Chapter VI: Part 6

One Merredeth, a notable coward, when he was in field, and demaunded why he did not fight and strive to kill his enemies? He, good man, told them, he could not finde in his heart to kill them whom he never sawe before, nor had ever any quarrell with them.

[Sidenote: fo. 79.

19 Dec. 1602.]

AT PAULES.

One with a long browne beard, a hanging looke, a gloting eye, and a tossing learing jeasture; his text "Take heede of false prophets which come to you in sheepes clothinge, but within are rauening wolves; you shall know them by their fruits."

False prophets _qui veritatem laudant sed amant mendacia_ preache truely but liue wickedly. He ran over manie heresies, and concluded still to take heede of them; false prophets which soothe up in synn by pardons for past, and dispensacions for synn to come.

The sheepes clothing, pretended innocency, simplicity, and profitt; they come onely to teache us the auncient universall, and that relligion which our fathers lived and dyed in; that ours is scarse an hundred yeares old, received but in a corner or twoe as it were of the world.

But ours is auncient, theirs newe, all since 600 yeares after Christ, as their universall vicarage. 2. Their singing by note in the churche. 3. Their lifting up of the breade. 4. Auricular confession and universall pardon, &c.

[Sidenote: fo. 79^b.

19.]

The multitude noe signe of the churche, for Noah and his family in the old world, Lott in Sodome, &c.

And a true note of the true church, that it hath bin allways persecuted, and the false the persecutor. Abel slayne, &c. This cruelty the property of wolves.

His whole sermon was a stronge continued invectiue against the papists and jesuites. Not a notable villanous practise committed but a pope, a cardinall, a bishop, or a priest had a hand in it; they were still at the worst ende.

They come, they are neuer sent, they come without sending for.

[Sidenote: fo. 80.

19 Dec. 1602.]

[Sidenote: fo. 80^b.

19 Dec. 1602.]

In the afternoone, at a church in Foster Lane end, one Clappam, a blacke fellowe, with a sower looke, but a good spirit, bold, and sometymes bluntly witty; his text Salomon's Song, iv. ca. 3 v.: "Thy lips are like a thred of skarlett." For the exposicion of this text he said he would not doe as many would after the fancy of their owne braine, but according to the Scripture, expound it by some other place, and that was ii. of Josua, where he findeth the same words, a skarlet thred, v. 21, "Shee bound the skarlet threed in the windowe." He told a long story of Rahab before he came to the threed; and after almost all his sermon was some allusion to that story. Rabby Shulamo makes this comparison, that the lips are said to be like a threed of skarlett, to signifie such person in the churche whose promises are performaunces, whose wordes are workes, as the red threed was a simbole and a signe unto Rahab. Rahab was a tauernes, and it signifies alsoe an harlot, because such kinde of people in that country used to sell their honesty with their meate. Like scarlett; the colour sheweth life within, as palenes death.

Joshua a type of Jesus, and the wordes the same in seuerall languages. Moses could not bring the children of Israel into the land of promise, but that was the office of Joshua; the lawe could not be our saviour, but Christ is he that must bring us to heaven. Joshua sent two spies; Christ obserued the same number, and alwayes sent two disciples togither. 3. What the spies undertooke and promised according to their commission was firme and ratified by Joshua; whose synnes the disciples, and nowe the ministers, according to their power, remitt or binde on earth, shalbe remitted or bound in heaven.

There are enough of Rahab's profession in euery place; a man may finde a greate many more then a good sorte. "I would not give a penny for an 100 of them," said he.

Rahab beleeved and shewed it by hir workes. Every one will say he beleeues, but except he can showe it to me by his workes, I will not give two strawes for it; lett him carry it to the exchange and see what he can gett for it.

[Sidenote: fo. 81.

19 Dec. 1602.]

An harlot is like a pantofle or slipper at an inne, which is ready to serve for every foote that comes.

Paule, like the spies, was lett downe out at a windowe, and ouer a city wall too. Wee promise in babtisme to fight against Sathan; but, alas, will some say, I finde that I haue often stroue with him, and still I finde I goe away with some wound or other. "Be therefore comforted" sayd he, "for these woundes are signes of your fighting."

When God deliuered his people from the Aegiptians he led them with a pillar of light, but caste a darke cloud betwixt, "and soe the blinde buzards," said he, "ran up and downe, they knewe not about what."

When he shewed that Salmon was the husband of Rahab, he said "Yf anie nowe, after 44 yeares preaching, and the bible being in English were ignorant of that, it were a horrible shame." And here he sett downe a posicion that none could soundly interpret or vnderstand the Scripture without genealogy, which he commended verry highly.

Of love; they wilbe at your commaundement. But you may doe it yourselfe. You shall commaund and goe without.

[Sidenote: fo. 81^b.

22 Dec. 1602.]

When Dr. Colpeper, warden of New Colledge in Oxford,[138] expelled one Payne of that house for some slight offence, this Payne recited that verse alluding to their name.

[Footnote 138: Dr. Martin Culpeper, warden 1573 to 1599. (Hardy's Le
Neve, iii. 555.)]

_Pæna potest demi, Culpa perennis erit._ (_Rous._)

[Sidenote: 24.]

I tooke my journey and came to Bradborne.

John Kent told me of a pretty cosenning connycatching trick of late used in London. On that was in execution for debt at the suit of a gent. that dwelt in a far country, procured one of his acquaintaunce to surmise that his creditor was deade, dyed intestate, and he the next of kin, and thereupon to procure letters of administracion, by coulour whereof he might have good opportunity to discharge the party, which was effected accordingly.

My cosen told me that the county of Kent hath compounded, by the mediacion of the justices of peace, with the Greene clothe to be discharged of the purueyors for the Queenes house for all victualls, &c. except timber and carriage, with the price of wheate raised to 20_d._ the bushell, which before was but 10_d._, and for this to pay 2100_l._ per annum, for which the parishes rated, and East Malling at 5_l._

[Sidenote: 27.]

We have good cardes to shew for it, said a lawyer to the old Recorder Fleetewood: "Well," said he, "I am sure wee have kings and queenes for us, and then you can have but a company of knaues on your syde."

[Sidenote: fo. 82.

29 Dec. 1602.]

I tooke my journey about my cosens busines, to have a sight of certaine bondes in Mrs. Aldriche handes, as executrix to hir husband, wherein my cosen G. Mannyngham, deceased, and his executors, &c. with William Sumner, stoode bound; which bonds, by the meanes of my cosen Mr. Watts, I had a sight of, and finde that eache of them is in 500_l._ The condicion of one of them is to pay to Mr. Aldriche during his lyfe 100_l._ yearely at severall feasts. And yf William Sumner fayle in payment, or not put in nue suretyes upon the death of anie, then to stand in force. Nowe Sumner sayth he did not pay allwayes at the day, and it is apparent that noe sureties are put in since the death of my cosen, nor since the death of one Savil an other obligor. The condicion of the other was, whereas Mr. Aldriche had deputed William Sumner to exercise his office, that he should not comitt any thing which might amount to a forfayture of the letters patents whereby Mr. Aldriche held his office, and alsoe that William Sumner should performe all covenants conteyned in a payre of Indentures bearing the same date with the obligacion, all dated the 20 of June _A^o Reginæ 37, A^o Dni. 1595_. These I was to have a sight of, that yf the legataries sue my cosen, as executor in the right of his wife, he might pleade these obligacions in barr.

[Sidenote: fo. 82^b.

29 Dec. 1602.]

I lay at my cosen Chapmans at Godmerrsham.

I dined at my cosen Cranmers at Canterbury, and by him understoode howe Mr. Sumner had submitted himselfe to the arbitrement of Mr. Rauens and another, but the arbitrators, not regarding their authority, shuffled it vp vpon a sudden betweene Mrs. Aldriche and Sumner, whereas the submission and obligacion was betweene one of Mr. Aldriches sonnes and Sumner; and soe, by their negligent mistaking, all was voyd. The cause of controversy was, Mr. Aldriche dyed some 2 or 3 dayes before the day of payment, his widdowe executrix desyred the whole, Sumner denied all, yet, in regard that Mrs. Aldriche should cancell his bondes and make him a generall acquittaunce, he offred 20 markes, and the arbitrators gaue but 20_l._, which Sumner refuseth to pay, and therefore the widdowe threatenes either to sue the bondes or bring an accion of accompt against Sumner for all the monies he receiued as deputy; but Sumner told me he hath generall acquittances for all accompts, except the last quarter.

This night I lay at my Cosen Watts, by Sandwich, and he rode with me the next morning to Canterbury.

[Sidenote: fo. 83.

30 Dec. 1602.]

Sir Wa. Rawley made this rime upon the name of a gallant, one Mr. Noel,

The word of deniall, and the letter of fifty,
Makes the gent. name that will never be thrifty. (_Noe. L._)

and Noels answere,

The foe to the stommacke, and the word of disgrace,
Shewes the gent. name with the bold face. (_Raw. Ly._)

My cosen Watts told me that the Bishop of Yorke, Dr. Hutton,[139] was esteemed by Campion the onely man of all our divines for the fathers.

[Footnote 139: Dr. Matthew Hutton, Archbishop of York, 1595-1606.
(Hardy's Le Neve, iii. 115.)]

That opinion which some hold that Paule did not publishe his writings till he and they were confirmed by Peter, as the head of the Apostles, is plainely everted by the 1 and 2 chapters to the Ga[lla]thians, where it is apparant that Paule withstoode and contradicted Peter, &c.

[Sidenote: 31.]

[Sidenote: fo. 83^b.

Dec. 1602.]

[Sidenote: fo. 84.

Dec. 1602.]

Dyned with my cosen Watts, at my cosen Cranmers in Canterbury. In discourse howe obstinate some are, that they will not confesse a fact, wherefore they were justly condemned, my cosen Cranmer remembred this story. Not long since one Keyt a Kentishe man had made [his] will, whereby he bequeathed a great legacy to one Harris, but after, being displeased, he gave out that he would revoke his will, and Harris should have nothing, whereupon Harris, thinking to prevent his purpose, hired a thrasher to murther him. This poore knave having effected this villany began to grow resty, could not endure to worke any more, but would be maynteyned by Harris for this feate, otherwise most desperatly he threatened to reveall the matter. Thus the fellowe fedd soe long, and spent soe lavishly upon himselfe and his queanes, out of Harris's purse, that Harris, growing weary of the charge, began to thinke howe he might conceale the first by practising a second murther; which he plotted in this manner, he would invite the knave to a dynner at Maidstone, and procure some to murther him as he should come through the woodes. But the fellowe, fearing the worst (because they had bin at some hott words before) imparted his feare to his whore whome he kept, told hir that yf he were murthered shee should accuse the Harrisses, and wisht hir to looke in the bottome of his deske, and there shee should finde that would be sufficient to hang them. As he feared it happened, for he was murthered; the queane brought all to light, and those papers in his deske shewed the whole manner of the former murther of Keyt, whereupon the Harrises were indited, found gilty, and adjudged to be hanged. The former tooke it upon his death that he was guiltles of the latter murder, but the other confest it as he was tumbling from the ladder.

When certaine schollers returning from Italy were at the Bishops of Canterbury, amongst other they came about my cosen Cranmer with their new fashioned salutacions belowe the knee. He, like a good plaine honest man, stoode still, and told them he had not learned to dissemble soe deepely.

Hee told mee what dissembling hyppocrites these Puritanes be, and howe slightly they regard an oath: Rauens having a booke brought unto him by a puritane to have his opinion of it, the booke being written by B. Bilson, Rauens as he had reade it would needes be shewing his foolishe witt in the margent, in scoffing at the booke. When the fellowe that had but borrowed it was to carry it home again, he swore it neuer went out of his hands. After, when it was shewed him what had bin written in it when himselfe could not write, he confessed that Ravens had it; then Rauens forswore his owne hand.

[Sidenote: fo. 84^b.

7 Jan, 1602.]

I came from Canterbury to Godmersham.

Cosen Jo. Chapman takes the upper hand and place of his elder brother Drue.

Mr. Jo. Cutts, Sir John Cutts sonne and heire, was married some two yeares since to Mr. Kemp of Wye his daughter; keepes foure horses, foure men, his wife a gentleman and a mayde, and hath but 200_l._ per annum in present; mary his meate and drinke and horse meate is frank with Mr. Kemps. He shall be heir to Sir Henry Cutts of Kent; is like to be worthe some 1,500_l._ per annum, after his father and mother and Sir Henry Cutts and his ladyes death.

Stafford, that married Sir John Cutts daughter hath brought his yonger brother to this composicion, that there is 300_l._ per annum for his children, 200_l._ of it for his wife during hir life, and 100_l._ for hir husband, shee to keepe hir selfe and children, he to be soe limited because too prodigall.

[Sidenote: fo. 85.}

fo. 85^b.} nil.

fo. 86.

30 Jan. 1602.]

AT PAULES CROSSE.

One BARLOWE, a beardless man of Pembroke Hall in Cambridge.

[Sidenote: fo. 86^b.]

After his prayer and before he came to his text, he made a large exordium after this fashion; that yf Paule sayth of himselfe that he was amongst the Corinthians in weaknes, in feare and trembling, much more might he say the like of himselfe: whoe was weake in deliveraunce and methode, &c. Yet he entreated they would not heare, as some say they will heare, the man, but that they would regard the matter. Of all parts of Scripture the book of the Preacher may seeme most befitting a preacher, wherein is lively depainted the vanity of the world and all things therein: wherof at this time he intended to speake, but not out of the Preacher, but out of the words of St. Paule, and those were written in the viiith chapter to the Romans, the 19, 20, 21, and 22 verses. His distribution of this text, or rather context as he called it, because he said it was like Christs garment soe wouen togither that it might not be parted, was into five points: 1. That the creature is subject to vanity, v. 20. 2d. The reason of this subjection, by reason of him which hath subdued it vnder hope. 3. That the creatures shall be delivered, and hope for deliveraunce. 4. The effects of the subjection to vanity: every creature groneth with us, v. 22. 5. The effect of hope, the feruent desyre of the creature wayteth, &c. v. 19. He said this place of Scripture is accounted the hardest in all Paules Epistles. For the first, that the creature is subject to vanity, he interpreted the word by "creature" is ment, in this place, the heavens, the elements, all things made of them, or conteyned in them, except men and angells. The vanity of the creature is in two points, 1. In the frustracion of their end, which is twoefold, the service of God, that made them; 2d. and the service of good men, for whom he made them. The 2d vanity, that they are subject to corruption, not of annihilacion of matter, but decaying in force and virtue.

The creatures, yf they had their owne will, would destroy the wicked and save the godly alone. As the earth would open hir mouth and swallowe them quicke, as it did Datham and Abiram. The lyons would devoure them, as it did the accusers of Daniel, but shutt their mouths against the innocent. The fier would burne them, as it did those which cast the three children into the furnace. It hath bin obserued that as well the influence of the heauens as the fertilnes of the earth is decayed, and that the whole world is the worse for wearing, the heavens themselves growing old as doth a garment.

2. God hath subdued the creature, for it is he alone that maketh the sunne shine, and powreth downe rayne as well upon the good as the bad, &c. and the reason of this subjection is the synn of man; for all these being created for mans vse, when he synned they were punished with him.

[Sidenote: fol. 87.

Jan. 1602.]

3. They shall be delivered from this bondage when there shalbe a newe heaven and a newe earth; not that the substance of these shalbe abolished, but a newe forme and perfection added, when they shall enjoy their ends and be of religion. The elements shall melt with fyre, a comparison from mettall which is melted not to be consumed, but to be purified and put in forme.

The morall uses; 1. patiently to endure the afflictions of this life, for as thoughe the Apostle should laye them in a balance to weighe them, he sayth that the momentary afflictions of this lyfe are not worthy the waighte of glory that is layed vp for us in the life to come.

We may truely say that the afflictions of these tymes wherein we liue are not worthy the glory, for these are non, wee living in abundant prosperity and peace, but tymes of persecution may come, wherein these may be comfortable arguments; and, he said, that for ought he could see the crosse was the proper badge and cognisaunce of a Christian. There are soe many kindes of takinge; of takinge bribes, monie, gifts, &c. that there be fewe will take paynes with the creatures.

The creatures travayle togither with us, a metaphore taken from travayle with child: which is caused from syn, and is a desyre to be delivered.

[Sidenote: fo. 87^b.]

When the sonnes of God shall be reuealed, _i. e._ when the number of the elect be called, for whose sake the dissolucion of the world is deferred. The Jewes must be conuerted before the world can be dissolued. He that before the dissolucion of abbies had foretold what was to happen unto them for their fault and wickednes which liued in them, yf they had thereupon repented and entred into a new course of lyfe, though this could not perhaps haue stayed their dissolucion, yet it might haue saued themselves in some better state; soe when men are foretold of the dissolucion of the world, which is hastned and caused for our synnes, though our repentaunce and amendment of lyfe cannot hinder the dissolucion, yet may it be good for ourselves.

[Sidenote: fo. 88.

30 Jan. 1602.]

IN THE AFTERNOONE, AT ST. PETERS BY PAULES WHARFE, MR. CLAPHAM. GEN. IV. 8.

"Yf a man doth not well, synn lieth at the dore," like a dog, sayd he, that will snap him by the shins.

[Sidenote: fo. 88^b.

Jan. 1602.]

By primority of birth Kaine had the inheritaunce of land, and the rule of his brother Habel. He was Lord over him, and did domineer, a title that was used, and is allowed by all to temporall persons, but by some fantasticall curious heads of late denied to the ecclesiasticall governors. A sort of busie superstitious and factious braines there be, and some in this city, that are afrayed of they know not what, would haue something if they could tell what it ment: they are like a goose that stoopes when it comes in at a barne dore, though it knowe not wherefore. These forsoothe crye into the eares of those auditors that like and followe them, that there must be noe such title as Lord given to anie ecclesiastike person, because Christ sayd to his disciples; "Be ye not called Lord," and "The rulers of the Gentiles beare dominacion, but you not soe," Math. xx. Indeede the Scripture talkes after that manner, but not that meaning, and at last they come out with a place, and tell the people they read, Luke xxii. 25. "The kings of the Gentiles be called Gracious Lords, but ye shall not be soe:" and this they say cuts home indeede, just as a leaden sawe; for they may well say they reade so: but I dare say they cannot reade soe in the Scripture, they bely Christ when they say he said soe; he never spake those words; it is a punishment for our synnes that wee cannot reade right in this age. They are unlearned malitious that reade soe. The word in the text originall is [Greek: euergetai], derived of the particle [Greek: eu], good, and the other verbe [Greek: ergazomai] to worke; in Latin they are called Benefactores, we may call them Good Workers, a title which the kings of the Southerne Nations, those which Daniel describeth to be the kingdome that stands upon black legges, when they had done some little good to their state, they would arrogate; soe Ptolome Euergetes, and soe it is forbidden by way of arrogancy for good deedes: because the glory must be ascribed to God.

And by their reason they might as well deny the name of Maister, and Father, for both are forbidden, as well as the other, and soe they might quickly be amongst the Anabaptists, and overturne all difference and jurisdicion. Lord is a name sometyme of place, and sometyme of grace; and soe the ecclesiastike may haue it as well as the temporall, for to the temporall it is a name of place onely, but the ecclesiasticall by their merit may haue it of grace. Neither is it soe strange a title; Jacob useth it to his brother Esau, and the prophet Isay takes it, my Lord, Adoni; Christ acknowledged the name, and some of the Apostles did not refuse it.

[Sidenote: fo. 89.

Jan. 1602.]

"Then Kain spake to Habell;" it is not sett downe what he said: yet some have adventured to say that he said _Transeamus in campos_, but whatsoever it was it is not here mentioned, but left to be conceived, as in iii. Gen. v. 22, least he put forth his hand [and] take alsoe of the tree of lyfe: it is left what he resolved. Not that yf Adam had tasted of the tree of lyfe that he should have liued for ever, noe more then he that receives the Sacrament vnworthily shall be a member of Christs body, but that was spoken _ironice_.

It is like he spake fayre words, being in the house in presence of his father and mother, and that he used dissembling flattering speaches to draw him to such a place where he might with aduantage execute his purpose. A common practise in this world, and an old one, you see, a Machiuilian tricke. They will match the diuel in this age, to carry fayre countenaunce to him whome they meane to overthrowe; to glose and insinuate, to offer hart roote and all, till he may take him at such a vantage that he may cutt his throate or breake his necke, a familiar fashion amongst the nobility in Court, not altogither unusuall amongst the Clergy.

And when they were in the feild Kain rose up against his brother and killed him, a pittifull and a wonderfull matter, will some say, that God will suffer the wicked thus to murther the good; pittifull indeed, but not wonderfull, for the synnes of the best have deserved greater punishment.

[Sidenote: fo. 89^b.

Jan. 1602.]

A strang thing those which were soe great frends, went arme in arme, nowe mortall enimies upon the suddein. A maruelous strang thinge that he should knowe he could kill his brother, that he could dy, for he never sawe any man dye before; but manie things are done, both good and evil, by a secret instinct whereof a man sawe no reason til after the thing performed, as Moses when he slewe the Agyptian.

Murder an auncient synn, the first open offence after the fall that was committed in the world. Here a notable pollicy of the diuel to have dammed up Gods glory and mans relligion, both at once.

Noe murderer at this day but is guilty of this murder of Kain, and all since, since iniquity is sayd to be a measure which every synner in his kinde by adding his synne striues to make full, and soe assents to all before acted, like a conjuror that subscribes with his bloud.

"Where is Habel thy brother?" The Lord careth for the righteous.

"Whoe answered, I cannot tell." He flaps God in the mouth with a ly at the first word, a generall rule that after murder lying followeth, they are links togither, and commonly noe syn committed but a lye runnes after: for none is soe impudent to confesse it, euery one would have the face of virtue.

[Sidenote: fo. 90.]

"Am I my brothers keeper?" See a Kings sonne, the heir of the world, what a lob[140] it is! Howe like a clowne, a clunche,[141] an asse, he aunswers. A synner is the verryest noddy of all. This Kain was the verriest duns in the world. He thought to have outfact God with [a] ly, and then would excuse it; "Am I my brothers keeper?" I marry art thou, as thou wast his brother in love, his elder in government, as the prince is the keeper of his people, the minister of the congregacion, every one of an other! The greate ones would keep the minister poore and beggerly that they might not tell them of their faults, but stopp the preists mouth with a coate or a dynner; "but," sayd he, "the diuel take dynners giuen to such a purpose!"

[Footnote 140: Lob, a clown, a clumsy fellow. (Halliwell's Archaic
Dict.)]

[Footnote 141: Clunch, a clod-hopper. (Halliwell.)]

[Sidenote: fo. 90^b.

30 Jan. 1602.]

The Papists make a forril[142] [?] of the Scripture; they soue up the mouth of it. (_Clapham the other Sunday, as Mr. Peter [?] told me._)

[Footnote 142: This word in the MS. is somewhat blotted and in
consequence doubtful. The "forel" was the cloth or canvas covering
in which it was at one time customary to wrap up a book; see Prompt.
Parvulorum, p. 171. Mr. Way there gives a quotation from Horman, who
says "I hadde leuer haue my boke sowed in a forel than bounde in
bourdis."]

_Scottish taunts._

Long beardes hartles,
Painted hoodes wittles,
Gay coates graceles,
Makes England thriftles.[143]

[Footnote 143: Camden prints these lines in his Remaines (ed.
1637, p. 194) and assigns them to the reign of Edward III. They
have since been quoted in many places, and frequently assigned
to the Scots, although Camden does not give them that origin.]

[Sidenote: 5 February.]

Mr. Asheford told me these verses under written are upon a picture of the nowe Lord Keeper, Sir Thomas Egerton, in the Lord Chief Justice Pophams lodging:--

_In vita gravitas, vultu constantia, fronte
Consilium, os purum, mens pia, munda manus._

A gentleman without monie is like a leane pudding without fatt. (_J. Bramstone._)

Justice Glandville[144] upon a tyme, when fidlers pressed to play before him, made them sing alsoe, and then askt them yf they could not cry too; they said his worship was a merry man; but he made them sad fellowes, for he caused them to be vsed like rogues as they were. (_Ch. Dauers._)

[Footnote 144: Justice of the Common Pleas, 1598-1600. (Foss's
Judges, v. 494.)]

There is best sport always when you put a woman in the case. (_Greene._)

The Attorney Generall [Coke] put a case thus in the Kings benche;--"Yf I covenant to stand seised to the use of my bastard daughter--as I thanke God I have none"--and blusht.

[Sidenote: fo. 91.

1 Feb. 1602. [?]]

There were 11 Sergeants-at-lawe called this day; two of the Middle Temple, Mr. Phillips and Mr. Nicholes; five of the Inner Temple, Crooke the Recorder of London, Tanfeild, Coventry, Foster, and Barker; three of Lyncoln's Inn, Harris and Houghton; one of Grayes Inn, Mr. Altam.

When the Queene was moved to have called another to have made up twelve, she refused, saying she feared yf there were twelve there would be one false brother amongst them.

Sergeant Harris when he heard that Barker was called, "It is well," said he, "there should be one Barker amongst soe manie byters."

This day at dynner Mr. Sing tooke Mr. Nicholes by the hand and led him up from the lower end of the table, where his place was, and seated him on the benche highest at the upper end.

[Sidenote: 3.]

I heard by Mr. Hadsore the lawyers recusants are admitted to plead at the barr in Irland; that one Everard is preferred of late to be a Justice in the Kings Bench there, where there are but two, and yet he a recusant, but an honest man.

[Sidenote: 4.]

It is said Mr. Snig offers 800_l._ to be Sergeant, whereupon Mr. Sergeant Harris said that he doubted not but he should shortly salut his deare brother Mr. Snig.

Argent makes Sargent.

[Sidenote: fo. 91^b.

4 Feb. 1602.]

_Out of a poeme intituled The Tragicall History of_ MARY QUEEN OF SCOTTS _and Dowager of Fraunce._[145] _Hir Ghost to Baldwyne._

[Footnote 145: The poem from which the following lines were
extracted remained unpublished for two centuries after the time of
our Diarist. It was written in the style of the Mirror for
Magistrates, and was clearly intended for insertion in some
subsequent edition of that popular work, but there were obvious
reasons connected with its subject-matter which would operate
against its publication in the reign of Elizabeth and in that of her
successor, and after that time the Mirror had fallen out of fashion,
another style of poetry had come into vogue, Queen Mary and her
sorrows had lost for a time their hold upon the public mind, and the
Tragicall History was consequently entirely lost sight of. In 1810
it was found by Mr. John Fry in a manuscript belonging to a
gentleman named Fryer, and was published by Mr. Fry in a volume
entitled "The Legend of Mary Queen of Scots and other ancient Poems,
now first published from MSS. of the 16th century." (Lond. 8vo.) At
the end of the principal poem there occurs in Mr. Fryer's MS. the
date of the 10th July 1601, with the name of the supposed and, in
all probability, the real author, Thomas Wenman. He is thought to be
the person of those names who contributed one of the commendatory
poems prefixed to the second part of Browne's Britannia's Pastorals,
published in 1616. Wenman was of the Inner Temple. He was Public
Orator of the University of Oxford from 1594 to 1597 (Wood's Athenæ,
ii. 365. Fasti, i. 251. Hardy's Le Neve, iii. 534,) and, as may be
gathered from Mr. Fryer's MS., was a Roman Catholic. We doubted
whether the extracts given by our Diarist should be printed, the
whole poem having been included in the volume edited by Mr. Fry, but
after consideration we have come to the conclusion that it was best
to do so: 1, Because Mr. Fry's impression was an extremely small
one, and the poem is consequently very little known, even to
poetical antiquaries; and 2, Because many of the lines here quoted
supply other readings, and in many cases correct obvious
misreadings, in the edition of Mr. Fry. The tenour of the writer's
opinions upon the moot points of Queen Mary's history may be
gathered even from our Diarist's disjointed extracts. The numbers
added in the margin within brackets refer to the stanzas of the poem
as printed by Mr. Fry.]

[4.] In swiftest channell is the shallowest ground,
In common bruite a truth is seldome found.

[5.] A slight defence repells a weake assault.

[6.] But soe unhappy is a princes state
That scarce of thousands which on them depend
One shall be found, untill it be too late,
That solid truth shall in their counsell fend [lend],
But all theyre vainest humours will defend;
Till wee, alas! doe beare the guilt of all,
And they themselves doe save, what ere befall!

[12.] I will not shewe thee howe my body lyes,
A senceles corps by over hastned death.

[13.] I might bemoane the hap that fell to me
That yet in graue must still accused bee.

[14.] Lett the faults upon the guilty light.

[19.] But fatall was my Guyssian kin to mee;
Who built their hopes on hazard of my bloud,
Like iuy they did clyme up by my tree,
And skathed my growth in many a likely bud.
Theyre ouer kindenes did me little good,
Whose clyming steps of theyre unbridled mynde
Makes me, alas! to blame them as unkinde.

[Sidenote: fo. 92.]

[20.] They gave us courage quarrels to pretend
Gainst neighbours, kings and friends, for whom of right
Our interest and bloud would wish us fight.

[21.] Soe did the wise obserue my tyme of birth
To be a day of mourning, not of mirth,

22. For death deprived two brothers that I had,
Both in a day, not long ere I was borne,
So that a mourning weede my cradle clad.

24. A greivous chaunce it is to meanest sort
To leaue a widdowe in a forrein land,
A child whose yeares cannot herselfe support,
A suckling babe which can ne speak nor stand
But must depend upon a tutors hand;
But greatest mischief is it to a king
Then which noe hap can greater hazard bring.

25. Ill to the prince, and to the people worse,
Which giveth meanes to the ambitious mynd
By rapine to enrich their greedy purse
By wreak [wrack] of commonweale, whilst that they blind
The peoples eyes and shewe themselves unkinde
To pupil princes, whom they doe accuse
As cause of such disorders they doe use.

33. Pride, wealth, and lust, and gredines of mynde
The finest witts we see doth often blynde.

_The choise of the Regent was the beginning of their broyles. Duke Hamilton a worthie, wise prince, chosen Regent, purposed a marriag twixt Q. Mary and Ed. 6., interrupted by the Clergy, and matched with the Dauphine of Fraunce._[146]

[Footnote 146: This is given by Manningham as the substance of
stanzas 34 to 40.]

[Sidenote: fo. 92^b.]

41. Thus to and fro, I, silly wretch, was tost,
And made the instrument of either side,
Turmoyled with stormes, with wilfull wynde and tyde.

47. The Cardinall of Lorraine bare the purse,
The Duke of Guyse the Civil Wars did nurse.

_Our Queene offered hir 30,000 crownes per annum soe she would not marry a forreyner._[147]

[Footnote 147: Manningham's abstract of stanzas 48 to 66.]

67. In heaven they say are weddings first decreed,
All though on earth they are solemnized.

70. Soe most unhappy is a princes state
Who must have least respect them selves to ease,
Barr'd of the right men have of meaner state,
Whose choyse is cheife theyr eyes and mynde to please;
Noe outward pompe can inward grief appease;
A sheepherds lyfe with calme content of mynde
Is greater blisse then many princes finde.

78. God graunt in safety long his life may stay
That riper years may yeild a plenteous crop
Of virtues which doe kingdomes underprop.

81. Not civil but unciuil wars they were,
Twixt man and wife, which jealousy did breede.

82. But if my mynde which was not growne soe base,
Or Dauis yeares unfitt for Ladyes loue,
As fitt excuses might have taken place.

_Dauis hir secretary gave counsell, that shee should not crowne hir husband. Lord Darly._[148]

[Footnote 148: Abstract of stanzas 83 and 84.]

85. Whose rule was like for to eclipse my power.

86. Not any hate unto the Prince he had,
Not unbeseeming loue to me he bare.

88. But as they clyme whom princes doe aduaunce
Eache tongue will trip, and envyes eye will glaunce.

[Sidenote: fo. 93.]

89. To be aduanced from a base estate
By virtue is indeede a happy thing;
But who by fortune clymes will all men hate,
Unles his lyfe unlookt for fruit doe bring
Wherewith to cure the wound of envies sting,
But seldome-tymes is found soe wise a man
That gayneing honour well it governe can.

_Of the murther of Davies._

94. I would have wisht some other had him stroke,
And in a place more farther from my sight,
Or for his right arraigned he had spoke,
Or of his death some other sense had light.

95. A Princes presence should a pardon bee,
A ladyes shout should moue a manly mynde,
A childwifes chamber should from bloud be free,
A wife by husband should not slaunder finde.

101. To disvnite their league I went about,
For cables crack like threds when they vntuist.

_That not the Queen but others procured Bothwell to murther Lord Darly._[149]

[Footnote 149: Abstract of stanzas 102 to 117. The numbers in this
and the following page are printed as in the MS.]

118. It stoode them well upon to finde a way
To rid a foe whose power they well might feare;
They knewe the King did watch reuenging day,
And Bothwell did them litle likeing beare,
They knewe ambition might his malice teare,
They knewe the hope of kingdome and of me
Would win him to the Kings decay agree.

119. To fayne my hand to worke soe greate effect
They would not stick to haue their lives assured.

109. Howe ere it was, by whose soeuer fact,
The breache of peace betwixt us growne of late,
Our parted bed, my loue which somewhat slackt,
Some letters shewed as myne importing hate,
With the slender shewe I make in mourners state[150]
Conferred with my match which did ensue,
Makes most suppose a false report for true.

[Footnote 150: This line does not occur in Mr. Fry's
publication.]

[Sidenote: fo. 93^b.]

110. With equall mynde doe but the matter weigh,
And till thou heare my tale thy judgment stay.

114. I craue noe priuiledge to shield my cause,
Lett only reasons balance triall make,
A guiltles conscience needes not feare the lawes.

My Nay might answer well a bare suspect,
But likelyhoodes of thinges shall me protect.

_That she mourned not._

122. I must accuse the custome of the place,
Where most our auncestors themselves doe want
Due monuments theyr memoryes to plant.

130. Soe hard it is to virtue to reclayme
The mynde where pride or malice giueth ayme.

132. Noe cause soe bad you knowe, but colours may
Be layd to beautifie what princes say.

135. A fetch soe foule as to report I shame,
Euen to depriue the life I lately gave,
And shed the bloud I would have dyed to save.

136. A dangerous thing it is once to incur
A common bruit or light suspect of ill,
Fame flyeth fast, the worse she is more farr
She goeth, and soone a jealous head will fill;
What most men say is held for Ghospell still.

_Of hir favors._

148. My suit did crave but liberty to liue
Exiled from those at home which sought my bloud;
Hir bounty did extend further to giue,
With lyfe, eache needefull thing with calling stood,
And such repayre of frends as me seemed good;
Which had I used as did a guest beseeme
I had not bin a prisoner, as I deeme.

149. But winged with an over high desyre.

[Sidenote: fo. 94.]

150. Small provocations serue a willing mynd,
Soe prone wee are to clyme against the hill,
If honour or reuenge our sayles [soules?] doe fill,
But woe is me I ever tooke in hand
That to decide I did not understande!

_The cause that moued hir to stir sedition._

151. It was the thirst I had both crownes to weare,
And from a captiues state my selfe to reare.

159. Guyse whoe did lay the egges that I should hatch
Sawe subjects hearts in England would not bend
To treason, nor his force noe hold could catch
To bring to passe the thing wee did entend,
He therefore caused the Pope a pardon send
To such as should by violent stroke procure
Hir death whose fall my rising might procure.

_Tyborne tippets, i. e. halters._[151]

[Footnote 151: Note of Manningham on a phrase in stanza 160.]

163. At length, by full consent of Commonweale,
In Englishe Parliament it was decreed,
By cutting of a withered branche to heale
Theyre body burdened with a fruitles weede,
Which was by hir it touched most indeede
Withstoode by pitty, which could not take place
Because it did concerne a common case.

165. In body yet wee Adams badge doe weare,
And to appeare before Gods throne doe feare.

_Appeald to forrein princes._

167. For of releif I promises had store,
But when, alas! it stoode my lyfe upon
I found them fayle; my life and all was gone.

168. Proofes were produced; it seemed I should confes
A murder purposed, and some treacherousnes
Against a queene, my cosen and my frend,
Whoe from my subiects sword did me defend.

[Sidenote: fo. 94^b.]

170. And soe the cause did seeme to stand with mee,
That ones decay must others safety bee.

172. Thus I convict must satisfy the lawe,
Not of revenge which hatred did deserue,
But of necessity, by which they say [sawe?]
My onely death would hir in lyfe preserve,
Which I reioice soe good a turne did serve,
That haples I might make some recompence
By yielding vp the life bred such offence.

178. I did rather others facts allowe,
Then sett them on to actions soe vnkinde,
Though many tymes myselfe was not behinde
To blowe the fyre which others seemed to make.

174. To doe or to procure, to worke or will,
With God is one, and princes hold the same.

179.[152] What favour should I from my foes expect
If soe vnkindely frends did deale with me?
If that my subiects doe my faults detect,
I cannot looke that straungers should me free;
They should have propt or bent my budding tree
In youth, whilst I as yet was pliant wood
And might have proued a plant of tymber good.

[Footnote 152: 184, Fry.]

180.[153] Howe seldome natures richest soyle doth yeild
A bower where virtue may hir mansion build.

[Footnote 153: 179, Fry.]

182.[154] Tell them that bloud did always vengeance crave
Since Abel's tyme untill this present day,
Tell them they lightly loose that all would haue,
That clymers feete are but in ticle stay,
That strength is lost when men doe oversway,
That treason neuer is soe well contrived
That he that useth it is longest lyved.

[Footnote 154: 181, Fry.]

* * * * *[155]

[Footnote 155: We have omitted here the mottoes in a Lottery, drawn
upon the occasion of a visit paid by Queen Elizabeth to Lord Keeper
Egerton, which have been printed already by the Percy and
Shakespeare Societies and in Nichols's Progresses.]

[Sidenote: fo. 96.

6 Feb. 1602.]

AT THE TEMPLE CHURCHE, DR. ABBOTTES,[156] Deane of [Winchester.[157]]

[Footnote 156: Dr. George Abbot, Dean of Winchester, from 1599-1600
to 1609, when he was appointed Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, and
in 1611 translated to the see of Canterbury. (Hardy's Le Neve, i.
26, 556, iii. 22.)]

[Footnote 157: Blank in original.]

His text, 59 of Isay, v. 12: "For our tresspasses are many before thee, and our synnes testify against us, for our trespasses are with us, and we knowe our iniquities."

He began with a commendacion of this prophet for the most eloquent and evangelique, in soe much that St. Jerome said he might rather be placed amongst the Evangelists then the Prophets.

All men are synners. "Our trespasses." When Christ taught his disciples to pray, it was one peticion, "Forgive us our trespasses:" to lett them knowe that they were his chosen disciples, yet they were not without synn.

Some may say they have liued _sine crimine, sine querela, sed nemo absque peccato_.

Hence we must learne not to be presumptuous, but to worke out our salvacion with feare and trembling, since all are synners. 2. Not to despayre, since the best haue synned.

Our synnes are before God, his eyes are 10,000 tymes brighter then the sunne, nothing hid from his knowledge. Synne is like a smoke, like fyre, it mounteth upward, and comes even before God to accuse us; it is like a serpent in our bosome, still ready to sting us; it is the diuels daughter. A woman hath hir paynes in travaile and delivery, but rejoyceth when she seeth a child is borne; but the birth of synn is of a contrary fashion; for all the pleasure [is] in the bringing forth, but when it is finished and brought forth, it tormenteth us continually; they haunt us like the tragicall furies.

[Sidenote: fo. 96^b.

6 Feb. 1602.]

In the afternoone, MR. CLAPHAM; his text, Math. xxiv. 15.

"Lett him that readeth consider it." He said this chapter is not to be understoode of doomesday, but of the destruction of Jerusalem; and that the 28 v. "Wheresoever the dead carcase is, thither doe the eagles resort," cannot be applied to the resurrection and congregacion of the saints into state of glory with Christ, as some notes interpret, but of the gathering togither of Christes people in the kingdome of grace: for Christ in his kingdome of glory cannot be sayd a carcase, but nowe he may, because he is crucified. And the 29 v. "The sunne shall be darkened, and the moone shall not give hir light, and the stars shall fall from heaven," he expounded thus, That the temporall and ecclesiasticall state of the Jewes in Jerusalem, and the starres, i. e. their magistrates, shall loose their authority.

He expounded the opening the seven seales in the Revelacion to have reference to sundry tymes, and the 6. to the destruction of Jerusalem. 7 tymes 7 makes a weeke of yeares, the Jewes true Jubilee, wherein 7 trumpets should be blowne.

The best expositor of the Revelacion a nobleman in Scotland,[158] whoe hath taken Christian and learned paynes therein, yet fayled in the computacion of the beginning of the yeares.

[Footnote 158: Napier of Merchiston, the inventor of Logarithms. His
work entitled "A plain Discovery of the whole Revelation of St.
John" was printed at Edinburgh in 1593, by Waldegrave. It went
through many editions and was translated into the principal
languages of Europe.]

The Revelacion might be better understood if men would better studye it; and that it may be understood, and hath good use, he alledged the word, 1. 3. "Blessed is he that readeth, and they that hear the wordes of this prophesy, and keepe those thinges which are written therein;" which were vayne unles it might be understoode.

[Sidenote: fo. 97.

Feb. 1602.]

Towards the end of his sermon he told his auditory howe it had bin bruited abroade, as he thought by some Atheists or Papists whose profest enemy he is, that this last weeke he had hanged himselfe, but some of his friends, he said, would not believe it, but said some other had done it; yet others that like him not for some opinion, said it was noe marvaile yf he hanged himselfe, for he had bin possest of the diuel a good while, "but I thinke rather," said he, "they were possessed that said soe, and yet not soe possessed as some hold possession now a dayes, that is essentially," and here he shewed his opinion that there can be noe essentiall possession: 1. Because the diuel can effect as much without entering into the person as yf he were essentially in him, and then it is more then needes. 2. Because there cannot be assigned anie proper token or signe to knowe that anie is essentially possessed. Which signe must be apparent in all such as are soe possessed, and not in anie others. This opinion of his, he said, he would hold till he sawe better reason to the contrary.

[Sidenote: fo. 97^b.

6 Feb. 1602.]

In his sermon he told a tale of the Jewes Thalmud, which, he said, was as true perhaps as anie in the Papists legend of lyes, and it was howe Rabbi Haley had conference with Elias in a caue, and would knowe of Elias when Messias should come. Elias told him, Goe aske of the Messias himselfe. Rabbi Haley required where the Messias might be found. Elias told him he should find him at Rome gates amongst the poore; a verry scoffe and a flout, he thought, to the Papists, to shewe that Christ neuer came within their city, but they kept him out of dores, and that he was not amongst their Cardinals, but the beggars, &c.

I will not believe it, because I will not, is Tom Sculs argument, as they say in Cambrige, and a womans reason, as they say here. (_Clapham._)

Mr. Bodley which hath made the famous library at Oxeford was the sonne of a merchant of London: was sometymes a factor for the state: after maried a riche widdowe in Devonshire or Cornewall, whose husband grewe to a greate quantity of wealth in a short space, specially by trading for pilchers; nowe himself having noe children lives a pleasing privat life, somewhile at the City, somewhile at the University; he followed the Earl of Essex till his fall. (_Mr. Curle._)

[Sidenote: 7.]

One came to the fyre and Mr. South gave him place; "You are as kinde," quoth he, "as the South-west winde." (_Da._)

[Sidenote: 8.]

Tom Lancaster met Robbin Snig one day in the Court of Requests. "Howe nowe, old Robbin," quoth he, "what dost thou here?" "Fayth," said he, "I came to be heard, if I can." "I thinke soe," said he; "nowe thou canst be heard in noe other Court thou appealest to Cesar." (_Dr. Cesar, Master of Requests._)

* * * * *

[Sidenote: fo. 98.

8 Feb. 1602.]

Two poore men being at a verry doubtfull demurrer in the Kings benche, the Justices moved that they would referr the matter to some indifferent men that might determine soe chargeable and difficult a controversy, and one demaunded of one of them yf he could be content to haue the land parted betweene them; when he shewed himselfe willing, "Doubtles," said Mr. Cooke, the attorney, "the child is none of his, that would have it divided," alluding to the judgment of Solomon.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: 7.]

Turner and Dun, two famous fencers, playd their prizes this day at the Banke side, but Turner at last run Dun soe far in the brayne at the eye, that he fell downe presently stone deade; a goodly sport in a Christian state, to see on man kill an other!

* * * * *

[Sidenote: 21.]

He that offers to violate the memory of the deade is like a swyne that rootes up a grave.

The towne of Manitre in Essex holdes by stage playes.[159] And Rocheford, that they must come at a day unknowne into a field, where the Steward keepes Court at midnight, and writes with a cole, but the night he goes he must make knowne where he stays; those that are absent, and haue none to answer, loose theyr land; grewe upon tenants burn[ing] Lords evidences.