Chapter XI: Part 11

[-19-] Meanwhile, and still earlier, the Romans at home had passed many resolutions respecting the victory at sea. They granted Caesar a triumph (over Cleopatra) and granted him an arch bearing a trophy at Brundusium, and another one in the Roman Forum. Moreover, the lower part of the Julian hero-shrine was to be adorned with the beaks of the captive ships and a festival every five years to be celebrated in his honor. There should be a thanksgiving on his birthday and on the anniversary of the announcement of the victory: when he entered the city the (vestal virgin) priestesses, the senate and the people, with their wives and children, were to meet him. It is quite superfluous to mention the prayers, the images, the privileges of front seats, and everything else of the sort. At the very first they both voted him these honors, and either tore down or erased the memorials that had lent Antony distinction. They declared the day on which the latter had been born accursed and forbade the employment of the surname Marcus by any one of his kin. His death was announced during a part of the year when Cicero, the son of Cicero, was consul; and on ascertaining this some believed it had come to pass not without divine direction, since the consul's father had owed his death chiefly to Antony. Then they voted to Caesar additional crowns and many thanksgivings, and granted him among other rights authority to conduct a triumph over the Egyptians also. For neither previously nor at that time did they mention by name Antony and the rest of the Romans who had been vanquished with him, and so imply that it was proper to hold a celebration over them. The day on which Alexandria was captured they declared fortunate and directed that for the years to come it should be taken as the starting-point of enumeration by the inhabitants of that town.[72] Also Caesar was to hold the tribunician power for life, to have the right to defend such as called upon him for help both within the pomerium and outside to the distance of eight half-stadia (a privilege possessed by none of the tribunes), as also to judge appealed cases; and a vote of his, like the vote of Athena,[73] was to be cast in all the courts. In the prayers in behalf of the people and the senate petitions should be offered for him alike by the priests and by the priestesses. They also ordered that at all banquets, not only public but private also, all should pour a libation to him. These were the resolutions passed at that time.

[B.C. 29 (_a. u._ 725)]

[-20-] When he was consul for the fifth time with Sextus Apuleius, they ratified all his acts by oath on the very first day of January. And when the letter came regarding the Parthians, they decreed that he should have a place in hymns along with the gods, that a tribe should be named "Julian" after him, that he should wear the triumphal crown during the progress of all the festivals, that the senators who had participated in his victory should take part in the procession wearing purple-bordered togas, and that the day on which he should enter the city should be glorified by sacrifices by the entire population and be held ever sacred. They further agreed that he might choose priests beyond the specified number, as many and as often as he should wish. This custom was handed down from that decision and the numbers have increased till they are boundless: hence I need go into no particulars about the multitude of such officials. Caesar accepted most of the honors (save only a few): but that all the population of the city should meet him he particularly requested might not occur. Yet he was pleased most of all and more than at all the other decrees by the fact that the senators closed the gates of Janus, implying that all their wars had ceased,--and took the "augury of health," [74] which had all this period been omitted for reasons I have mentioned. For there were still under arms the Treveri, who had brought the Celts to help them, the Cantabri, Vaccaei, and Astures. These last were subjugated by Statilius Taurus, and those first mentioned by Nonius Gallus. There were numerous other disturbances going on in the isolated districts. Since, however, nothing of importance resulted from any of them, the Romans of that time did not consider that war was in progress and I have nothing notable to record about them. Caesar meanwhile was giving his attention to various business, and granted permission that precincts dedicated to Rome and to Caesar his father,--calling him "the Julian hero,"--should be set apart in Ephesus and in Nicaea. These cities had at that time attained chief place in Asia and in Bithynia respectively. To these two divinities he ordered the Romans who dwelt near them to pay honor. He allowed the foreigners (under the name of "Hellenes") to establish a precinct to himself,--the Asians having theirs in Pergamum and the Bithynians theirs in Nicomedea. This custom, beginning with him, has continued in the case of other emperors, and imperial precincts have been hallowed not only among Hellenic nations but in all the rest which yield obedience to the Romans. In the capital itself and in the rest of Italy there is no one, however, no matter how great renown he has achieved, that has dared to do this. Still, even there, after their death, honors as to gods are bestowed upon those who have ruled uprightly, and hero-shrines are built.

[-21-] All this took place in the winter, during which the Pergamenians also received authority to celebrate the so-called "Sacred" contest in honor of his temple. In the course of the summer Caesar crossed over to Greece and on to Italy. Among the others who offered sacrifice, as has been mentioned, when he entered the City, was the consul Valerius Potitus. Caesar was consul all the year, as the two previous, but Potitus was the successor of Sextus. It was he who publicly and in person sacrificed oxen in behalf of the senate and of the people at Caesar's arrival, something that had never before been done in the case of any single man. After this his newly returned colleague praised and honored his lieutenants, as had been the custom. Among the many marks of favor by which Caesar distinguished Agrippa was the dark blue symbol[75] of naval supremacy. To his soldiers also he made certain presents: to the people he distributed a hundred denarii each, first to those ranking as adults, and afterward to the children as a mark of his affection for his nephew Marcellus. Further let it be noted that he would not accept from the cities of Italy the gold to be used for the crowns. Moreover he paid everything which he himself owed to any one and, as has been said, he did not exact what the others were owing to him. All this caused the Romans to forget every unpleasantness, and they viewed his triumph with pleasure, quite as if the defeated parties had all been foreigners. So vast an amount of money circulated through all the city alike that the price of goods rose and loans which had previously been in demand at twelve per cent. were now made at one-third that rate. The celebration on the first day was in honor of the wars against the Pannonians and Dalmatians, Iapudia and adjoining territory, and a few Celts and Gauls. Graius Carrinas had subdued the Morini and some others who had risen against Roman dominion, and had repulsed the Suevi, who had crossed the Rhine to wage war. Therefore he too held a triumph, in spite of the fact that his father had been put to death by Sulla and he himself had once been prevented from holding office with the rest of his peers. Caesar also held one since the credit of this victory properly pertained to his position as imperator.

These were the celebrations on the first day. On the second came the commemoration of the naval victory at Actium; on the third that of the subjugation of Egypt. All the processions proved notable by reason of the spoils from this land,--so many had been gathered that they sufficed for all the occasions,--but this Egyptian celebration was especially costly and magnificent. Among other features a representation of Cleopatra upon the bed of death was carried by, so that in a way she too was seen with the other captives, and with Alexander, otherwise Helios, and Cleopatra, otherwise Selene, her children, and helped to grace the triumph. Behind them all Caesar came driving and did everything according to custom except that he allowed his fellow-consul and the other magistrates, contrary to custom, to follow him with the senators who had participated in the victory. It had been usual for such dignitaries to lead and for only the senators to follow.[76]

[-22-] After completing this, he dedicated the temple of Minerva, called also the Chalcidicum, and the Julian senate-house, which had been built in honor of his father.[77] In it he set up the statue of Victory which is still in existence, probably signifying that it was from her that he had received his dominion. It belonged to the Tarentini, and had been brought from there to Rome, where it was placed in the senate-chamber and decked with the spoils of Egypt. The spoils were also employed at this time for adorning the Julian hero-shrine, when it was consecrated. Many of them were placed as offerings in it and others were dedicated to Capitoline Jupiter and Juno and Minerva, while all the votive gifts that were thought to have previously reposed there or were still reposing were now by decree taken down as defiled. Thus Cleopatra, although defeated and captured, was nevertheless glorified, because her adornments repose in our temples and she herself is seen in gold in the shrine of Venus.

At the consecration of the hero-shrine there were all sorts of contests, and the children of the nobles performed the Troy equestrian exercise. Men who were their peers also contended on chargers and pairs and three-horse teams. A certain Quintus Vitellius, a senator, fought as a gladiator. All kinds of wild beasts and kine were slain by the wholesale, among them a rhinoceros and a hippopotamus, then seen for the first time in Rome. Many have described the appearance of the hippo and it has been seen by many more. As for the rhinoceros, it is in most respects like an elephant, but has a projecting horn at the very tip of its nose and through this fact has received its name. Besides the introduction of these beasts Dacians and Suebi fought in throngs with each other. The latter are Celts, the former a species of Scythian. The Suebi, to be exact, dwell across the Rhine (though many cities elsewhere claim their name), and the Dacians on both sides of the Ister. Such of them, however, as live on this side of it and near the Triballic country are reckoned in with the district of Moesia and are called Moesi save among those who are in the very neighborhood. Such as are on the other side are called Dacians, and are either a branch of the Getae or Thracians belonging to the Dacian race that once inhabited Rhodope. Now these Dacians had before this time sent envoys to Caesar: but when they obtained none of their requests, they turned away to follow Antony. To him, however, they were of no great assistance, owing to disputes among themselves. Some were consequently captured and later set to fight the Suebi.

The whole spectacle lasted naturally a number of days. There was no intermission in spite of a sickness of Caesar's, but it was carried on in his absence, under the direction of others. During its course the senators on one day severally held banquets in the entrance to their homes. Of what moved them to this I have no knowledge, for it has not been recorded. Such was the progress of the events of those days.

[-23-] While Caesar was yet in his fourth consulship Statilius Taurus had both constructed at his own expense and dedicated with armed combat a hunting-theatre of stone on the Campus Martius. On this account he was permitted by the people to choose one of the praetors year after year. During this same period Marcus Crassus was sent into Macedonia and Greece and carried on war with the Dacians and Bastarnae. It has already been stated who the former were and how they had been made hostile. The Bastarnae are properly classed as Scythians and at this time had crossed the Ister and subdued the part of Moesia opposite them, then the Triballi who live near it, and the Dardani who inhabit the Triballian country. While they were so engaged they had no trouble with the Romans. But when they crossed the Haemus and overran the portion of Thrace belonging to the Dentheleti who had a compact with Rome, then Crassus, partly to defend Sitas king of the Dentheleti, who was blind, but chiefly because of fear for Macedonia, came out to meet them. By his mere approach, he threw them into a panic and drove them from the land without a conflict. Next he pursued them, as they were retiring homeward, gained possession of the district called Segetica, and invading Moesia damaged that territory. He made an assault upon a strong fortification, also, and though his advance line met with a rebuff,--the Moesians making a sally against it, because they thought these were all of the enemy,--still, when he came to the rescue with his whole remaining army he both cut his opponents down in open fight and annihilated them by an ambuscade.

[-24-] While he was thus engaged, the Bastarnae ceased their flight and remained near the Cedrus[78] river to watch what would take place. When, after conquering the Moesians, the Roman general started against them, they sent envoys forbidding him to pursue them, since they had done the Romans no harm. Crassus detained them, saying he would give them their answer the following day, and besides treating them kindly he made them drunk, so that he learned all their plans. The whole Scythian race is insatiable in the use of wine and quickly succumbs to its influence. Crassus meanwhile, during the night, advanced to a wood, and after stationing scouts in front of the forest made his army stop there. Thereupon the Bastarnae, thinking the former were alone, made a charge upon them, following them up also when the men retreated into the dense forest, and many of the pursuers perished there as well as many others in the flight which followed were obstructed by their wagons, which were behind them, and owed their defeat further to their desire to save their wives and children. Their king Deldo was slam by Crassus himself. The armor stripped from the prince he would have dedicated as spolia opima to Jupiter Feretrius, had he been a general acting on his own authority. Such was the course of that engagement: of the remainder some took refuge in a grove, which was set on fire all around, and others leaped into a fort, where they were annihilated. Still others perished, either by being driven into the Ister or after being scattered through the country. Some survived even yet and occupied a strong post where Crassus besieged them in vain for several days. Then with the aid of Roles, king of some of the Getae, he destroyed them. Roles when he visited Caesar was treated as a friend and ally for this assistance: the captives were distributed to the soldiers.

[-25-] After accomplishing this Crassus turned his attention to the Moesians; and partly by persuading some of them, partly by scaring them, and partly by the application of force he subjugated all except a very few, though with labor and danger. Temporarily, owing to the winter, he retired into friendly territory after suffering greatly from the cold, and still more at the hands of the Thracians, through whose country, as friendly, he was returning. Hence he decided to be satisfied with what he had effected. For sacrifices and a triumph had been voted not only to Caesar but to him also, though, according at least to some accounts, he did not secure the title of imperator, but Caesar alone might apply it to himself. The Bastarnae, however, angry at their disasters, on learning that he would make no further campaigns against them turned again upon the Dentheleti and Sitas, whom they regarded as having been the chief cause of their evils. Then Crassus, though reluctantly, took the field and by forced marches fell upon them unexpectedly, conquered, and thereafter imposed such terms as he pleased. Now that he had once taken up arms again he conceived a desire to recompense the Thracians, who had harassed him during his retreat from Moesia; for news was brought at this time that they were fortifying positions and were spoiling for a fight. And he did subdue them, though not without effort, by conquering in battle the Merdi and the Serdi and cutting off the hands of the captives. He overran the rest of the country except the land of the Odrysae. These he spared because they are attached to the service of Dionysus, and had come to meet him on this occasion without arms. Also he granted them the piece of land in which they magnify the god, and took it away from the Bessi, who were occupying it.

[-26-] While he was so occupied he received a summons from Roles, who had become embroiled with Dapyx, himself also a king of the Getae. Crassus went to help him and by hurling the horse of his opponents back upon the infantry he thoroughly terrified the latter, so that he carried the battle no further but caused a great slaughter of the fugitives of both divisions. Next he cut off Dapyx, who had taken refuge in a fort, and besieged him. During the investment some one from the walls saluted him in Greek, and upon obtaining an audience arranged to betray the place. The barbarians caught in this way turned upon one another, and Dapyx was killed, besides many others. His brother, however, Crassus took alive and not only did him no harm, but released him.

At the close of this exploit he led his army against the cave called Keiri. The natives in great numbers had occupied this place, which is extremely large and so very strong that the tradition obtains that the Titans after the defeat administered to them by the gods took refuge there. Here the people had brought together all their flocks and their other principal valuables. Crassus after finding all its entrances, which are crooked and hard to search out, walled them up, and in this way subjugated the men by famine. Upon this success he did not keep his hands from the rest of the Getae, though they had nothing to do with Dapyx. He marched upon Genoucla, the most strongly defended fortress of the kingdom of Zuraxes, because he heard that the standards which the Bastarnae had taken from Gaius Antonius near the city of the Istriani were there. His assault was made both with the infantry and upon the Ister,--the city being near the water,--and in a short time, though with much labor in spite of the absence of Zuraxes, he took the place. The king as soon as he heard of the Roman's approach had set off with money to the Scythians to seek an alliance, and did not return in time.

This he did among the Getae. Some of the Moesians who had been subdued rose in revolt, and them he won back by the energy of others: [-27-] he himself led a campaign against the Artacii and a few other tribes who had never been captured and would not acknowledge his authority, priding themselves greatly on this point and imbuing the rest with both anger and a disposition to rebel. He brought them to terms partly by force, as they did but little, and partly by the fear which the capture of some inspired. This took a long time. I record the names, as the facts, according to the tradition which has been handed down. Anciently Moesians and Getae occupied all the land between the Haemus and the Ister. As time went on some of them changed their names to something else. Since then there have been included under the name of Moesia all the tribes which the Savus by emptying into the Ister north of Dalmatia, Macedonia and Thrace, separates from Pannonia. Two of the many nations found among them are the Triballi, once so named, and the Dardani, who have the same designation at present.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 1: The events, however, run over into the following year.]

[Footnote 2: Interesting to compare are three citations from an unknown Byzantine writer (in Excerpta cod. Paris, suppl. Gr. 607 A, edited by M. Treu, Ohlau, 1880, p. 29 ff.), who seems to have used Dio as a source:

a) The mother of Augustus just one day previous to her travail beheld in a dream how her womb was snatched away and carried up into heaven.

b) And in the same night as Octavius was born his father thought that the sun rose from his wife's entrails.

c) And a certain senator, Nigidius Figulus, who was an astrologer, asked Octavius, the father of Augustus, why he was so slow in leaving his house. The latter replied that a son had been born to him. Nigidius thereupon exclaimed: "Ah, what hast thou done? Thou hast begotten a master for us!" The other believing it and being disturbed wished to make away with the child. But Nigidius said to him: "Thou hast not the power. For it hath not been granted thee to do this."]

[Footnote 3: Suetonius in relating this anecdote (Life of Augustus, chapter 5) says that the senate-meeting in question was called to consider the conspiracy of Catiline. Since, however, Augustus is on all hands admitted to have been born a. d. IX. Kal. Octobr. and mention of Catiline's conspiracy was first made in the senate a. d. XII. Kal. Nov. (Cicero, Against Catiline, I, 3, 7), the claim of coincidence is evidently based on error.]

[Footnote 4: Compare again the same Byzantine writer quoted in footnote to chapter 1,--two excerpts:

d) Again, while he was growing up in the country, an eagle swooping down snatched from his hands the loaf of bread and again returning replaced it in his hands.

e) Again, during his boyhood, Cicero saw in a dream Octavius himself fastened to a golden chain and wielding a whip being let down from the sky to the summit of the Capitol.]

[Footnote 5: Compare Súetonius, Life of Augustus, chapter 94]

[Footnote 6: See footnote to Book Forty-three, chapter 42.]

[Footnote 7: The senate-house already mentioned in Book Forty, chapter 50.]

[Footnote 8: This word is inserted by Boissevain on the authority of a symbol in the manuscript's margin, indicating a gap.]

[Footnote 9: Inserting with Reimar [Greek: proihemenos], to complete the sense.]

[Footnote 10: See Roscher I, col. 1458, on the Puperci Iulii. And compare Suetonius, Life of Caesar, chapter 76.]

[Footnote 11: For further particulars about Sex. Clodius and the _ager Leontinus_ (held to be the best in Sicily, Cicero, Against Verres, III, 46) see Suetonius, On Rhetoric, 5; Arnobuis, V, 18; Cicero, Philippics, II, 4, 8; II, 17; II, 34, 84; II, 39, 101; III, 9, 22.]

[Footnote 12: Compare here (and particularly with, reference to the plural _Spurii_) the passage in Cicero, Philippics, III, 44, 114:

Quod si se ipsos illi nostri liberatores e conspectu nostro abstulerunt, at exemplum facti reliquerunt: illi, quod nemo fecerat, fecerunt: Tarquinium Brutus bello est persecutus, qui tum rex fuit, cum esse Romae licebat; Sp. Cassius, Sp. Maelius, M. Manlius propter suspitionem regni appetendi sunt necati; hi primum cum gladiis non in regnum appetentem, sed in regnum impetum fecerunt.]

[Footnote 13: For the figure, compare Aristophanes, The Acharnians, vv. 380-381 (about Cleon):

[Greek: dieballe chai pseudae chateglottise mou
chachychloborei chaplunen.]]

[Footnote 14: Dio has in this sentence imitated almost word for word the utterance of Demosthenes, inveighing against Aischines, in the speech on the crown (Demosthenes XVIII, 129).]

[Footnote 15: Compare Book Forty-five, chapter 30.]

[Footnote 16: There is a play on words here which can not be exactly rendered. The Greek verb [Greek: _pheaegein_] means either "to flee" or "to be exiled."]

[Footnote 17: Various diminutive endings, expressing contempt.]

[Footnote 18: The MS. reading is not wholly satisfactory here. Bekker, by a slight change, would produce (after "Bambalio"): "nor by declaring war because of," etc.]

[Footnote 19: The Greek word is [Greek: obolos] a coin which in the fifth century B.C. would have amounted to considerably more than the Roman _as_; but as time went on the value of the [Greek: obolos] diminished indefinitely, so that glossaries eventually translate it as _as_ in Latin.]

[Footnote 20: I. e., epilepsy.]

[Footnote 21: Sturz changes this reading of _sixty_ days to _fifty_, comparing Appian, Civil Wars, Book Three, chapter 74. Between the two authorities it is difficult to decide, and the only consideration that would incline one to favor Appian is the fact that he says this period of fifty days was unusually long ("more than the Romans had ever voted upon vanquishing the Celtae or winning any war"). Boissevain remarks that Dio is not very careful about such details.]

[Footnote 22: Adopting Reiske's reading, [Greek: _tinas_].]

[Footnote 23: Compare here Mommsen (_Staatsrecht_, 23, 644, 2 or 23, 663, 3), who says that since the only objection to be found with this arrangement was that since the praetor urbanus could not himself conduct the comitia, he ought not properly to have empowered others to do so.]

[Footnote 24: _M. Juventius Laterensis._]

[Footnote 25: This refers to the latter half of chapter 42, where Caesar binds his soldiers by oath never to fight against any of their former comrades.]

[Footnote 26: [Greek: _pragmaton_] here is somewhat uncertain and might give the sense "as a result of the troubles in which they had been involved, one with another." Sturz and Wagner appear to have viewed it in that light: Boissée and friends consulted by the translator choose the meaning found in the text above.]

[Footnote 27: The name of this freedman as given by Appian (Civil Wars, IV, 44) is Philemon; but Suetonius (Life of Augustus, chapter 27) agrees with Dio in writing Philopoemen.]

[Footnote 28: In B.C. 208 the Ludi Apollinares were set for July thirteenth, but by the year B.C. 190 they occupied three days, and in B.C. 42 the entire period of the sixth to the thirteenth of July was allotted to their celebration. Now Caesar's birthday fell on July twelfth and the day before that, July eleventh, would have conflicted quite as much with the festival of Apollo. Hence this expression "the previous day" must mean July fifth. (See Fowler's Roman Festivals, p. 174.)]

[Footnote 29: There seems to be an error here made either by Dio or by some scribe in the course of the ages. For, according to many reliable authorities (Plutarch, Life of Brutus, chapter 21; Appian, Civil Wars, Book Three, chapter 23; Cicero, Philippics, II, 13, 31, and X, 3, 7; id., Letters to Atticus, Book Fifteen, letters 11 and 12), it was Brutus and not Cassius who was praetor urbanus and had the games given in his absence. Therefore the true account, though not necessarily the true reading would say that "_Brutus_ was praetor urbanus," and (below) that he "lingered in Campania with _Cassius_."

See also Cobet, Mnesmosyne, VII, p. 22.]

[Footnote 30: That this is the right form of the name is proved by the evidence of coins, etc. In Caesar's Civil War, Book Three, chapter 4, the same person is meant when it is said that _Tarcondarius Castor_ and Dorylaus furnished Pompey with soldiers.]

[Footnote 31: See Book Thirty-six, chapter 2 (end).]

[Footnote 32: _Q. Marcius Crispus_. (The MSS. give the form _Marcus_, but the identity of this commander is made certain by Cicero, Philippics, XI, 12, 30, and several other passages.)]

[Footnote 33: I. e., "The Springs,"--a primitive name for Philippi itself.]

[Footnote 34: Iuppiter Latiaris was the protecting deity of Latium, and his festival is practically identical with the _Feriae Latinae_. Roscher (II, col. 688) thinks that Dio has here confused the praefectus urbi with a special official (dictator feriarum Latinarum causa) appointed when the consuls were unable to attend. Compare Book Thirty-nine, chapter 30, where our historian does not commit himself to any definite name for this magistrate.]

[Footnote 35: "While carrying a golden Victory slipped and fell" is the phrase in the transcript of Zonaras.]

[Footnote 36: Reading [Greek: _aegchon_] (as Boissevain) in preference to [Greek: _aegon_] or [Greek: _eilchon_].]

[Footnote 37: Accepting Reiske's interpretative insertion, [Greek: telos].]

[Footnote 38: Among the Fragmenta Adespota in Nauck's _Fragmenta Tragicorum Groecorum_ this is No. 374.]

[Footnote 39: The names within these parallel lines are wanting in the MS., but were inserted by Reimar on the basis of chapter 34 of this book, and slightly modified by Boissevain.]

[Footnote 40: Both MSS., the Mediceus and the Venetus, here exhibit a gap of three lines.]

[Footnote 41: Owing to an inaccuracy of spelling in the MSS. this number has often been corrupted to "four hundred". The occurrence of "three hundred" in Suetonius's account of the affair (Life of Augustus, chapter 15) assures us, however, that this reading is correct.]

[Footnote 42: Compare Book Forty three, chapter 9 (§4).]

[Footnote 43: Compare the first chapter of this Book.]

[Footnote 44: Compare Book Forty-three, chapter 47 (and see also XLVIII, 33, and LII, 41).]

[Footnote 45: This is an error either of Dio or of some copyist. The person made king of the Jews at this time was in reality Antigonus the son of Aristobulus and nephew of Hyrcanus. Compare chapter 41 of this book, and Book Forty-nine, chapter 22.

In this same sentence I read _[Greek: echthos]_ (as Boissevain and the MSS.) in place of _[Greek: ethos]_.]

[Footnote 46: Hurling from the Tarpeian rock was a punishment that might be inflicted only upon freemen. Slaves would commonly be crucified or put out of the way by some method involving similar disgrace.]

[Footnote 47: After "Menas advised it" Zonaras in his version of Dio has: "bidding him cut the ship's cable, if he liked, and sail away."]

[Footnote 48: Suetonius (Life of Augustus, chapter 83) also mentions this fashion.]

[Footnote 49: Verb suggested by Leunclavius.]

[Footnote 50: This is the well known Gnosos in Crete. For further information in regard to the matter see Strabo X, 4, 9 (p. 477) and Velleius Paterculus, II, 81, 2.]

[Footnote 51: There is at this point a gap of one line in the MSS.]

[Footnote 52: Using Naber's emendation [Greek: probeblaemenoi].]

[Footnote 53: The Latin word _testudo_, represented in Greek by the precisely equivalent [Greek: chelonae] in Dio's narrative, means "tortoise."]

[Footnote 54: The amount is not given in the MSS. The traditional sum, incorporated in most editions to fill the gap and complete the sense, is _thirty-five_. "One hundred" is a clever conjecture of Boissevain's.]

[Footnote 55: Probably in A.D. 227.]

[Footnote 56: Called _Colapis_ by Strabo and Pliny.]

[Footnote 57: A marginal note in Reimar's edition suggests amending the rather abrupt [Greek: loipois] at this point to [Greek: Libournois] ("waged war with (i. e., against) thee Liburni"); and we might be tempted to follow it, but for the fact that Appian uses language almost identical with Dio's in his Illyrian Wars, chapter 27 ("He [Augustus] left Statilius Taurus to finish the war").]

[Footnote 58: The gymnasiarch was an essentially Greek official, but might be found outside of Hellas in such cities as had come under Greek influence. In Athens he exercised complete supervision of the gymnasium, paying for training and incidentals, arranging the details of contests, and empowered to eject unsuitable persons from the enclosure. We have comparatively little information about his duties and general standing elsewhere, but probably they were nearly the same. The office was commonly an annual one.

Antony did not limit to Alexandria his performance of the functions of gymnasiarch. We read in Plutarch (Life of Antony, chapter 33) that at Athens on one occasion he laid aside the insignia of a Roman general to assume the purple mantle, white shoes, and the rods of this official; and in Strabo (XIV, 5, 14) that he promised the people of Tarsos to preside in a similar manner at some of their games, but the time came sent a representative instead.--See Krause, _Gymnnastik und Agonistik der Hellenen_, page 196.]

[Footnote 59: See Book Forty-eight, chapter 35.]

[Footnote 60: Chapter 4 of this book.]

[Footnote 61: Cp. Book Forty-seven, chapter 11.]

[Footnote 62: Sc. of denarii.]

[Footnote 63: _L. Tarius Rufus._]:

[Footnote 64: Dio in some unknown manner has at this point evidently made a very striking mistake. Sosius was not killed in the encounter but survived to be pardoned by Octavius after the latter's victory. And our historian, who here says he perished, speaks in the next book (chapter 2) of the amnesty accorded.]

[Footnote 65: Canopus was only fifteen miles distant from Alexandria (hence its pertinence here) and was noted for its many festivals and bad morals,--the latter being superinduced by the presence in the city of a large floating population of foreigners and sailors. The atmosphere of the town (to compare small things with great) was, in a word, that of Corinth.]

[Footnote 66: The cordax was a dance peculiar to Greek comedy and of an appropriately licentious character, resembling in some points certain of the Oriental dances that survive to the present day.]

[Footnote 67: Nicopolis, i. e., "City of Victory." The same name was given by Pompey to a town founded after his defeat of Mithridates. (See Book Thirty-six, chapter 50.)]

[Footnote 68: An allusion to the second of the two taxes mentioned in Book Fifty, chapter 10.]

[Footnote 69: Verb supplied by R. Stephanus.]

[Footnote 70: Cobet's interpretation (Mnemosyne X (N.S.), 1882).]

[Footnote 71: Compare Pliny, Natural History, XXI, 78.]

[Footnote 72: There is an ambiguous [Greek: aùrtuv] here. Only Boissée, however, takes it to mean the Romans. Leonieenus, Sturz and Wagner translate is as "Alexandrians."]

[Footnote 73: A reminiscence of the _Eumenides_ of Aischylos.]

[Footnote 74: See Glossary (last volume) and also compare the beginning of chapter 24 in Book Thirty-seven.]

[Footnote 75: Latin "vexillum caeruleum,"--a kind of flag or banner.]

[Footnote 76: The custom was that the magistrates should issue from the town to meet the triumphator and then march ahead of him. Octavius by putting them behind him symbolized his position as chief citizen of the State.]

[Footnote 77: These buildings are mentioned together also in the Monumentum Ancyranum (C:L., 1T:, part 2, pp. 780-781).]

[Footnote 78: The name of this river is also spelled _Cebrus_.]