Chapter III: Other Deities and Festivals

I

THE SO-CALLED SEVEN DIVINITIES

Besides their great saint, the Yezidis believe in seven other šeiḫs through whose intermediation they invoke God. These are also deified and assigned places of honor at Šeiḫ ‘Adi’s side. In their case as in that of their chief, the tradition has led some critics to believe that they are archangels; others, different attributes of God; and still others, the seven Amshaps of Zoroaster, or immortal spirits of the Avesta. The last conjecture is made by Victor Dingelstadt.[150] Cholsohn goes a step further in making the assertion, “Der Tempel des sheikh Shams ist ohne allen Zweifel ein Sonnentempel der so gebaut ist, dass die ernsten Strahlen der Sonne so häufig als möglich auf ihn fallen.” The ground for this positive statement is, we are told “Layard berichtet.”[151] Now, the English scholar seems to base his contention on the fact that the building is called the sanctuary of Šeiḫ Šams; that the herd of white oxen which are slain on great festivals at Šeiḫ ‘Adi’s are dedicated to Šams; “that the dedication of the bull to the sun” was generally recognized in the religious system of the ancients, which probably originated in Assyria; and that the Yezidis may have unconsciously preserved a myth of their ancestors.[152] To my mind the ground for such a view is the apriori assumption that the religion of the devil-worshippers is the remnant of an ancient cult, and that every phenomenon in it is to be regarded, therefore, a survival of the past system. For certain reasons I hold that such is not the case.

One reason, as Badger rightly remarks, the Yezidis so designate the place for the sake of brevity, is the entablature over the doorway records the name in full, “Sheikh Shams Ali Beg and Faris.” Two persons are mentioned in the inscription.[153] In like manner, the word Šams frequently enters into the construction of Mohammedan names. The most celebrated one that bore this name was Šams ud-Din of Tabriz, the friend and spiritual guide of Jalal ad-Din, who flourished during the first half of the 13th century of our era.

Moreover, round about the tomb of Šeiḫ ‘Adi are many such abandoned shrines, each of which is dedicated to a similar deified šeiḫ. Many of these šeiḫs are known to be historical personages. Take for example, Šeiḫ ‘Abd al-ḳadir of Gilan. He is Šeiḫ Muḥiyy ud Din ‘Abd al ḳadir of Gilan in Persia, the founder of the ḳadiri order of dervishes. He was born in A. H. 471 (A. D. 1078-9) and died A. H. 516 (A. D. 1164-5). So also Šeiḫ ḳaḍib al-Ban. He was from Mosul, and was a contemporary of Šeiḫ ‘Adi. In giving the life of Muḥi ad Din aš-Šharnozuri, Ibn Ḫallikan (v. 2,651) says, “His corpse was removed to a mausoleum built for its reception outside the Maidan Gate of Mosul, near the tomb of ḳadib al-Ban, the celebrated worker of miracles.” Further, Manṣur al-Ḥallaj was a celebrated mystic, revered as a saint by the more advanced sufis. He was put to death with great cruelty at Bagdad in A. H. 309 (A. D. 921-2) on a charge of heresy and blasphemy, because he had said in one of his ecstacies, “Ana-l-Ḥaḳḳ, I am the truth, God.” All biographers of sufi saints speak of him with admiration.

There are still others who are mentioned even among the seven šeiḫs enumerated in the principal prayer. Šeiḫ Ḥasan (written also Šeiḫisin) was from Baṣrah. He was a celebrated theologian and died in A. D. 728. His life is given by Ibn Ḫallikan. He was noted for self-mortification, fear of God and devotion. And Faḫr ad-Din is ibn Abd Allah Mohammed Ibn Amar al-Ḥuṣain Ibn al-Ḥasan, Ibn ‘Ali Al-Taim al-Bakri al-Taberstani ar-kai-zi (native of Kai in Tabarestan), surnamed Faḫr ad-Din (glory of faith). He was a doctor of the Shafite sect, a pearl of his age, a man without a peer. He surpassed all his contemporaries in scholastic theology, and preached both in Arabic and Persian. He would draw floods of tears from his eyes. His virtues and merits were boundless. He was born at Kai, 25th of Ramadan, A. H. 544 (A. D. 1150), and died at Ḥerat, the first of Shawal, A. H. 606 (March A. D. 1210). (See ibn Ḫallikan in loco.)

In the light of these facts, I conclude, then, that those who cannot be identified—for many bear the same name, and we do not know which is which—are also historical personages.

This is what I mean by the statement that in order to yield satisfactory results the inductive method must be supported by historical investigations.

In a question like this, however, the philosophical method also, when carried on critically, may yield a satisfactory result. Accordingly, observations should be made in the sphere of religious consciousness. Now one of the characteristics of the human mind is the tendency to defy man. This is shown in the titles which men gave to their superiors. In the Tell-al-Amarna tablets, we find various kinglets of Syria, in writing to the king of Egypt, address him as “my gods” (ilani-ia). Thus Abimilki of Tyre writes: “To my lord, the king, my son, my god.” What is more, a superhuman character is attributed to the dead. This appears from the attitude which the primitive mind entertained towards the deceased. At first, the relation to the dead was hostile, hence their spirits were feared. Gradually, the relation became familiar, so that their association was sought and sacrifices and gifts were offered to them. They came to be looked upon as elohim, who knew the future events. Thus we find that in the Old Testament, worship was offered to the dead, and that the tombs of ancestors and heroes frequently appear as places of worship, as, _e. g._, the grave of Miriam at Kadish (Num. 26: 1). Even to-day tombs of saints are common in Arabia, and thousands of people visit them annually to ask the intercession of the saints. Likewise, the Nuṣairiyeh of Syria have deified ‘Ali, the Drus their chief Hakim, the Babis their Beha, and the Christians their saints.[154] We cannot, therefore, be surprised that the Yezidis have deified their šeiḫs and heroes. They have only shown that common trait of the mind—the tendency to deify man.

It is to be noticed, further, that in the historical development of religions we find that when the stage of the mere belief in spirits is past, individual deities stand out from the great mass of the spirits, and these are plainly imagined to be personal gods, such as Astarte and Ba‘al by the side of Hadad and Aschirat.[155] Now this is practically what we find in the evolution of modern Yezidism. Out of many šeiḫs and murids, seven, next to šeiḫ ‘Adi, stand out as individual divinities.

Yearly festivals in honor of these šeiḫs are commemorated in April at different villages with the same rites as those observed at Šeiḫ ‘Adi’s tomb. Lamps are nightly lighted and left to burn in the shacks called after the names of their respective šeiḫs; and in those to which a room is attached, ḳawwals assemble at sunset every Tuesday and Thursday, when they burn incense over each tomb; and after watching a short time, and smoking their pipes, they return home.

An interesting festival is that of Šeiḫ Mohammed, celebrated by the people of Ba‘šiḳa, where his tomb exists. They say that they are solemnizing the nuptials of Šeiḫ Mohammed, whom they believe to be married once a year. The men and women dance together while the ḳawwals play on their flutes and tambourines. They bring Melek Ṭâ´ûs in procession from Baḥazanie to Ba‘šiḳa amid rejoicing and sound of music. Two pirs precede the bearer of the sacred peacock, carrying in their hands lighted candles which they move to and fro. As they pass along the bystanders bow in adoration and, immersing their hands in the smoke, perfume with it their arms and faces. They carry the image of Melek Ṭâ´ûs to the house of the one who is the highest bidder for the honor of entertaining it. Here it remains two days, during which all profane festivals are suspended and visits are paid to it.

II

THE DAY OF SARSAL

In addition to the festivals mentioned above is the one observed on New Year’s day, the first Wednesday in April. On this day, the Yezidis say, no drums are to be beaten, for God sits on the throne, holding a conference at which he decrees the events of the year. They also stick wild scarlet anemones to the entrance of their houses. The refraining from the sound of instruments of pleasure on the part of orientals signifies a state of contrition. Hence, it is very likely that the Yezidis entertain the view that on this day God is decreeing their destiny for the coming year; that they must now, therefore, adjust their relation to him with sincere sorrow for sin. If this is so, the significance of the hanging of the flowers at the entrance of their houses can be taken as intended to propitiate the Evil Principle, and to ward off calamity during the coming year. Such a belief has a parallel in many religions. According to Babylonian mythology human destiny was decreed on New Year’s day and sealed on the tenth day thereafter. It was therefore necessary to placate the deity, or at least to make sure of one’s relation to him, before this particular day. The New Year period was held, therefore, to be of special importance because of the bearing on individual welfare by reason of the good or the evil decision of the gods. Our modern custom of wishing our friends a Happy New Year has perhaps some connection with this idea.[156]

The Day of Atonement (Lev. 23: 27; 25: 29) had a most important place in the Jewish ecclesiastical year. This was the occasion of a thorough purification of the whole nation and of every individual member thereof in their relation to Yahweh. It was designed to deepen afresh the national and individual sense of sin and dread of the judgment of God. According to Talmud (Mišna, Roš hašana, vol. I, 2) Roš hašana is the most important judgment day, on which all creatures pass for judgment before the Creator. On this day, three books are opened wherein the fate of the wicked, the righteous and those of the intermediate class are recorded. Hence prayer and works of repentance are performed on the New Year from the first to the tenth that an unfavorable decision might be averted (Jewish Ency., art. Penitential Day). R. Akiba says: “On New Year Day all men are judged; and the degree is sealed on the Day of Atonement (Ibid, art. Day of Judgment).

Moreover, the red lilies of the doors of the Yezidis remind us at once of the blood sprinkled on the doorposts of the dwellings of the Israelites in Egypt as a sign for the Destroying Angel to pass over. This notion is found also in a similar practice among the Parsees of India, who hang a string of leaves across the entrances to their houses at the beginning of every new year.

In the light of what has been said, the Yezidis’ idea in giving food to the poor at the grave on the day of Sarsal (New Year day), is to propitiate God on behalf of the dead, who are, according to their belief, reincarnated in some form or other.[157]

NOTES ON CHAPTER III

[150] S. G. M., ibid.

[151] _Die Sabien_, I, 296.

[152] _Nineveh and Its Remains_, vol. II, p. 239.

[153] _Nestorians and Their Rituals_, vol. I, p. 117.

[154] S. J. Curtis: _Primitive Semitic Religion To-day_, p. 96; J. A. O. S., vol. 8, 223.

[155] Cf. Marti’s _Die Religion des A. T._, pp. 28-29.

[156] The Hibbert Journal, ibid.

[157] For different interpretation of the Yezidi New Year, see Brockelmann in Z. D. M. G., vol. 55, p. 388.