Chapter XXIX: Appendix: I.--P. 107 (3)

[217] _Birch’s Life of Tillotson_, 23. The text was 2 Cor. v. 10. I have related a similar anecdote of Sanderson, _Church of the Commonwealth_, 327.

[218] _Life of Tillotson_, 223.

[219] _Life of Tillotson_, 340, 341.

[220] _D’Oyley’s Life of Sancroft_, ii. 4, 16.

[221] _D’Oyley’s Life of Sancroft_, ii. 25.

[222] See “A relation of the late wicked contrivance of Stephen Blackhead and Robert Young, against the lives of several persons by forging an association under their hands, written by the Bishop of Rochester. In two parts: the first part being a relation of what passed at the three examinations of the said Bishop by a Committee of Lords of the Privy Council; the second being an account of the two above-mentioned authors of the forgery.” In the Savoy, 1692.--_Harleian Missal_ (4to.) vi. 198.

Blackhead and Young seem to have been thorough-paced villains.

[223] These letters, dated March, 1692, are amongst the _Tanner MSS._

[224] _Life of Sancroft_, ii. 20.

[225] The instrument, which is very curious, is given by _D’Oyley_, ii. 31.

[226] _D’Oyley_, ii. 43, 58, 62, 64.

[227] _Lives of the Bishops_, 234.

[228] _Own Time_, ii. 135.

[229] “He was, in those years, a very good scholar, an acute logician and philosopher, a quick disputant, of a solid judgment. He spoke Latin exceedingly well.”--_Lansdowne MSS., Kennet’s Coll._, 949, 114.

[230] Milman has well brought out this point in his _Annals of St. Paul’s_. I quite agree with that distinguished critic in placing Barrow far above Tillotson. To several others I should also assign a higher place. Yet we must not forget Dryden’s literary obligations to Tillotson, and the praise bestowed on him by M. H. A. Taine.

[231] In reading Tillotson’s Sermons, the first volume strikes me as much more interesting than the second.

[232] _Birch’s Tillotson_, 348.

[233] _Memoirs of the Life and Times of Tenison_, 20.

[234] _Memoirs of Tenison_, 27–31.

[235] _Stanley’s Westminster Abbey_, 182.

[236] _Cooper’s Annals of Cambridge_, iv. 28. _Thoresby’s Diary and Correspondence_, iii. 197.

Amongst the wilder eulogists was Samuel Wesley, who thus refers to her celestial happiness:--

“How was Heaven moved at her arrival there!
With how much more than usual art and care,
The angels, who so oft to earth had gone,
And borne her incense to the Eternal’s throne,
For her new coronation now prepare!
How welcome! how caressed!
Among the blest!
And first mankind’s great mother rose--
‘Give way, ye crowding souls,’ said she,
‘That I the second of my race may see!’”

In his _Life of Christ_ he couples the Queen with the Virgin Mary.--_Tyerman’s Life and Times of Samuel Wesley_, 192–194.

[237] See _Memoirs of Tenison_, 32. and _Life of Ken_, 418.

Tenison, in a letter to Evelyn, speaks of his funeral sermon, adding, “There is come forth an answer to it, said to be written by Bishop Kenn; but I am not sure he is the author: I think he has more wit, and less malice.”--_Evelyn’s Diary and Corresp._, iii. 345.

[238] _Macpherson’s Original Papers_, i. 509, 520.

[239] _Memoirs of Tenison_, 42–47.

[240] _Wilkin’s Concilia_, iv. 480.

[241] _Ibid._, 577.

[242] _Ibid._, 582. But constitutions for the Church of Scotland of a similar kind to those of William were issued by Charles II.--_Ibid._, 590. There are also several documents in the King’s name respecting English Nonconformists and Papists, which do not affect the point now before us.

[243] _Ibid._, 612.

[244] I do not forget that even Henry VIII. wrote to the Clergy of the province of York, saying, “Christ is indeed _unicus dominus et supremus_, as we confess him in the Church daily: it were _nimis absurdum_ for us to be called _Caput Ecclesiæ, representans Corpus Christi mysticum_.” And I am prepared to admit that the theory of the National Church is that the Sovereign is simply supreme ruler in _temporal_ things; but certainly in practice Sovereigns have gone beyond this, especially in the case now before us.

[245] _Memoirs of Tenison_, 54–59. This circular letter is not in _Wilkins_.

[246] The Duke of Bedford was Lieutenant, but Chicheley seems to have been the ruling power.

[247] _London Gazette_.

[248] _Macaulay_, vii. 253 (_note_).

[249] This is stated by Wallace, in his introduction to his _Antitrinitarian Biography_, i. 252; yet on p. 316 he quotes from a publication in 1697, where it is said the Unitarians had “not any set Meeting-house for the propagating of their doctrines.”

[250] _Tayler’s Religious Life in England_, 229.

[251] It is impossible to notice these publications in detail. They are very numerous. A large collection of them may be found in Dr. Williams’ Library, and an account of some of them in the elaborate introduction to _Wallace’s Antitrinitarian Biography_, vol. i.

[252] _The Brief Hist. and Acts of the Great Athanasius._

[253] The Book is entitled, _The Naked Gospel_. The writer, Dr. Bury, doubts whether Mahomet or Christian doctors have most corrupted the doctrines of the Gospel. He was deprived, in 1690, by Trelawny, Bishop of Exeter, the Visitor of Lincoln College.

[254] _Journals_, January 3, 1694. The book so treated was the _Brief but Clear Confutation of the Doctrine of the Trinity_. The author was sentenced to pay a fine of £500, to give bail for good behaviour for the next three years, and to make a public recantation.

[255] The pamphlet is entitled, _The Doctrine of the Blessed Trinity, Briefly Explained in a Letter to a Friend_, 4to.

[256] _Vindication_, &c., sect. iv.

[257] _Bingham’s Works_, viii. 292, 319, 320.

[258] _Bingham’s Memoir_, i. 6. _Dorner’s Doctrine of the Person of Christ_, Div. ii. vol. iii. 355.

[259] _Animadversions upon Dr. Sherlock’s Book_, 69.

[260] He says that God had taken the matter into His own hands, “and made this scornful man eat his own words (the hardest diet, certainly, that a proud person can be put to), and after all the black dirt thrown by him on the Schoolmen and their terms, to lick it off again with his own tongue,” p. 381.

[261] _South’s Animadversions_, 240, and _Considerations on the Explications of the Doctrine of the Trinity, &c., written to a Person of Quality_. 1693. Another example of the same kind occurs in _The Doctrine of the Trinity placed in its due Light_. “We have seen two men that were made one Admiral by a joint Commission; and we see every day many men incorporate into one political body by patent, whereby they are one person in law. And in this known sense are the Godhead and manhood joined together in one Person, whereof comes one Christ, and very God, and very man.” The author was the Dr. Bury, mentioned on p. 213, who was deprived of his University preferment by the Bishop of Exeter.

[262] On the controversy, see _The Distinction between Real and Nominal Trinitarians Examined, in Answer to a Socinian Pamphlet_. 1696.

[263] _Works_, v. 111.

[264] See on this subject _Roger’s Life of Howe_, 419. Sherlock differed from Howe in some respects, and censured him for it. Howe defended himself in _A Letter to a Friend_, and _A View of the late Considerations_, &c. _Works_, v.

[265] _Lords’ Journal._

[266] _Ben Mordecai’s Letters_, i. 70, quoted in _Toulmin_, 182.

[267] _Tenison’s Life_, 51. In this dispute, and the proceedings which it occasioned, ridicule, satire, and abuse were employed. Dignitaries of the Church were lampooned in coarse and vulgar ballads, and the most sacred doctrines of the Gospel became associated with what is ridiculous and absurd. See _The Battle Royal, South’s Posthumous Works_. _Memoirs_, 128–130.

[268] _Wilkin’s Concilia_, iv. 577.

[269] That clause excepts from the Act “any person that shall deny in his preaching or writing the doctrine of the Blessed Trinity, as it is declared in the aforesaid Articles of Religion,” _i.e._ the XXXIX. Articles.

[270] _Parl. Hist._, v. 1172. February 9, 1698.

[271] There is a full account of this horrible affair in _Arnot’s State Trials_, xiii. An eminent advocate of the period remarked, respecting the unhappy young man, whose name was Thomas Aikenhead, “I do think he would have proven an eminent Christian had he lived; but the ministers, out of a pious, though I think ignorant zeal, spoke and preached for cutting him off” (p. 930). A book was published in England in 1697, by one John Gailhard, entitled, _The Blasphemous Heresy Disproved_, in which he says, “Blasphemy and idolatry, by God’s express command, ought to be destroyed out of the land.”

[272] _Lindsay’s Hist. View_, 302.

[273] _Calamy’s Abridgment_, 561.

[274] _Lindsay’s Hist. View_, 304. _Wallace_, i. 388.

[275] _Mazure_, quoted in _Macaulay_, vii. 15.

[276] _An Impartial Hist. of the Plots and Conspiracies against William III._, p. 90.

[277] 1693, October 16. _Macpherson’s Original Papers_, i. 452.

[278] 1693, October 16. _Ibid_, 455.

[279] 1693, close of the year. _Ibid._, 459.

[280] 1693, December. _Macpherson’s Original Papers_, 467.

[281] 1694, January. _Ibid._, 474.

[282] 1694, May. _Ibid._, 484.

[283] 1694, August. _Ibid._, 493. Some correspondents were more faithful, and told James not to believe that Protestants would support him (p. 490).

[284] _Lathbury’s Hist. of Nonjurors_, 169.

[285] _Collier’s Defence._

[286] _Wilkins_, iv. 627.

[287] _Answer to Animadversions_, 10.

[288] _State Papers_: Letter from Shrewsbury to William III., Whitehall, July 28, 1696.

[289] See _Macpherson’s Orig. Papers_, i. 514, 595.

[290] _Burnet_, i. 683.

[291] It appears, in the course of Fenwick’s trial, that he had said Shrewsbury came into the office of Secretary to William “by the operation and consent of King James.”--_Parl. Hist._, v. 1051.

[292] _State Papers_: Shrewsbury to William III., Whitehall, Sept. 8, 1696.

In _Macpherson’s Original Papers_, i. 481, Captain Floyd, a Jacobite emissary, tells James that Shrewsbury, according to his mother’s account, accepted the seals of office from the Prince of Orange “only in order to serve your Majesty more effectually hereafter.”

[293] The substance of his discoveries is given in _Tindal’s History_.

[294] _Parl. Hist._, v. 1127–1130.

[295] _Memoirs of Tenison_, 62.

[296] _Ibid._, 63.

[297] _Burnet_, ii. 193.

[298] Lathbury (_Hist. of Nonjurors_, 178), on the authority of the _State Tracts_, ii. 561, states that Fenwick was permitted to seek the aid of any of the Clergy who had taken the oaths, or any of the Bishops who had opposed the attainder; that on his refusal of the offer, the names of three or four Nonjurors were mentioned, but they declined to attend him, fearing the oaths might be tendered. Macaulay (vii. 404), however, says White was with him at the last.

[299] _Impartial Hist. of Plots_, 176.

[300] Evelyn notices, “16 Nov., the King’s entry very pompous, but is nothing approaching that of King Charles II.”

[301] _Evelyn’s Diary_, Dec. 2nd.

[302] _Milman’s Annals of St. Paul’s_, 427. Evelyn says, “5th December was the first Sunday that St. Paul’s had had service performed in it since it was burnt in 1666.”

[303] _Kennet’s Hist. of England_, iii. 777.

[304] Tallard, the French Ambassador, writing home, says the Catholic religion “is here tolerated more openly than it was even in the time of King Charles II., and it seems evident that the King of England has determined to leave it in peace, in order to secure his own.”

“I hear from Calais of priests coming over every day, and here they get into the herd, so that it is hard to distinguish them.”--_Vernon Cor._, ii. 193.

[305] _Burnet_, ii. 229; Statutes 11 and 12 Will. III. c. 4.

“The judges put such constructions upon the clause of forfeiture as eluded its efficacy; and I believe there were scarce any instances of a loss of property under this law.” (_Hallam’s Const. Hist._, ii. 333.) The Act was repealed in 1779.

[306] _Memoirs of Tenison_, 65–73.

[307] _Le Neve’s Lives_, part i. 247–254.

[308] Letter from Shrewsbury to Mr. Secretary Vernon (_State Papers_), December 19, 1697 (?) or 1 (?), acknowledges letter offering him the post of Governor to the Duke of Gloucester, pleads his many defects, but especially his health, which may render it necessary for him to seek a warmer climate.

Shrewsbury to William III.

“_Whitehall, 1st Sept., 1696._

“I have not this long while been sensible of so real a joy as I
was to find, by your Majesty’s letter of the 24th August, that
you were satisfied with my endeavours to serve you. I wish I
could please myself better with the effects and that I were not
obliged to attribute this opinion of your Majesty’s to your own
natural indulgence and my Lord Portland’s kind representation
rather than to any merit of mine, beyond sincere intention to
promote yours and the kingdom’s interest to the utmost of my
power, without being able to contribute much to either.”

In a letter to Lord Hatton, described in the _First Report of the Historical MSS. Commission_, p. 23, it is said, “The Duke of Shrewsbury would be a greater person than he is, if his health would permit him to stay at Court; but it is wonderful that the laborious diversion of fox-hunting should agree so well with his Grace.”

[309] _Burnet_, ii. 211.

[310] _Stanley’s Memorials of Westminster Abbey; Supplement_, 136.

[311] Mr. Shippen.

[312] _Ralph_, ii. 908.

[313] _Stanhope’s Queen Anne_, 19.

[314] _Clarke’s Life of James II._, ii. 606.

[315] _Clarke’s Life of James II._, ii. 590–594.

[316] _Life of James II._, ii. 598, 599. _Memoir of Louis XIV._, ii. 184.

The Earl of Middleton is reported to have been converted to Catholicism by this death-bed scene; miracles were absurdly said to be wrought by the dying King’s intercession; and there is reason to believe that, if the Stuart family had been restored, James would have been canonized.--_Macpherson’s Original Papers_, i. 595–597.

[317] _Correspondence of Lord Clarendon_, ii. 389.

[318] _Life of Calamy_, i. 437.

[319] _Crosby_, iii. 357.

[320] _Parl. Hist._, v. 1331.

[321] Edmund Burke.

[322] _Whiston’s Memoirs_, 32.

[323] _Lords’ Journals_, February 24, 1702.

[324] _Life_, i. 440.

[325] 1702, January. _Macpherson’s Original Papers_, i. 602.

[326] _English Hist. Library_, 133.

[327] See in Appendix the form of writ now issued.

[328] The letter has been attributed, on the authority of the editor of the _Somers’ Tracts_ (last edit., xi. 363), to Sir Bartholomew Shower; on the authority of the editor of _Atterbury’s Correspondence_ (ii. 25, iii. 71), to Dr. Binckes, Vicar of Leamington at the time, and in 1703 made Dean of Lichfield. I cannot ascertain the evidence on which either of them proceeds.

[329] _The Authority of Christian Princes over their Ecclesiastical Synods_, 1697.

[330] See _Farrer’s Critical History of Free Thought_, 186.

[331] See _Hallam_, ii. 396.

[332] Since writing the above I find Mr. Freeman, in his _Norman Conquest_ (vol. iv. 343), speaking of an Ecclesiastical Synod in 1070 as beginning to be distinguished from the general Gemotes; and, again (360), noticing that the King held his Court for five days, and then the Archbishop held his Synod for three days more. “Here are the beginnings of the anomalous position of the two Convocations in England, half ecclesiastical Synods, half estates of the Realm--each character hindering the effectual working of the other.”

[333] Convocation is now (1872) entering upon a new phase of its history, the results of which deserve careful study.

[334] _Burnet_, ii. 280.

[335] _Atterbury’s Corresp._, iii. 10.

[336] _Ibid._, 11, 13, 17.

An address was presented to the Archbishop of Canterbury by the Clergy of the Diocese of Wells, assembled to elect Proctors, stating that they were advised they had a right to be summoned to Westminster by virtue of the _præmunientes_ clause.--_Lambeth MSS., Gibson_, vi. 1.

But the next paper in the same volume is an address to the elected Proctors, breathing a spirit of profound submission to the Archbishop, and calling the King “His Sacred Majesty, and the Supreme Head of the Church on earth.”

At the election of Proctors for the Diocese of Bristol, a paper was introduced advocating the view of the _præmunientes_ clause taken by Atterbury.--_Gibson_, vi. 3.

[337] The Bishop of Norwich wrote to the Archbishop of Canterbury on the 8th January, 1701, remarking, “I could with humble submission wish there might be no license for business this first session, for if there should be, it will be thought the effect of Mr. A.’s book, and they will not greatly regard the strength of any answer while they carry their chief point; it is also to be suspected they will vote it their right and privilege to sit and do business as often as the Houses of Parliament do; but if a good answer to that book shall precede the sitting of the Convocation, persons will probably meet with more settled and easy minds, and fall more kindly to business, and also suppose there was more than ordinary reason for their meeting.”--_Lambeth MSS., Gibson_, 933, 41.

[338] _Atterbury’s Correspondence_, iii. 22. He says, writing to Trelawny on the 20th of February, “We met yesterday upon our adjournment. The Prolocutor was presented by Dr. Jane, who made an admirable speech, and spoke very plainly about the state of our affairs. It was both written and spoken with more life and vigour than I could have imagined Dr. Jane, under his present ill state of health, could have exerted. The Dean of Canterbury’s, too, was extremely commended, and had several artful wipes in it. Neither of them, I believe, went very well down with the Bench to which they were addressed, but against the first of them (the Dean of Gloucester), my Lord of Sarum declared very loudly” (p. 26).

[339] _Atterbury’s Correspondence_, 31.

[340] _Letter to a Clergyman in the Country_, p. 1. _Answer to the Letter_, p. 4.

[341] _The New Danger of Presbytery_, 3.

[342] These extracts are given in _Lathbury’s History of Convocation_, 351.

[343] The main facts in the history of this Convocation are given by Lathbury, c. xi. In drawing up this account I have used, besides Kennet’s and Burnet’s Histories and the _Memoirs of Tenison_, _The Narrative of the Proceedings of the Lower House, &c._, from Monday, February 10, to Wednesday, June 25, 1701, drawn up by order of the House; _A Letter to the Author of the Narrative, &c._, and _The History of the Convocation_, drawn up from the _Journal of the Upper House, &c._ _The Narrative_ gives the High Church view; _The History_ the Lower. It is ascribed to Kennet. A number of contemporary pamphlets in Dr. William’s Library I have also consulted.

[344] See Letters described in _First Report of Hist. MSS. Com._, 52. What Trelawny says I have noticed before.

[345] _Burnet_, ii. 285.

[346] See _Ecclesiastical Synods_, 99–149, 245.

[347] See _Ecclesiastical Synods_, 299.

[348] _Atterbury’s Correspondence_, iii. 53.

[349] _Ibid._ 57.

[350] _Lathbury’s History of Convocation_, 363.

[351] See _Gibson’s Synodus Anglicana_, 21.

[352] _Lathbury’s History of Convocation_, 363–365.

[353] “Upon coming to Henry VII.’s Chapel, we found it very convenient, by a curtain across the upper end, and matting on the floor.”--_Lambeth MSS., Gibson Papers_, vi. 8.

[354] _Lambeth MSS., Gibson_, vi. 9, 10.

[355] _Present State of Convocation_, 5.

[356] _Lambeth MSS., Gibson_, vi. 11.

[357] _Faithful account of some transactions in the three last sessions of the present Convocation._ Attributed to Atterbury.

[358] _Lambeth MSS., Gibson_, vi. 18.

[359] _Faithful account, &c._

[360] _Lambeth MSS., Gibson_, vi. 11.

[361] _Burnet_, ii. 303.

[362] _Hist. of King William III_, 513.

[363] Dr. Willis, William’s Military Chaplain, who became Bishop of Gloucester in 1714, was an extempore preacher. To this he “was at first led, no doubt, by the temper of his master, King William, who was accustomed to hear such kind of preaching in Holland, and could scarcely have borne to hear Doctor or Prelate read a sermon out of the pulpit at the congregation.”--_Anecdotes of the Wesley Family_, ii. 243.

[364] _Own Time_, ii. 305.

[365] It would look as if the conduct of William in reference to patronage did not please some of the Bishops. Patrick says, “We cannot serve His Majesty unless he will countenance those whom we commend to him, purely because they have deserved well of him, and have no friends to make their worth known but we alone.” _Patrick’s Works_, ix. 621. The date is misprinted 1731; I take it for 1701.

[366] _The Bishop of Sarum’s Four Treatises_ appeared in 1695.

[367] See _Life and Character of Stillingfleet_, 93, 104, 111, 119, and _Twelve Sermons preached on several occasions_, between 1666 and 1672. Published 1696. The first of his episcopal charges is the only one I have seen. For the rest, I depend on the report of the biographer.

For an account of Stillingfleet’s earlier writings, see _Church of the Restoration_, vol. ii.

[368] _A Discourse about Tradition. Works_, vol. vi.; i. 30–34; vii. 294.

[369] Burnet, Evelyn and Dunton bear witness to Patrick’s preaching power.

[370] _Patrick’s Works_, vi. 156.

[371] Preface to sixth edition.

[372] _Lansdowne MSS., Kennet Coll._, 987, 294.

[373] This gave origin to the well-known epigram (attributed by some to Dr. Trapp; by others to Mr. Warton, his successor in the poetry professorship), added to the circumstance of the ministry’s sending at the same time a troop of horse to Oxford, to suppress some disturbances that had happened there.

The King observing, with judicious eyes,
The state of both his Universities,
To one he sends a regiment; For why?
That _learned_ body wanted _loyalty_.
To th’ other books he gave, as well discerning,
How much that _loyal_ body wanted _learning_.

It is but fair to subjoin the reply, particularly as it is the best thing that ever came from the pen of Sir William Browne, the physician; and extorted praise, even from Johnson himself, in favour of a Cambridge man.

“The King to Oxford sent his troop of horse,
For Tories own no _argument_ but _force_.
With equal care, to Cambridge books he sent,
For Whigs allow no _force_ but _argument_.”

_Noble’s continuation of Granger_ ii. 89.

[374] _Observer._ The following note by Onslow occurs in the Oxford edition of Burnet’s _Hist. of his own Time_. “I have heard that the first notice or thought which that extraordinary man, the Bishop Cumberland, had of his promotion, was by reading it in a newspaper at Stamford, where he was minister.” Vol. iv. 131.

[375] _Noble’s continuation_, ii. 88.

[376] _Ibid._, 87.

In the _Lansdowne MSS., Kennet Coll._, 987, 356, it is said Fowler “had a very superstitious fancy in catching at stories of apparitions and witches.”

[377] _Noble_, ii. 101. _Kidder’s Autobiography_ is printed in _Cassan’s Lives of the Bishops of Bath and Wells_.

[378] A high character is given to Nicholas Stratford for kindness, courteousness, and charity in _Lansdowne MSS., Kennet Coll._, 987, 304.

[379] This curious piece of eulogistic Latinity may be seen in _Le Neve’s Archbishops_, part ii. 286.

[380] _Thoresby’s Diary_, i. 224.

[381] _Tyerman’s Life of S. Wesley_, 385.

[382] _Memoirs of Whiston_, 31.

[383] _Noble’s Continuation_, ii. 82.

Anthony Wood, in his strange _Autobiography_, relates a practical joke played by Lloyd when he was at Oxford. He contrived that a London citizen should disguise himself as a Greek Patriarch, and get people, including learned professors, to kneel before him for a blessing. “It was a piece of waggery to impose upon the Royalists, and such that had a mind to be blest by a Patriarch instead of Archbishop or Bishop, and it made great sport for a time, and those that were blest were ashamed of it.”--_Lives of Eminent Antiquaries_, ii. 132.

[384] The change produced by the Revolution is thus estimated in _Tracts for the Times_, No. 80, p. 77. “Since the great loss of Christian principle, which our Church sustained at the Rebellion of 1688, when she threw, as it were, out of her pale the doctrine of Christ crucified (together with Ken and Kettlewell), a low tone of morals has pervaded her teaching, and not founded on the great Christian principle; and that Baptism, which implied it, has been much forgotten.”

[385]

“Fulham, Nov. 20, 1701.

“Sir,--I entreat you to let the Clergy of your Deanery know that it is my opinion that the peace, honour, and safety of this Church and nation depend in a great measure upon the good success of the next election, and that I do therefore think it was common duty, especially for us of the Clergy, to contribute all we can to get in good ones. Now I confess from these considerations, and as matters stand in Essex, in my judgment we shall be greatly wanting to ourselves and our common good, if we do not make the best interest we can, and be vigorous ourselves for the choice of Sir Charles Barrington and Mr. Bullock. It will be for the reputation of the Church, and for its service, if we be unanimous.--H. LONDON.”--_Strype Correspondence_, iii. 219. Cambridge. Other letters of the same kind are preserved.

[386] _Visitation Charges_, 1693–4.

[387] _Hist. of his own Time_, ii. 630.

[388] _Grainger_, iv. 293.

[389] “Captain Crisp assures, that the Bishop of Exeter is entirely in the King’s (James’) interest.” January, 1694. _Macpherson’s Original Papers_, i. 474.

[390] _Life and Errors_, ii. 668.

[391] _Johnson’s Lives of the Poets._

[392] _Discourse made by the Lord Bishop of Rochester at his Visitation_, 1695.

[393] There is a most amusing letter in the Lambeth Library from Dr. Wm. Beau, Bishop of Llandaff, giving particulars of his life--of his service in the army--his promotion in the Church--the poverty of his See--and an interview he had with the Archbishop, at Lambeth, in order to get a better Bishopric. “I was passing through the hall up the stairs, thinking to have found him in the wonted place of reception in the old lodgings; but he no sooner heard of me, than he came himself to direct me, and introduce me into his new ones. When he told me, almost at the first word, that the Bishop of Hereford would die; no, my Lord, said I, for he is newly married. Oh, said he, the sooner for that.”--_Gibson Papers_, ii. 49.

[394] This is entitled, “_A Large Review of the Articles exhibited against the Bishop of St. David’s_.” There is a MS. book, containing minutes of the charges, in the Cambridge University Library (MSS. 757). For the trial, see _Lord Raymond’s Reports_, i. 447; and _Howel’s State Trials_, xiv. 447. The deed of deprivation is in the Lambeth Library, 951, 6.

[395] In the _Cole MSS._ (Brit. Mus.), xxx. 149, it is stated that Bishop Watson died June 3rd, 1717, at Great Wilbraham, and was put in the ground the night following in the Chancel, under the south wall, _sans_ service, being excommunicated by the Archbishop of Canterbury, whose officers’ fees he would not pay. On his coffin was put, T. W. B., St. D. Aged 80, died the 3rd of June, 1717.

[396] Compare for example Sermons iv. and xiv. _Works_, vol. ii.

[397] My acquaintance with Norris’s writings commenced nearly forty years ago, through a recommendation from that quarter. Dunton speaks of him in extravagant terms.--_Life and Errors_, ii. 671.

[398] _Diary_, Nov. 10, 1695.

[399] “I had quite forgot to desire one to preach upon the subject of our Conference. I beseech you try if you can get any of our brethren to give us a quarter of an hour’s discourse upon that subject.--H. LONDON. I preached myself June 23rd, 1689.”--_Strype Correspondence_, iii. 192.

[400] _Strype Correspondence_, ii. 52.

[401] _The Life of Dr. Horneck_, by Bishop Kidder, 9, 10.

[402] He is noticed in _Evelyn’s Diary_, April 24th, 1694.

[403] _An impartial account of Mr. John Mason_, p. 8.

[404] The following account of an eccentric clergyman, who died just after the Revolution, occurs in the _Lansdowne MSS., Kennet Coll._, 987, 116. The person referred to is Joseph Crowther, of whom Walker gives some account in his _Sufferings of the Clergy_, and Wood in his _Athenæ Oxonienses_.

“I remember him esteemed at Oxford a very severe disputant, and very tenacious of the rules of logic. He would often moderate in the public disputation in his own hall; but so fierce and passionate, that if the opponent made a false syllogism, or the respondent a wrong answer, he bid the next that sat by them kick their shins, and it became a proverb, ‘kick shins Crowther.’ He was extremely hated at Tredington (Diocese of Worcester), for his stiff contending with the people; they obliged him to keep a boar--he got a black one to spite them. The black pigs were called Crowthers.”

[405] _Tanner MSS._, xxviii. 248, 274.

[406] _Tanner MSS._, xxvii. 11, 78.

[407] _Patrick’s Works_, ix. 546.

[408] 1696, April 7. _Baumgartner Papers, Strype Correspondence_, iii. 45.

[409] _Gibson Papers_, v. 9. 1692, Dec. 17.

[410] The very injudicious _Defence of the Old Singing Psalms_ may be found in the first volume of _Beveridge’s Works_, collected by Horne.

[411] _Life of Kettlewell_, 213, 214.

[412] _Memoirs_, 30.

[413] _Whiston’s Life_, 162.

[414] _Own Time_, ii. 215.

[415] _Wilson’s Life of De Foe_, i. 292.

[416] The following extract indicates the feeling cherished towards Richard Baxter and his admirers:--“His writings furnish great part of the libraries of the young fanatic divines, who have sucked in all the venom and poison of his unhappy writings, in order to propagate them in this city and country.”--From Chas. Goodall to Mr. Strype, June 12, 1701. Brit. Mus. Addl. MSS., 5853, p. 35.

[417] _Anecdotes of the Wesley Family_, i. 207.

[418] See _Kirk’s Mother of the Wesleys_, 186, and _Tyerman’s Life and Times of Samuel Wesley_, 251.

[419] See _Ecton’s Liber Valorum_.

[420] _Athenian Oracle_, i. 542, probably written by Samuel Wesley, and drawn from his own experience.

[421] _Keble’s Life of Wilson_, 61. The memory of Wilson is still cherished at Knowsley.

[422] _Planche’s Hist. of British Costume_, 395.

[423] Preface to _Companion for Fasts and Festivals_.

[424] Preface to the _Practice of True Devotion_, 1698.

[425] _Thoresby_, iii. 153.

[426] _Hist. of his Own Time_, ii. 211.

[427] _Works_, viii. 451.

[428] _Reason and Faith._ Introduction.

[429] _Wilson’s Life of De Foe_, i. 262.

[430] _Rogers’ Life of Howe_, 337, 309. An anecdote in the life of Samuel Wesley illustrates the same fact. He met with a profane officer, and so reproved him as to break for ever his habit of swearing.--_Life of S. Wesley_, by Tyerman, 134.

[431] Richard Dunning’s _Bread for the Poor_.

[432] _History of his Own Time_, ii. 101. See note by Lord Dartmouth in the Oxford edition.

[433] _Letters Illustrative of the Reign of William III._, by Vernon, Secretary of State, ii. 302. I find amongst the _Tanner MSS._, xxviii. 162, “Case of Sir Peter Gleanes’ daughter, supposed to be suffering from witchcraft, Aug. 17, 1688.”

[434] This information is gathered chiefly from _Hutchinson’s Historical Essay concerning Witchcraft_.

[435] Not “your,” as often quoted.

[436] _Athenian Oracle_, i. 153.

[437] _Hutchinson_, 62. Hume says, in his _Commentaries on the Laws of Scotland_, ii. 556, that among the many trials for witchcraft, he had not observed “one which proceeds upon the notion of a vain, cheating art, falsely used by an impostor to deceive the weak and credulous.” It is not until faith in witchcraft expires that such a notion obtains. The Scotch were more superstitious than the English. English believers in witchcraft regarded the witch as the slave; the Scotch regarded her as the mistress, of the evil power. See _Burton’s Criminal Trials in Scotland_, i. 240. Dugald Stuart, in his _Dissertation on the Progress of Metaphysical and Ethical Philosophy_, notices Malbranche’s scepticism as to sorcery, and gives an interesting extract on the subject, p. 75.

[438] _Hutchinson_, 58, 108.

[439] _Monk’s Life of Bentley_, 34.

[440] _Monk’s Life of Bentley_, 37.

[441] _Nichols’ Literary Anecdotes_, vi. 453.

[442] Life prefixed to _Works_, i. xii.

[443] These passages occur in the 18th and 19th chapters of the fourth book of the _Essay_.

[444] _Second Vindication._ _Works_, ii. 656.

Since this volume was sent to the press, I have been reading the interesting _Letters, Lectures, and Reviews_ of Dean Mansell. From p. 306 to 316, he dwells on the tendency of Locke’s philosophy in the direction of theological scepticism, though at the same time he does justice to Locke’s character, and remarks that “when challenged on account of the relation of his premises to Toland’s conclusions, he expressly repudiated the connection, and declared his own sincere belief in those mysteries of the Christian faith which Toland had assailed.” The Dean maintains that in Locke’s philosophy “there is no room for a distinction between the inconceivable or mysterious, and the absurd and contradictory;” and he further goes on to say, after quoting a passage from _Sanderson’s Works_, i. 233, that “Sanderson’s distinction between the τὸ ὅτι, _that it is_, and the τὸ πῶς, _how it is_, indicates the exact point which Locke overlooked and which Toland denied.” He also remarks that Locke wrote his great work without reference to theology, and probably without any distinct thought of its theological bearings. But the Dean takes no notice of the passages quoted in the text from Locke’s _Essay on the Understanding_, in which he distinctly notices the theological bearings of his speculation, and makes a distinction between the inconceivable and absurd, in other words, what is above reason and contrary to it; and virtually recognizes the truth of what Sanderson says about the τὸ ὅτι and the τὸ πῶς, the fact of existence and the mode.

[445] It will be found instructive to compare chap. ii. with _Newman’s Grammar of Assent_.

[446] Numerous illustrations are afforded in _Secretan’s Life of Nelson_, 174.

[447] See Woodward’s _Account of the Rise and Progress of Religious Societies, &c., and of their Endeavours for Reformation of Manners; Dr. Horneck’s Life; Toulmin_, 415; _Secretan’s Life of Nelson_, 91.

[448] _Vernon Cor._, ii. 128–130.

[449] _Streets of London_, 8.

[450] _Strype’s Stowe_, ii. 578.

[451] This account is founded upon numerous extracts from the early minutes of the S.P.C.K., kindly furnished me by the Secretary, and upon information supplied in _Anderson’s Colonial Church_, and _Secretan’s Life of Nelson_.

[452] Much of this account, like the former, rests upon the minutes of the S.P.C.K.

[453] _Colonial Church Chronicle_, v. 121. There are several papers in this volume on the early proceedings of the Propagation Society, but they chiefly relate to a period later than that contained in the present work. The authorities for the rest of my account are the same as in the case of the S.P.C.K.

[454] _Lives of Eminent Antiquaries_, Oxford, 1772, vol. i. _Life of Hearne_, 8–10.

[455] _Mason’s Defence_, by Lindsay. Preface.

[456] _Macpherson’s Original Papers_, i. 452.

[457] It is written by Hen. Wilkinson, and dated October 25, 1690. (_Baker MSS._, 40, 91, Cambridge University Library.) There is also a list of the Nonjurors in the Diocese of Ely and University of Cambridge, 1689–1690. (Brit. Mus., Additional MSS. 5813 f. 119 b.)

[458] _Kettlewell’s Works_, ii. 635–638.

[459] _Life of Kettlewell_, 291.

[460] _Life of Kettlewell_, 317.

[461] _Ibid._, 322.

[462] _Kettlewell’s Works_, i., Appendix.

[463] _Miscellaneous Papers of Dr. Birch_, Brit. Mus., 4297. _Secretan’s Life of Nelson_, 52.

[464] Dodwell to Ken. _Baker MSS._, 40, 82, _et seq._

[465] Dodwell to Sherlock. _Baker MSS._, 86, _et seq._

[466] Lambeth Library. _Gibson Papers_, ii. 38–41.

[467] _Life of Ken by a Layman_, 409.

[468] _Life of Kettlewell_, 471.

[469] His works were published in two volumes (1752), under the title of Ἀπολειπόμενα, or _Dissertations Theological, Mathematical, and Physical_.

[470] _Scintilla Altaris. Primitive Devotion in the Feasts and Fasts of the Church of England_, by Ed. Sparkes, D.D, 1652. _The Holy Feasts and Fasts of the Church_, by W. Brough, D.D., 1657. It is curious that these should have been published under the Commonwealth.

[471] Dated Oct. 22, 1698. _Letters Illustrative of the Reign of William III._, by James Vernon, Secretary of State, ii. 203.

[472] For several particulars in this account I am indebted to _Secretan’s Life of Nelson_.

[473] _Nelson’s Life of Bull._

[474] _Life of Kettlewell_, 316, 317.

[475] _Life of Hearne_, p. 3 in _Lives of Eminent Antiquaries_, vol. i.

[476] _Life of Ken, by a Layman_, 398.

[477] _Life of Ken, by a Layman_, 414.

[478] June 6, 1698: letter from John Mandeville. See also _Evelyn’s Diary_, June 5.

[479] _Secretan’s Life of Nelson_, 68.

[480] _Life of Kettlewell_, 368, _et seq._

[481] _Maurice’s Kingdom of Christ_, iii. 105.

[482] _Jowett’s Dialogues of Plato_, ii. Introduction, 150. I have changed the word “statesman” for “politician.”

[483] _Nelson’s Christian Sacrifice._

[484] In the _Vernon Correspondence_, vol. ii. 55, allusions occur to “one of the Prebends of Durham” a Nonjuror in heart, suspected of Jacobitism. “By what I have now heard,” says Vernon to the Duke of Shrewsbury, “there never was so true a pharisee; he was affectedly devout in outward show, using all the ceremonies both of the Greek and Western Churches; his practice was to pray and sing psalms while he and his friends were travelling in his coach.”

[485] _Wilson’s Hist. of Dissenting Churches_, iv. 188, 192, iii. 277.

[486] At Salter’s Hall. _Wilson_, ii. 1.

[487] _Ibid._, ii. 303.

[488] _Murch’s History of Churches in West of England_, 139, 157, 89. “I have seen,” says Mr. Murch, “a curious account by a Mr. Butler, of the disbursements to every labourer, and for all the materials used in the erection of the meeting-house at Warminster.” The new chapel was opened in 1704; previously the Dissenters of Warminster worshipped in a barn. The Rev. H. Gunn, in his interesting _History of Nonconformity in Warminster_, gives full particulars derived from this account, and adds that William Penn once preached in the barn. He also notes that the ministers regularly officiating received 12s. 6d. for two services, equivalent to £1 17s. 6d. in the present day.

[489] There was no contractor for the building; materials were purchased and labour procured as necessity required. The entire cost of timber was £30; glass and lead for the windows, £8 19s. 1d.; the painter’s bill was £4. 9s.; bricks were 11s. per 1,000; eight deal boards for the pulpit were charged 14s. 8d., and the making of it is put down at £1 10s. Church Documents, Castlegate Chapel.--See _Historical Account_, by the Rev. S. M’All.

[490] A remarkable instance of an Independent trust, couched in general terms, occurs in the History of the Independent Church at Beccles.--_Rix’s East Anglican Nonconformity_, 161.

[491] The certificate, drawn up and signed on the occasion, is worth preserving: “We, whose names are under written, do testify concerning Mr. Joseph Hussey, that upon our personal knowledge he is an ordained minister of the Gospel, whose natural parts, acquired learning, and soundness in the faith, holiness of life, and all ministerial abilities are so considerable that we groundedly hope for God’s blessing upon his ministry, both for the conversion and edification of souls wherever God shall employ him.” Upon this testimonial there are signs of the furtiveness in which the business had been accomplished. Five signed their names; _Domino Anonymo_ is the signature of the sixth, with this appendage: “He was shie because of the cloudiness of the times, and would neither subscribe nor be known to me.”--MS. by Wilson, Dr. William’s Library.

[492] _Thoresby’s Diary_, i. 229.

[493] “Mr. Griffith,” an Independent, “tells me he takes it for granted the meeting at Newbury was in the nature of a provincial synod, which he has found the Presbyterian ministers very fond of late, and blames them for it. This passion of theirs has appeared more barefaced in Ireland, where they have had such an assembly at Antrim, and published the sermon preached upon the occasion, maintaining it was their right and duty to meet with or without the allowance of the laws, or the consent of the supreme magistrate.”

“The Episcopal Clergy intend to remonstrate to the Government there against this liberty. I know not how soon we may expect the like to be done in England, and if it break into an open contest about Church discipline, the moderate man will have a fine time of it.” August 23, 1698.--_Vernon Correspondence_, ii. 156.

[494] _Calamy’s Life_, i. 224–264.

[495] _Defence of Moderate Nonconformity_, part i. 213.

[496] _Life of Calamy_, i. 301.

[497] _Ibid._, 304–309.

[498] _Life of Calamy_, i. 313–318.

[499] _Life of Calamy_, i. 348–350, June 22, 1694.

[500] _Thoresby_, i. 246.

[501] _Ibid._, i. 246–253.

[502] This was in 1699, but the change began in 1694. _Diary_, 284–329.

[503] _Calamy’s Life_, i. 301. “When Mr. Harrison removed to Pury, a Mr. John Warr, who formerly lived in the neighbourhood of Caversfield, came with him to enjoy the benefit of his ministry. And connected with this circumstance is another, which will show something of the spirit of the times. When Mr. Harrison came to Pury he brought a pulpit with him, which he deemed it necessary to conceal; therefore, to prevent it being known, Mr. Warr, being a shoemaker, contrived to fill it with shoe-pegs, and brought it among his own goods in a waggon from Bicester.”--_Memorials of Independent Churches in Northamptonshire_, by T. Coleman, 276.

[504] _Thoresby_, i. 256. April, 1694.

[505] See correspondence in _Thoresby_, iii. 177.

[506] _Present State of Parties_, 319.

[507] The whole of the above account is rendered necessary by controversies respecting these academies. I have examined what is said by Samuel Wesley, Palmer, De Foe, and other contemporaries, and have consulted the opinions of modern writers who have gone over the whole ground. My notice of the course of study is taken from Palmer. Further particulars may be found in _Nonconformity in Cheshire_, 491, and _Milner’s Life of Watts_.

[508] An example of this occurs in the following letter by Bishop Patrick, addressed to Mr. Williams, Rector of Dodington:--

“You have done very worthily and prudently in stopping the progress of the Anabaptist faction, by applying yourself to the Justices, to call their unlicensed schoolmasters to account; who, you tell me, and I am glad to hear it, have bound him over to appear at the next sessions. I think you need not fear his procuring a license from the Archbishop’s Court, for I had the like attempt here at Littleport, where I refused to licence a fellow whom a party set up against one, who had a long time taught school there with good acceptance. Whereupon they pretended to have not only applied themselves above, but actually procured the Archbishop’s licence, and showed an instrument with a seal to it to the ignorant people. But I soon found it was a cheat; the Archbishop having granted none, and having given a strict charge in his office that none should be granted (as he told me himself), without acquainting the Bishop of the Diocese with it. But for fear of the worst, I will write to his Grace by the next post, and let him know what the sectaries pretend, who, I am sure, will stop the granting of a licence, or revoke it if any have been granted, which I think you need not fear; for after a great deal of vapouring at Littleport about the licence they said they had got, the fellow durst not appear at the sessions, nor come to me, but ran the country.”--Letter to the Rev. Mr. Williams, Rector of Dodington. _Cole MSS._ (British Museum), xxx. 148.

[509] _Heads of Agreement._

[510] _Ibid._

[511] _Thoresby’s Diary_, i. 210. _Hunter’s Life of Heywood_, 374.

[512] Extracts from the Church-Book in _Memorials_, by T. Coleman.

[513] _Calamy’s Life_, i. 327.

[514] This account is drawn up from Williams’ collected pieces in two volumes, _Crispianism Unmasked_, _Crisp’s Christ made Sin_; pamphlets by Lorimer, _Calamy’s Abridgment_, _Life of Bull_, and _Toulmin’s Hist. of Dissent_.

[515] _Nichols’ Apparat. ad Defens. Eccl. Ang._

[516] _Hist. Account of my Own Life_, i. 401.

[517] _Howe’s Works_, v. See passages, pp. 263–290.

[518] James Hamilton.

[519] _Life of Matt. Henry_, by Sir J. B. Williams, prefixed to _Commentary_, 60.

[520] _Ibid._, 61, 62.

[521] Ordinations often occurred at these meetings. The following extract from Henry’s _Diary_ furnishes an instance:--“The 24th was kept as a fast-day in Broad Oak Meeting-House, a competent number present. Mr. Latham prayed; Mr. Lawrence gave an account of the business we met about, prayed and sung a psalm; Mr. Doughty prayed; I preached from Isaiah vi. 8: ‘Here am I, send me,’ and prayed. Mr. Owen, as Moderator, demanded a confession of his faith and ordination vows, which he made abundantly to our satisfaction. We then proceeded to set him apart. Mr. Owen concluded with the exhortation. We have reason to say it was a good day, and the Lord was among us.”

[522] _Hist. of Congregational Church at Cockermouth_, 58. I have adopted the language on the Church-Book. Confirmed is explained to mean establishment as to right of membership, by being admitted to the table of the Lord.

[523] _Ibid._, 97.

[524] _Guestwick Church-Books._

[525] _Hist. of Church at Cockermouth_, 94.

[526] _Ibid._, 90, 98, 99, 100.

[527] Palmer, in his _Vindication of Dissenters_, 1705, says, p. 99, “In all our churches we administer the Sacrament twelve times, at least, in a year.” From the records of Castle Gate Church, Nottingham, it appears the Lord’s Supper was there celebrated once in six weeks.

[528] These particulars are taken from the records of the Trust, of which I have the honour to be a Trustee.

[529] De Foe says of him--

“His native candour and familiar style,
Which did so oft his hearers’ hours beguile,
Charmed us with godliness; and while he spake
We loved the doctrines for the teacher’s sake;
While he informed us what those doctrines meant
By dint of practice more than argument.”

[530] _Dr. Williams’ Life of Annesley_, p. 134, published by Dunton, 1697.

[531] _Williams’ Life of Annesley_, and _Kirk’s Mother of the Wesleys_.

[532] _Toulmin_, 522.

[533] _Palmer_, i. 103.

[534] _Howe’s Works_, vol. vi. 306.

Oliver Heywood’s death occurred in May, 1702. No particular account of it is given by Mr. Hunter in his biography. Thoresby notes down, “May 7: Rode with Mr. Peters to Northowram, to the funeral of good old Mr. O. Heywood. He was interred with great lamentations in the parish church at Halifax; was surprised at the following Arvill, or treat of cold possets, stewed prunes, cake and cheese, prepared for the company, where had several Con. and Noncon. ministers and old acquaintance.”--_Diary_, i. 362.

[535] _Rogers’ Life of Howe_, 357, 316. “I well remember that he himself once informed me,” says Calamy, “of some very private conversation he had with that Prince (William III.) not long before his death. Among other things the King asked him a great many questions about his old master Oliver, as he called him, and seemed not a little pleased with the answers that were returned to some of his questions.” Those answers would throw some additional light on the popular question of Oliver’s character.

[536] _Crosby’s Hist. of Baptists_, iii. 246–258.

[537] _Crosby_, iii. 259, 264–270.

[538] _Crosby_, iv. 298–301.

[539] _Ibid._, Appendix No. 1.

[540] _Crosby_, iv. 330.

[541] _Sewell_, ii. 370, 448. The early meeting has been since fixed for the month of May.

[542] “Forasmuch,” it is recorded in the minutes of Quaker Meetings in Worcester (1695), “as it hath been the good advice of our friends of the yearly meeting that friends shall in all plainness so habit themselves as truth requires, and to lay aside those flowered and striped stuffs, with the changeable fashions of this world, it is thought meet by this meeting, that what in us lies it may be put for the future into practice, and that none do wear them or sell them, when those by them are disposed of; also that friends take care to train up their children in the fear of the Lord, and bring them up not only in plainness of habit, but take care to bring them up in plain language also, that there may be no good Nehemiah grieved to hear half Hebrew and half Ashdod spoken.” Complaint is made of sleeping at public meeting. Those so overtaken were informed, “they must be openly dealt with, if a more private admonition will not do.”--Extracted from records preserved by the Society of Friends at Worcester.

[543] _Miscellanies._ Compare pp. 326 and 340 with 334.

Transcriber’s Notes:

1. Obvious printers’, punctuation and spelling errors have been corrected silently.

2. The words Yeomansee Indians could be a error for Yamassee or Yemassee.

3. Italics are shown as _xxx_.

4. Superscripts are represented using the caret character, e.g. D^r. or X^{xx}.

5. Bold text is shown as =xxx=.

6. The corrigenda have been silently corrected.

7. Some hyphenated and non-hyphenated versions of the same words have been retained as in the original.