. The lower part, however, of LXVI, 25 and 27, is found, as before remarked, where it can have no reference to a building. As it has the two heavy lines indicative of the _p_ sound (see explanation of LXIV, 11), and also of the guttural, it is probable that the signification, where a structure is referred to, is _pak_ (_pakal_), "a building, wall, fortification." But when it is found in an entirely different relation, as in Tro. 17b, where it is over an individual tying a deer, it must have an entirely different signification. It is possible that it may be consistently rendered by _pacoc_ (_paccah_), "to cord, fasten, bind" (Henderson), or some derivative thereof. We find it again on Tro. 19*d and 20*d, and Dres. 18c, 19c, and 20c, where females are represented as bearing burdens on their backs. Now, _cuch_ signifies "to bear, to carry," and also "a load, a burden," and _cuch-pach_, "a carrier, a porter" (literally "to carry on the back," _pach_ denoting "back").

In this instance also the phonetic value assigned it holds good. On Tro. 17b the same glyph stands above an individual who is in the act of striking a snake which is biting his foot. In this case it has a suffix like that to LXVI, 3, which, as we have stated, probably represents the sound _ah_, _ha_, or _hal_, and indicates that the word is a verb. There are several words containing the phonetic value assigned the character, which are applicable, as _pokchetah_, which Perez interprets "pisar, poner el pie sobre algo;" _puchah_, "despachurran, machucar;" _pachah_, "to scatter, break" (H.); _pech_, "to crush" (H.); _pacez_ (_paczah_), "to squeeze, press, crush" (H.).

It seems, therefore, quite probable that the lower part of these compound symbols is phonetic.

If Dr Seler is correct in his supposition that the symbol is derived from the plaited mat, then it is most likely simply ideographic or a mere conventional pictograph. Possibly this is the correct conclusion, as I can find no evidence tending to show that it is phonetic. If we could suppose the form was intended to represent a "road" or "pathway"--_be_, _beil_, and _bel_ in Maya, and _beel_ in Zotzil--we might assume it to be phonetic.

The combinations shown in plate LXVI, 28, 29, 30, and 55, in which the symbol of this day appears, have as yet received no satisfactory explanation. Those shown in LXVI, 28, and 55, are of very frequent occurrence and probably indicate some common ceremony, order, or direction in the religious ceremonies. I have a strong suspicion that the first indicates exorcism or driving away the evil spirits, but I find no appropriate Maya word unless it be _pekokalil_, given by Henderson. This, however, does not agree with the interpretation _Kinichkakmo_, given by Seler to LXVI, 29, above referred to. Seler gives to LXVI, 30, the apparently strained interpretation, "he who is conquered in war and brought home prisoner." I have no interpretation to offer.[248-1]

THE FOURTEENTH DAY

Maya, _ix_ or _hix_; Tzental, _hix_; Quiche-Cakchiquel, _balam_, _yiz_, or _hix_; Zapotec, _eche_; Nahuatl, _ocelotl_.

The symbol of this day is found in quite a number of different forms, some of which are wide variations from the prevailing type.

Landa's figure is shown in plate LXVI, 31. The usual forms found in the Tro. Codex are LXVI, 32 to 37; 36 is somewhat rare. That shown at 38 is found only on plate 30*c, and that showing the animal head (39) on plate 12c. No essential variations from these are found in either the Codex Peresianus or Cortesianus. Those shown in LXVI, 40-42, are from the Dresden Codex.

The Nahuatl name and the Quiche-Cakchiquel, _balam_, denote the "tiger," possibly the jaguar, though the Mexican name certainly refers to the _ocelot_. Dr Brinton says that the Zapotec _eche_, or in the full form _be-eche-guia_, has the same signification. Dr Seler, however, derives it from the term _peche-tao_, "the great animal"--the tiger, or ferocious animal. But the other names, _ix_, _hix_, _hiix_ or _gix_, as they are variously written (though really one word), present a more serious difficulty to the attempt to bring them into harmony with the others.

Dr Seler says:

The Cakchiquel term _yiz_, i. e., the Maya _h-ez_, "the sorcerer,"
may well be considered as giving an explanation of the Maya name of
this day character (_ix_). My conception, after one more link in
the chain of evidence pointing toward it, is that the day-character
system has become known to the Mayas through the medium of the
cognate branches of Chiapas, for we frequently find the
Tzental-Zotzil _x_ corresponding to the Maya _z_.

Dr Brinton says that the Maya, Tzental, and Cakchiquel word _hix_ or _ix_ means "sorcerer," though he does not furnish the evidence. Moreover, he adds immediately after that "it is probable _ix_ is a variant of _ik_ or _igh_ 'wind, breath, life,'" and makes the connection by referring to the fact that blowing was practiced in medicine rites. It would have been more satisfactory, however, had he given the evidence on which he based his assertion that the Maya and Tzental name means "sorcerer." According to Ximenes the Cakchiquel name _yiz_ denotes the "sorcerer;" and it is probable that the signification of _ix_ or _hix_ is the same, as the codices appear to give support to this conclusion.

On Dres. 8a the character shown in plate LXVI, 43, stands in the text over the figure of a tiger, and evidently refers to it. The close resemblance of this to the _ix_ symbol from Tro. 12c shown in LXVI, 39, is too manifest to be overlooked. The same symbol is found in Tro. 17c, but here the prefix is changed to the numeral 4; below is a tiger-like animal with a feathered tongue protruding from its mouth. I have taken for granted, from the indicated action and my interpretation of one of the accompanying symbols, that this figure was intended to indicate the sorcerer or diviner. This supposition I admit is not supported by sufficient evidence to demand acceptance. However, it is probable that Leon de Rosny is justified in rendering LXVI, 43, by _ek-balam_. This supposition will be strengthened by any evidence tending to show that the prefix is properly interpreted by _ek_.

The symbol for the month _Ceh_, as given in Dres. 49c, is shown in LXVI, 44, and is the same as Landa's figure minus the suffix or month determinative. It would seem from the fact that the lower character of this symbol is the same as the lower portion of the symbols for _Yax_ (LXIV, 12) and _Zac_ (LXVI, 48), that the word _Ceh_, if the writing is phonetic or ikonomatic, does not give the entire phonetic equivalent unless the _x_ or _c_ of the other names is here softened to _h_. It may be added, however, that Henderson gives both _Ceh_ and _Kez_ as the name of the month and the Maya name for "deer." In the Zotzil vocabulary "ciervo" is _chig_ and "venado" _chigh_. There is, however, a difficulty in harmonizing this with the symbol for the month _Zip_--in which the same character appears--that I have not been able to explain. Nevertheless, it may be said, as the lower character appears (from evidence that will not be introduced at this point) to have _z_ or _dz_ as its chief phonetic element, that it is possible the name had sometimes _ek_ or _ke_ prefixed. Running through the lower division of plates 46-50 of the Dresden Codex is a line consisting of repetitions of the character shown in LXVI, 45. Here we have again our _k'_, _ke_, or _ek_ glyph as a prefix. The right portion of the symbol bears a somewhat close resemblance to some forms of the symbol of the day _Lamat_ (but not to _kin_, as has been suggested), and is so interpreted by Brasseur and Leon de Rosny. As _ek_ signifies "star," and _lemba_ "resplendent, bright, shining, sparkling," the phonetic value of the glyph may be "the bright, shining star," alluding to Venus. According to Henderson, _eekil_, _ekil_, or _yekil_ was used to designate this star, _zaztal_ being added to name it as a "morning star." According to the "Report on the city of Valladolid,"[250-1] the name given the "morning star" was _noch eke_ (or _eque_). It is possible, therefore, that Dr Foerstemann is right in supposing that the long numeral series running through plates 46-50 of this codex relates to the apparent revolution of the planet Venus.

In Dres. 18c is the compound symbol shown in plate LXVI, 46, followed by 47. In the former we see our _ek_ or _ke_ symbol as the upper character and the supposed _cimi_ (LXV, 28) glyph as the lower character, and to the left a prefix. This prefix is precisely that in the symbol for the month _Zac_ (LXVI, 48), and has presumably the same value in one glyph as the other. This will give, as the proper rendering of the symbol LXVI, 46, _zeek-cimil_, "the skull of the dead." By referring to the figure below the text, a woman is seen bearing on her back a skull inclosed in a wrapping of some kind, which in Kingsborough, where the color is retained, appears to be cloth. This certainly agrees with the rendering of the glyph. The symbol which follows it, shown in LXVI, 47, has one of the elements of LXVI, 27, and, as suggested under "the Thirteenth Day," should probably be interpreted _cuchpach_, "a carrier or porter" (or "bear upon the back"). In the corresponding glyph in Tro. 20*d (LXVI, 24) the upper portion, as above stated, refers probably to the hamper or basket-like holder in which the load is carried, and is a simple ideogram; but here (LXVI, 47) the upper character is phonetic, corresponding very closely to the lower part of the symbols for the months _Yax_ and _Zac_. The character which follows--the lower left-hand of the group of four--seen at LXVI, 49, is the well-known symbol for woman. As the women were the burden bearers in Yucatan, the interpretation appears to be consistent. It is therefore probable that the prefix to LXVI, 43, is to be interpreted by _ek_, as Rosny has suggested.

Seler, alluding to the symbol, asks, "May not the skin of the tiger, instead of the animal itself, be here indicated?" He further suggests that it represents the round hairy ear and the spotted skin of the tiger, and that the glyph shown at LXVI, 39, represents the entire head of this animal, of which there can be little doubt.

Some of the symbols of this day, found in the Fejervary Codex, one of which is shown in LXVIII, 41, appear to favor Seler's idea.[250-2]

THE FIFTEENTH DAY

Maya, _men_; Tzental, _tziquin_; Quiche-Cakchiquel, _tziquin_; Zapotec, _naa_ or _naa_; Nahuatl, _quauhtli_.

Landa's figure is so imperfect in this case that it is not given. The usual forms and variations are shown in plate LXVI, 50 to 54. The last two, which show the widest variation, are from the Dresden Codex.

The Tzental and Quiche-Cakchiquel, _tziquin_, signifies "bird" in general, and the Nahuatl, _quauhtli_, "eagle." The Maya and Zapotec names are more difficult to bring into harmony with the others. Dr Brinton thinks that the Zapotec name is derived from _na_, "to know, to understand, to be able through knowledge." This, he says, "exactly corresponds to the Maya _men_, which means to understand, to be able to do ...; hence in this latter tongue, _ah-men_ means the man of knowledge, the wise one, the master of wisdom." "The bird," he adds, "was the symbol of wisdom and knowledge."

Dr Seler says it is difficult to determine the Yucatan name. However, from the form of the symbol he concludes it is intended to represent an aged face, by which he connects it with an aged goddess, Ixchel, the companion of Itzamna, and with certain Mexican deities. In his subsequent paper he says the Zapotec name furnishes linguistic proof of the above conclusion. "I had concluded," he says, "that the Maya hieroglyph represented the image of the old earth mother, the universally worshipped goddess called Tonantzin, 'our mother,' who is connected in the Codex Vienensis with the eagle symbol." He then adds that the Zapotec term _naa_ or _naa_ signifies "mother," and thus finds the connection between the calendar names.

It is probable we will not be far wrong if we assume that reference to the bird as used in this connection is not so much to it as an animal as an augury, sign, or portent. The birds introduced in the Dresden and Troano codices, especially those on pages 16, 17, and 18 of the former and 18* and 19* of the latter, are supposed to have reference to auguries. In the "Vocabulario Castellano Zapoteco," under "Ave," we find _mani-biici_, "ave agorera." In the Dresden Codex (17b) one of the birds introduced as playing this role is an eagle, or some rapacious species resembling an eagle or vulture. Although Seler believes the symbol to have been derived from the aged wrinkled female face, yet he closes his observations on this day in his first article as follows:

I think the reference to the eagle is very distinctly indicated
[referring to a number of glyphs accompanying or indicating an
eagle-like bird]. We can understand that these hieroglyphs were
annexed as attributes of the deities. But how is it that figures
687-689 [same as our plate LXVIII, 42] serve as a seat for the
Chac? Now Chac [he refers to the long-nose god] is not really a god
of water, but of rain; the rain-producing storm cloud is his
vehicle; the storm bird is his beast of burden on which he rides.

It follows from this, notwithstanding his supposition in regard to the origin of the symbol, that he looks upon it as signifying the eagle, or bird. However, the explanations given by Drs Brinton and Seler of the Maya name fail to make a satisfactory connection between the names in the different calendars.

Not only do we find birds introduced on the pages of the Troano and Dresden codices above referred to, apparently for the purpose of indicating augury, but on Dres. 69b we see the long-nose god (probably Itzamna) sitting on the glyph LXVIII, 42, holding a bird in his arms.

Also on Dres. 73b, where the groups are composed of short columns, each apparently relating to storms, winds, etc, we see in the right-hand group the bird and _men_-like glyph associated. Whether these are in fact _men_ glyphs is a question not yet determined. I am as yet unable to interpret satisfactorily any of the compound characters of which these supposed _men_ glyphs form a part. If the form shown in LXVI, 28, the lower portion of which is substantially the same as Landa's first _l_, is to be accepted as equivalent to LXVI, 55, then it is probable that the symbol of the day does not indicate the phonetic value of the name. This would lead to the supposition that the name _men_ is not the original one applied to the day, or that the symbol has been changed. I am inclined to believe one or the other of these suppositions to be correct. If the symbol could be identified in the inscriptions, I would adopt the first supposition until substantial evidence of its erroneousness could be produced.

I am unable to offer any suggestions as to the origin of the symbol. I do not think the suggestion that it is intended to represent an aged face of woman or man of any force or worthy of serious consideration. The symbol would be just as complete so far as its signification is concerned without the eye as with it.

THE SIXTEENTH DAY

Maya, _cib_; Tzental, _chabin_; Quiche-Cakchiquel, _ahmak_; Zapotec, _guilloo_ or _loo_; Nahuatl, _cozcaquauhtli_. In addition to these the following are also given: Pipil, _tecolotl_; Meztitlan, _teotl itonal_ or _temetlatl_.

The forms of this symbol shown in plates LXVI, 56 to 59, and LXVII, 1 to 3, are those usually found in the codices, the slight differences being due to the greater or less degree of perfection with which they have been made. Landa's figure is similar to LXVII, 1. The variants in LXVII, 4 and 5, are from Dres. 46 and 49; but the symbols found in the day columns of Dres. 46 to 50 must not be taken as evidence of peculiar types, as they are to a large extent dashed off without care, one or two of a column being sufficiently exact for determination and the rest mere blotches. I have referred to them here and under other days simply because Dr Seler has noticed them; hence had I failed to allude to them it might be thought an oversight. However, I do not think any of the variations in the day columns of these five plates should be taken into consideration as types.

The Nahuatl name _cozcaquauhtli_ is the "royal zopilote" (_Sarcoramphus papa_ of ornithologists). Drs Seler and Brinton agree in the supposition that the Zapotec name is derived from _balloo_, "the raven or crow." Dr Seler says that the Quiche-Cakchiquel word _ahmak_ seems to signify the vulture, "who pecks out the eyes," "who makes deep holes;" while Dr Brinton maintains that the Quiche _ahmak_ means "the master of evil," referring to the owl, which is esteemed a bird of evil omen and bad fortune. The Pipil _tecolotl_ also denotes "the night bird or owl."

The Maya and Tzental names, however, present a difficulty not so easily explained. The signification of the former is "wax, gum, or copal gum," and also, according to Henderson, "root." According to Brinton the Tzental radical _chab_ means "honey, was, bee, a late meal." He refers, however, to the Cakchiquel, where he finds that _ch'ab_ means "mud, clay, mire," and suggests that "as red and black clays were the primitive pigments this may connect the Tzental day name with the Maya." Seler, however, derives the Maya name from _ci_ or _cii_, "to taste good," "to smell good;" and as _ci_ is also the name of the maguey plant, and likewise refers to the pulque or intoxicating drink from this plant, he concludes that _cib_ must have been formed by the addition of the instrumental suffix, and hence refers to that which is used for wine, "either the honey, or, more correctly, the narcotic root."

This conclusion he thinks is strengthened by the fact that the corkscrew figure, which is the chief element of the _cib_ symbol, is found several times on vases or earthen vessels (see LXVII, 6). Attention is called in this connection to the fact that _loo_ in Zapotec signifies "root," which is also one of the meanings given by Henderson to the Maya _cib_, which would seem to strengthen Dr Seler's conclusion.

The glyph is seldom if ever found in combination with other characters or used otherwise than as a day symbol. This, together with the fact that it is not found except as a day symbol in the beekeeper's calendar in the Troano Codex, would seem to indicate that there has been a change in the name of the day since the origin of the symbol; or, on the other hand, the symbol has been modified from some older form. Nevertheless, there are some indications that it is phonetic and that the corkscrew figure has _b_ as its chief element, whether _cib_ be the word indicated or not.

In the symbol for the day _Caban_ (LXVII, 9) we see the same corkscrew figure, and observe that _b_ is the chief consonant element of the word. In the well-known symbol for woman (LXVI, 49) there appears the same character, usually double, one at the front of the face, the other on the back part of the head. I have usually considered this a mere conventional symbol, taken from the female head, these corkscrew figures indicating the rolls of hair. Nevertheless it is possible that it is phonetic, as we see on the cheek the _c_, _ch_, or _k_ character heretofore referred to. As _chup_, _chupal_, and _chuplal_ are names for "woman, female, or girl," the _p_ may replace the _b_ and represent the corkscrew figure. I am unable, however, to explain the prefix, which should have the _b_ or _p_ sound, or be a determinative. Possibly it may denote _pal_, signifying a young person, though this appears to refer generally to the male sex. Henderson, however, prefixes _x_ to give it the signification "daughter, or girl."

That the symbol on vessels as shown in LXVII, 6, indicates liquid, or drink of some kind, is more than probable. It may refer to _balche_ (or _baleze_), the ceremonial drink, the symbol indicating the phonetic element _b_.

The upper portion of the figure shown in LXVII, 7, from Tro. 3*b and 4*b (in the space) I was at first inclined to regard as a reptile of some kind, but the fact of its presence in the section relating to bees and honey, and the corkscrew markings, render it probable that it is beeswax. To this evidence may be added the fact that the symbol over which it is placed contains some of the elements of the _cib_ glyph. There are a number of places where quite similar markings appear on seats and other things, but these are distinguished by the added line of dots, showing it, as will be seen hereafter, to be in these cases the _cab_ or _caban_ symbol.

The facts which have been mentioned, together with the form of the symbol, may possibly lead to a correct understanding of its origin. It seems probable that the corkscrew figure, which is the chief, and apparently only, essential element, is taken from the root of a plant and was the conventional method of representing that object. As it appears from Henderson's Lexicon that "root" was one signification of _cib_ (probably from _cibah_, "to follow, succeed," which also signifies "born, manifested, root," alluding to origin), and also that in Zotzil _yib_ or _yibel_ is "root" (raiz de arbol, _yibel-te_), we find the reason why this was selected as the symbol to express the sound _cib_. The fact that in the Zapotec _loo_ signifies "root" strengthens this conclusion and indicates that the symbol is not used simply for the sound indicated--that is, phonetically or ikonomatically--but also with reference to the signification.

THE SEVENTEENTH DAY

Maya, _caban_; Tzental, _chic_; Quiche-Cakchiquel, _noh_; Zapotec, _xoo_; Nahuatl, _ollin_. In addition to these, the following are also sometimes given: In Meztitlan, _nahui olli_; Pipil, _tecpila nahuatl_.

This character, as is apparent from plate LXVII, 8-13, is subject to no material variation; in fact, to no variation which would prevent us from at once identifying it. That shown in LXVII, 8, is Landa's figure. The change in position of the black spot and lines with reference to one another does not appear to have any significance. In the Troano and Cortesian codices the black dot is sometimes on one side and sometimes on the other. In the Dresden Codex, however, it is nearly always on the left. The one shown in LXVII, 13, in which there is introduced a new element, is found several times in the last part of the Dresden Codex.

This character is used very frequently otherwise than as a day symbol, being found separate and in combination, also as a mark on a number of articles. As it is possible to determine with reasonable, and in fact satisfactory, certainty its signification in a number of instances where used otherwise than as a day symbol, some of these will be noticed, as they seem to furnish strong evidence of phoneticism. But I repeat here the statement made at the commencement of this paper, that in using this term "phoneticism," I include that which may, in a strict classification, be called ikonomatic. However, before referring to these, it is best to give the interpretations of the names which have been suggested, as the bearing of our interpretations of the symbols will then be better understood.

The Mexican name _ollin_ or _olin_ is generally interpreted "motion or movement," with special reference to the earthquake. Dr Seler, however, adds "caoutchouc ball." In his first paper, heretofore referred to, he remarks in regard to the Maya, Tzental, and Quiche-Cakchiquel names: "There is not much to be drawn from these words." In his subsequent paper he apparently relies upon the usual signification of the Mexican term, and from this and the signification of the Zapotec _xoo_, "powerful, strong, violent," concludes that the Tzental name may be consistently rendered by "large, powerful," and the Maya name by "that which is brought down, which is above," reference being made to ascending and descending. Dr Brinton derives the Maya term from _cab_, "might or strength," on the authority of the _Motul Dicc._, and says that in this sense it corresponds precisely with the Tzental _chic_ (equal Maya _chich_, "cosa fuerta y dura"), the Quiche-Cakchiquel _noh_, "strong, great," and the Zapotec _xoo_, "force, power, or might." Dr Seler, however, concludes that the Zapotec name is here to be interpreted "earth," or to be understood as referring to the earth. He thinks that the day symbol is an abbreviated form of, or derived from, LXVI, 49, which he takes to be a symbol of the goddess Chiribias or Ixchebelyax, whom he identifies with Zaczuy, "the white maiden." As will be observed, we have expressed the opinion that this glyph is a symbol for woman in the general sense, which conclusion appears to be confirmed by its connection with different female figures. There are, however, certain prefixes and suffixes which may serve to give it a specific application; for example, in LXVII, 14, from Dres. 16c, the prefix, according to my interpretation, contains the _z_ sound as its chief phonetic element. It is possible that in this case a particular person may be referred to by the prefix, the woman symbol being here simply a determinative. Dr Brinton, in his explanation of the month name _Zip_, remarks: "This was _Zuhuy Zip_, the virgin _Zip_, her name being properly _Dzip_, 'to skin, to dress slain animals.'" I prefer, however, to interpret the symbol by "maiden," or "young woman," the prefix signifying _zuhuy_. Nevertheless, the suffix in some instances, as LXVII, 15, from Dres. 18b, may indicate that a sacred or mythological personage is referred to, as it is added as a suffix in some cases to deity symbols; however, as it is often found in other relations, where it can have no such signification, I am not inclined to give it this interpretation, as the evident female deities are denoted by quite different glyphs.

The evidence that the Caban symbol is in some sense phonetic appears to me to be too strong to be rejected. In the first place, one of its chief elements is the corkscrew figure, which, as shown under the preceding day, appears to have _b_ as its consonant element, this sound being a prominent element of both _cib_ and _caban_. It also has been shown that it is not out of place in the woman glyph, under the supposition that this is also phonetic, as _chup_ or _chupal_ is the Maya name for woman, and the change from _b_ to _p_ is not uncommon. It is found in several places as that out of which plants are growing, as LXVII, 16, from Tro. 32b, which appears to represent some leguminous plant supported by a stake driven into the ground. It is that on which persons are sitting Indian fashion, and on which others are lying; again, it is that out of which a serpent is arising. As "earth," "ground," will furnish an entirely satisfactory explanation in all these cases, there is no apparent reason why it should not be accepted. As _cab_ has "earth" as one of its leading significations, we not only find therein a connection with the day name, but also an indication of phoneticism.