Chapter III: Second Visit to New England

It is easy for us, at this comfortable distance, in an ordered
society in which one believes what he wants to believe—or
peradventure believes nothing at all—to say that these Friends
walked of their own accord into the lion’s den.... That is
undoubtedly true, but it indicates a superficial acquaintance
with the spirit of these Quakers.... They would have preferred
the life of comfort to the hard prison and the gallows rope if
they could have taken the line of least resistance with inward
peace, but that was impossible to them.... They had learned to
obey the visions which they _believed_ were heavenly, and they
had grown accustomed to go straight ahead where the Voice which
they believed to be Divine called them.

RUFUS M. JONES, _Quakers in the American Colonies_, p. 80.

To one of Elizabeth Hooton’s temperament it was obviously impossible that there should be any long period of rest after her arduous journeyings, and we soon find her dauntlessly remonstrating with magistrates, visiting prisoners, and appearing before King Charles II. About this period she rented a farm near Syston or Sileby in Leicestershire, which was worked for her by her son Samuel, its assessable value being £5. In 1662 we find that Samuel was “taken at a meeting” possibly at that place and thrown into Leicester prison, and from him were taken “three mares with geares.” This distraint is the subject of many letters to the King, the Lord Chamberlain, and various other people. On reading these epistles one is frequently reminded of the unjust judge and the importunate widow; it is not at all clear that she received reparation, though her numberless appeals, one would have thought, might have proved sufficiently wearisome.

The following is E. Hooton’s own account of one interview with the King, perhaps the first:[73]

ffreinds,

My goeing to London hath not beene for my owne ends, but in
obedience to the will of god, for it was layed before me,
when J were on the sea, and in great danger of my life, that
J should goe before the King to witnesse for god, whether he
would heare or noe, and to lay downe my life as J did at Boston
if it bee required, and the Lord hath giuen me peace in my
Journey, and god hath soe ordered that the takeing away of my
Cattle hath beene very seruiceable, for by that meanes haue
J had great priuiledge to speake to the faces of the great
men, they had noe wayes to Couer their deceits, nor send me
to prison whatsoeuer J said, because the oppression was layed
before them, and there waited J for Justice, and Judgement, and
equity, from day to day, soe did this oppression Ring ouer all
the Court, and among the souldiers, and many of the Citisens,
and Countrey men and water men that were at the Whitehall and J
laboured amonge them both from morning till night, both great
men and priests and all sorts of people that there were.

J followed the King with this Cry J waite for Justice of thee
o King, for in the Countrey, J can haue noe Justice among
the Magistrates, nor Shreiffes, nor Baylyes, for they haue
taken away my goods contrary to the Law, soe did J open the
grieuances of our freinds all ouer the Nation, the Cry of
the Jnnocent is great, for they haue made Lawes to persecute
Conscience, and J followed the King wheresoeuer he went with
this Cry, the Cry of the innocent regard, J followed him twice
to the Tenace Court, and spoke to him when he went vp into his
Coach, after he had beene at his sport, and some of them read
my Letters openly amongst the rest, the Kings Coachman read
one of my Letters aloud, and in some the witnesse of god was
raised, to beare witnesse against the scoffers with boldnesse
and Courage, and confounded one of the guard that did laugh,
and stop the mouthes of the gainesayers, and they Cry they were
my disciples, and soe great seruice there were for the lord in
these things.

J waited vpon the King which way soeuer he went, J mett him in
the Parke, and gaue him two letters, which he tooke at my hand,
but the people murmured because J did not Kneele, but J went
along by the King and spoke as J went, but J could gett noe
answer of my Letters, soe J waited for an answer many dayes,
and watch for his goeing vp into the Coach in the Court, and
some souldiers began to be fauourable to me, and soe let me
speake to the King, and soe the power of the lord was raised
in me, and J spoke freely to the King and Counsell, that J
waited for Justice, and looked for an answer of what J had
giuen into his hand, and the power of the lord was risen in
me, and the witnesse of god rose in many that did answer me,
and some wicked ones said that it was of the deuill and some
present made answer and said they wish they had that spirit,
and then they said they were my disiples, because they answered
on truths behalfe, and the power of the lord was ouer them
all, and J had pretty time to speake what the Lord gaue me to
speake, till a souldier Came and tooke me away, and said it was
the Kings Court, and J might not preach there, but J declared
through both Courts as J went along and they put me forth at
the gates, and it Came vpon me to gett a Coat of sackecloath,
and it was plaine to me how J should haue it, soe we made that
Coat, and the next morning J were moued to goe amongst them
againe at Whitehall in sackecloath and ashes, and the people
was much strucken, both great men and women was strucken into
silence, the witnesse of god was raised in many, and a fine
time J had amongst them, till a souldier pulled me away, and
said J should not preach there, but J was moued to speak all
the way J went vp to Westminster hall, and through the pallace
yard, a great way of it, declareing against the Lawyers, that
were vniust in their places, and warneing all people to repent,
soe are they left without excuse, if they had neuer more spoken
to them, but the Lord is fitting others for the same purpose,
but he made me an instrument to make way, that some others may
follow in the same exercise, and as they are filling vp the
measure of pride and Costlynesse, and wantonnesse, persecution,
lasciuiousnesse, with all manner of sin filling vp their
measures, soe is the lord now filling vp his violls of wrath to
poure out vpon the throne of the beast, soe that all freinds to
be faithfull and bold and valliant to the measure, which god
hath manifested to you, for a Crowne of life is laid vp for all
that abide faithfull.

ELIZABETH HUTTON.

London the 17ᵗʰ of the 8ᵗʰ Month 1662.

This letter gives sufficient evidence of her determination and the fearlessness of her methods of procedure; an account which reads strangely to-day, when one considers the difficulty of access to the Sovereign and the forces and formalities which guard and hedge him about.

Another letter, undated, addressed “To you yᵗ are Judges or Magistrates in yᵉ Court,” possibly belongs to this period. Elizabeth, in very plain language, calls attention to the licentiousness of the times.[74]

... Take heed what you doe Least yᵉ Lord Arise in yᵉ
feircenesse of his anger, and find you Beating yoʳ fellow
servants, and shamefully abuseing them which doe well, and lett
yᵉ wicked goe free. You haue sett yᵉ wicked a worke to spoyle
vs of our goodes, and putt vs in prison for worshipping god,
and turne yoʳ sword backward, which yᵉ higher power cannot doe,
soe you make yoʳselues rediculouse to all people who haue sence
and reason ... god will not be mocked, for such as you sowe
such must you reape: for yᵉ cry of yᵉ Jnnocent will arise in
yᵉ eares of yᵉ Lord, and he will terriblely shake yᵉ wicked:
then will yoʳ dayes of pleasure be turned into mourning, &
weepeing and howleing. Oh yᵗ you would consider this betimes,
before it be too late, and instead of pulling downe yᵉ houses
of gods people, pull downe whore houses and play houses, which
keepes yᵉ people in vanitie and wickedneess. Every wicked worke
is now att Libertie; and vertue Rightiousnesse & holynesse you
sett yoʳ selues against with all yoʳ force. Oh what a nation
would this be if you might haue yoʳ wills. Goe into Smythfeild
& you shall see what store of play houses there is; and what
abundance of wicked company resorts to them; which greiues
the spirit of yᵉ Lord in yᵉ hearts of his people, to see yᵉ
wickednesse of this citty.

After more in the same strain the letter concludes:

J am a Louer of yoʳ soules yᵗ am sent to warne you.

ELISABETH HOOTON.

Although Charles II. had by his Mandamus issued in 1661 obtained some remission of the cruelties practised against the Quakers in Massachusetts, he appears to have quickly repented his clemency, for in an Order in Council, issued 28th of June, 1662, after acknowledging the receipt of an Address from that Colony and confirming the Patent and Charter granted by his father, he continues:

And as the principal end of their Charter was liberty of
conscience His Majesty requires that those who desire to
perform their devotions according to the Book of Common Prayer
be not denied the exercise thereof nor undergo any predjudice
thereby and that all persons of good and honest lives be
admitted to the Sacrament of the Lord’s Supper according to
the Book of Common Prayer and their children to Baptism.
We cannot be understood hereby to direct or wish that any
indulgence should be granted to those persons commonly called
Quakers, whose principles being inconsistent with any kind of
Government, we have found it necessary, by the advice of our
Parliament, here to make a sharp Law against them and are well
contented that you do the like there.

Undeterred by the prospect of further persecution and the improbability of the King again intervening on behalf of the Quakers, Elizabeth Hooton once more believed herself called of the Lord to visit New England. This time she carried with her a licence from the King “to purchase land in any of his plantations beyond the seas.” One cannot help suspecting that King Charles, wearied with her importunities, had hit upon this method of ridding himself of the necessity of an enquiry into the high-handed proceedings of the Leicestershire magistrates, of which she had so vigourously complained, and that it would be a matter of perfect indifference to him whether she succeeded in making good the purchase in the Boston Courts, or not. Fortunately, again, the account of her journey and her sufferings can be given in her own words. She says:[75]

Afterwards was J moved of yᵉ Lord & called by his spᵗ to goe
to New England againe, & tooke wᵗʰ me my Daughter to beare
there my 2ᵈ Testimony, where when yᵉ persecutoʳˢ understood J
was come they would have fined yᵉ ships Mʳ 100ˡⁱ, but yᵗ he
told them J had been wᵗʰ yᵉ King & thither was J come to buy
an house so stopped them from seizing on his goods, when J
had been a while in yᵉ Country among ffriends, then came J up
to Boston to buy an house & went to their Courts 4 times but
they denied it me in open Court by James Oliver, who was one
of their chief a persecutor, so J told yᵐ yᵗ if they denyed
me an house yᵉ King having promised us libertie in any of his
plantaçons beyond yᵉ Sea then might J goe to England & lay it
before yᵉ King if God was pleased.

So when J returned from them J went up Eastward toward Piscatua
& there was imprisoned ffor bearing my testimony against
Seaborn Cotton[76] yᵉ Priest who sent his Man & tooke a (a 2
yʳᵉ. Heyfer)[77] cow from one of oʳ ffriends[78] who owed him
nothing & his Church Members tooke from 2 poore men (Eliakim
Wardill John Hussey[79])[77] almost all yᵉ estate they had,
because of a fine they had put on them for absenting from their
Worship, yᵉ one of them they tooke away all yᵉ fatt kines he
had & a fat calfe wᶜʰ they feasted themselves wᵗʰ besides
12 bussheles of wheate & provision in his house wᶜʰ was for
himself & children & threatned to take away his Children &
sell them for ten pounds wᶜʰ they demanded, where also they
imprisoned me, & at Salem Haythorne[80] yᵉ ruler whipped foure
ffrᵈˢ & sought also for me, though afterwards J was moved to cry
through yᵉ towne, but had noe power to hurt me at yᵗ time, So
at Dover in Piscatua there ffor asking Priest Rayner a question
when he had done they put me in yᵉ stocks Richᵈ Walden being
(deputye)[77] Magistraite (for Dover) (his wife begged the
office in mischeife to friends) & put me in prison 4 dayes
in yᵉ cold of winter but yᵉ Lord upheld & preserved my life,
where my service to yᵉ Lord was profitable for strengthning
of friends & leaving yᵉ other wᵗʰout excuse, So more could
Stormes did J endure & more persecution then J can expresse,
so afterwards J returned to Cambridg, where they were very
thirsty for bloud because none had been there before yᵗ J knew
of & J cryed repentance through some part of yᵉ towne, So they
tooke me & had me early in yᵉ morning before Thomaˢ Danford &
Danˡ Goggins 2 of their Magistrates who by their Gailer thrust
me in a very dark dungeon for yᵉ space of 2 dayes & 2 nights
wᵗʰout helping me to eithʳ bread or water but a frᵈ (Benanuel
Bowre)[81] brought me some milk & they cast him into prison
because he entertained a stranger & fined him 5ˡⁱ & at 2 dayes
end they fetch me to their Court & asked me who recᵈ me J said,
if J had come to his House J should have seen if he would have
recᵈ me for J was much wearied wᵗʰ my travel & they ought to
entertaine strangers so J asked whethʳ he would not receive
me wᶜʰ he did deny then J said sell me an House or let me one
to rent yᵗ J may entertane strangers & laid yᵉ Kings promisse
before them concerning libertie we should enjoy beyond yᵉ seas,
but they regarded it not, but made a Warrant to whip me for a
wandring vagabond[82] Quaker at 3 townes 10 stripes at whipping
poast im Cambridg & 10 at Watertowne & 10 stripes at Deddam
at yᵉ Carts tayle wᵗʰ a 3 corded whip 3 knotts at end, & a
handfull of willow rods at Watertown on a cold frosty morning
So they put me on a horse & carried me into yᵉ wildernesse
many miles, where was many wild beasts both beares & wolves &
many deep waters where J waded through very deep but yᵉ Lord
delivered me, though J ware in yᵉ night to goe 20 miles but he
strengthned me over all troubles & feares, though they caried
me thither for to have been devoured, Saying they thought they
should never see me againe.

So being dilivʳed J gott among oʳ frᵈˢ through much danger by
yᵉ watʳ & after yᵗ to Road Jsland whence J tooke my Daughter
wᵗʰ me to fetch my cloathes & othʳ things wᶜʰ was about 80
miles, So when we came there for my Cloaths there Thomas
Danford made a Warrant for yᵉ Constable of Charles towne to
apprehend us & one of their own Jnhabitʳˢ Sarah Coleman an
auntient woman of Scituate where he met us in yᵉ Woods comeing
back & he asked us whether we were Quakʳˢ for he said he was to
apprehend Quakʳˢ, So J answʳᵈ wilt yᵘ apprehend thou Knowes not
who nor for wᵗ, so he said J suppose you are Quakʳˢ therefore
in his Majᵗˢ name stand, wᵗ Majesty J asked him he said yᵉ
Kings, now said J thou hast told a lye for J was later at yᵉ
King then thou & he hath made noe such Lawes, saith he J must
take you to Cambridge, but yᵉ ffriend yᵗ was inhabiter said she
would not goe except he carried her, then he met wᵗʰ a Cart &
he comanded yᵐ to aid him & set us all upon yᵉ Cart & caried us
away to Cambridg to Daniel Goggings house, but he came not home
till night & in yᵉ night they fetcht us before him & a wicked
Crew of Cambridg scollars there were yᵗ abused me both times, &
Goggins said did not we charg you yee should not come hither,
so J said we were forced thither in a Cart, J came thither to
fetch my Cloaths, because they would not let me take yᵐ wᵗʰ
me. So he asked the Jnhabiter, if she owned me, she said she
owned yᵉ truth so he wrote her down for a wandring Vagabond
Quaker yᵗ had no dwelling place, & she dwelt but a little way
of him, & he knew it & to my daughter he said dost thou own thy
Mothʳˢ religion & she said no thing, & he set her downe for
a wandring Vagabond Quaker wᶜʰ had not a dwelling place, & J
Eliz Hooton was set downe for a wandring Vagabond Quaker, who
would have bought a House among them, & this was in yᵉ night,
when yᵉ house was full of Cambridg Scollers being a Cage of
uncleane birds[83] yᵗ gave us many bad languages & yᵉ Colledg
Mʳˢ & priests sons, stood mocking of old Sarah Coleman wᶜʰ had
formerly fed them wᵗ yᵉ best things wᶜʰ she & her husband could
get, & told her she should be whipt wᵗʰ thwangs & wᵗʰ ends her
husband being a Shoemaker, & had given them yᵉ making of their
shoes, & mending, thus was she rewarded evill for good, & so
sent us all to yᵉ House of correction in yᵉ night, wᶜʰ was a
cold open place & had nothing but a little dirty straw, & dirty
old cloath.

So early in yᵉ morning before it was light yᵉ Whippʳ a Member
of their Church came up, wᶜʰ had said to me before yᵗ yᵉ
governoʳ of Boston was his God & yᵉ Magistrates were his God,
J answered many Gods many Lords blind sottish Men both Priests
& people, & asked us whether we would be whipt there or below,
J said wilt thou take our bloud in yᵉ dark before yᵉ people be
rissen to see wᵗ thou dost, so he tooke me downe & lockt them
up, & said J was acquainted wᵗʰ their whipping because J had
been there before. So to yᵉ whipping post he lockt my hands,
having 2 men by to beare him Witnesse yᵗ J was whipt before
it was light, then fetcht he downe Sarah Coleman being as J
thought older then my selfe & whipt her & then my daughter &
whipt us each 10 stripes a piece wᵗʰ a 3 corded whip, & said
to my Daughter are you not glad now its yoʳ turne she said J
am content, so they put her hands in a very streight place
wᶜʰ pressed her armes very much, & so this Daniel Goggins yᵉ
Magistrate walked out of dore wᵗʰ my Bible in his hand, for it
had yᵉ Epistle to yᵉ Laodiceans[84] & other things opening of
yᵉ Corruption of translations then he asked me, whethʳ J would
promise him to goe to Scituate, J said J submit to yᵉ will of
yᵉ Lord wᵗʰ other words J spake why he should whip us so wᵗʰout
a Cause, but he ran & made anothʳ warrᵗ & fetcht yᵉ Constable
to whip us at other two townes, & yᵉ Constable provided company
to goe a long wᵗʰ us, but Sarah Coleman was not able to goe so
they got a horse & yᵗ day they went with us from towne to towne.

So when they came to Unketty yᵉ Constable saw it was such a
mercilesse thing yᵗ he tooke yᵉ warrant away wᵗʰ him to carrie
to Boston, & left one of oʳ frᵈˢ to goe wᵗʰ us. So were we
persecuted from place to place till we came to Scituate, so
after yᵗ J returned back to Boston, & there was a youngman
out of yᵉ North of England wᶜʰ was moved to goe into their
Meeting place & breake 2 bottles before them for a signe how
they should be broken whom violently they tooke & whipt at yᵉ
great Gun in Boston 10 or 12 stripes & as many more in yᵉ house
of Correction, & yᵉ next mornḡ they had him away, & J was
moved of yᵉ Lord to goe in sackcloath & ashes upon my head to
beare my testimony agˢᵗ them in Jndicots house & they put me
out of dores & set Bellingam in (in yᵉ place of Jndicote) yᵉ
place of persecution, so J was moved to goe along to Billingams
house who was yᵉ Deputie, & there bare my testimony agˢᵗ them
for shedding Jnocᵗ bloud, So they fetcht me in & J cleared my
Conscience to them & he made a mittimg to have me to yᵉ Goale
& whip me at yᵉ whipping post so they J told they filled up
yᵉ measure of persecution wᶜʰ their Bretheren in England left
undone, so there Warrant was to whip me at other two townes,
at Rocksbury & Deddam at each 10 stripes apiece, & when J came
to Rocksbury yᵉ Constable & yᵉ othʳ ffrᵈ met us there yᵗ they
might whip him there at the Carts taile where they whipt him &
me together, so when they had done wᵗʰ us J bare my testimony &
we met yᵉ Priest of yᵉ towne who said he was going to take of
our whipping & J asked him his reason he said because we tooke
5ˡⁱ a time for oʳ whipping J asked him where we should have it
he answerd in England a Company of lyers they were J said, &
yᵉ Constable yᵗ was wᵗʰ us lost both his Warrants & when he
came to Deddam he gott him to anothʳ Persecutoʳˢ house yᵗ he
might fulfill yᵗ wᶜʰ yᵉ othʳ had lost yᵉ Warrant for, & then
they there tyed us both to yᵉ carts taile yᵉ youngman & J in yᵗ
cold weather & stript us as usual to yᵉ middle & there whipt us
from whence they had us to Medfield, & would fain have whipt us
there also, wᶜʰ yᵉ Priest desired & sought much for oʳ bloud
but could not obtaine it, So yᵉ Constable wᵗʰ his long sword
went wᵗʰ anothʳ man to guard us out of their Jurisdiction, into
yᵉ woods & left us to goe 20 miles in yᵉ night among yᵉ Bears &
wild beasts & watʳˢ & yet we were preserved & yᵉ Constable when
he saw me returne lift up his hands & said he never expected to
see me againe, And allwayes they drive us toward Road Jsl being
a place of liberty to us.

So afterwards J went to one of their Meeting places & spoke
to yᵉ priest when he had done, who sent me to prison, but his
wife would never give him rest till he sett me at libertie, so
J went up into yᵉ Country among ffrᵈˢ so comeing back againe, J
was moved off yᵉ Lord to goe to yᵉ othʳ Meeting place where J
stood till they had done, in yᵉ meane time they abused me as
J stood, & when he had done J asked yᵉ priest a question, yᵉ
people violently flew upon me young & old, & flung me downe
on yᵉ ground So J said this was yᵉ fruit of their Ministry,
& their Lawes J did deny & being contrary to yᵉ Law of God &
yᵉ King & one of their Magistrates had said to me, it was yᵉ
Devils Law if it were contrary to Gods Law to take away a poore
Mans Cow, So 2 dayes & 2 nights J was in prison & they fetcht
me before Bellingam yᵉ Deputy, who sentenced me to be whipt
from yᵉ prison dore to yᵉ townes end at yᵉ Carts taile & so
all along out of their jurisdiction, wᶜʰ was between 20 & 30
miles, but they whipt me to yᵉ towns end & yᵉ next time J came
J was to be hanged, Such a Law had they now made, So when yᵉ
Kings Comissionʳˢ came to Boston, they did desire we should
Visit them there, So J & othʳ ffrᵈˢ rode to Boston & my Horse
they tooke away & Windlocks, to carry away yᵉ Comissionʳˢ out
of yᵉ towne, though we were called wandring Vagabond Quakers &
3 score mile J had to goe wᶜʰ was towards Road Jsland & they
had no power to execute their Law upon me, wᶜʰ was a dangerous
voyage not only for me but for one yᵗ was wᵗʰ me, neare to be
lost J cannot expresse yᵉ danger J went through in yᵗ voyage
though yᵉ Lord delivered us both miraculously praises to his
holy Name for ever & for ever, for yᵉ end & purpose of their
doing to us was for murther.

7 or 8 more ffriends yᵗ came out of England did they thus abuse
wᵗʰ horrible whippings & mangling of our bodyes wᵗʰ whips
fining imprisoning & banishing into yᵉ Wildernesse yᵗ when yᵉ
snowes were very deep & no tread but wᵗ Wolves had made going
before me, & my life neare lost many times in yᵉ cold of yᵉ
winter & yᵉ hazard of the Journeys, & thus have they used us
English people, as Vagabond Rogues & wandring Quakʳˢ wᶜʰ had
not a dwelling place wᶜʰ were true borne English people of
their own Nation, yet had yᵉ Jndians wᶜʰ were barbarous savage
people, wᶜʰ neither knew God nor Christ in any profession have
been willing to receive us into their Wigwams, or houses, when
these professoʳˢ would murther us, so in comeing back againe
from my dangerous Jour[ney] for want of my Horse, wᶜʰ yᵉ
Kings Comissionʳˢ would not have had if they would have found
them any other & so me they put in prison, & tooke me out of
prison in yᵉ night to yᵉ ship because they heard J was to goe
away, but in yᵉ morning very early they sent their Constables
to search for Quakers, & found 4 of oʳ ffriends in their beds
& had them before their Rulers Bellingam & yᵉ rest, & asked
them wᵗ they came thither for who said they came to visit yᵉ
Kings Comissionʳˢ but they said they would whip yᵉ Comissionʳˢ
upon yᵉ Quakʳˢ backs, & so they whipt us very grievously at 3
towns & out of their Jurisdiction they put us & kept one of yᵐ
wᶜʰ was an inhabitant of yᵗ Country in prison, but yᵉ Kings
Comissionʳˢ were grieved at wᵗ they did unto them, because they
knew yᵗ their enmity was to them as well as to us, but they
durst not do yᵗ to them, wᶜʰ they did unto us least yᵉ Country
had risen agˢᵗ them, ffor oʳ Kingdome is not of this world,
therefore his servᵗˢ could not fight, but we have comitted oʳ
Cause to God who hath & wil defend it to his glory: for yᵉ
defence of their ffaith yᵗ are yᵉ persecutoʳˢ, were Goales &
whips ffines & banishmᵗˢ & their gallowes on wᶜʰ they hanged
foure, & their persecuting powers wᶜʰ ffaith is at an end, when
another power comes over their heads, this was New Englands
ffaith, wᶜʰ was full of cruelty, more then J can expresse by
writing wᶜʰ J did receive being an old womⁿ being about 3 score
years old, had not yᵉ Lord been on my side J had utterly failed.

Blessed be yᵉ Lord for ever & ever yᵗ hath brought me to
England againe to my Native Country & amongst Gods people,
where we are refreshed together yᵗ J may never forget his mercy
whose Name is in yᵉ flesh

ELIZAB. HOOTON.

This wᶜʰ J have declared is yᵉ worke of Cains ofspring part of
wᵗ they have done to yᵉ Jnnocent. So J end for yᵉ present.

The story of the help given by Elizabeth Hooton to the King’s Commissioners, referred to in the foregoing narration, is told more fully in a letter “To the King and Counsell,” written presumably after her return home; but before quoting this it may be well to consider the reasons for the appointment of the Commissioners as gleaned from the _Calendar of State Papers_. It will be remembered that as early as 1661 evidence was taken respecting alleged grievances in the Colonies, after many delays and recommendations as to the best way of dealing with the disaffection that was rife there; the Lord Chancellor drew up a paper of “Considerations in order to the establishing of His Majesty’s interests in New England.”

In April, 1663, the King in an Order in Council made a similar Declaration, at the same time promising to preserve the Massachusetts charter though he wished to know how it was maintained on the part of the Province.

Another year elapsed before Charles II. signed Commissions and Instructions, in April, 1664, “for Richard Nicolls, Sir Robert Carr, George Cartwright and Samuel Mavericke to visit the Colonies of New England and determine all complaints and appeals for settling their peace and security.” An elaborate letter to the Governor and Council was sent by the King explaining his reasons for sending the Commissioners. He commanded that his letter should be communicated to the “Council and to a General Assembly to be called for that purpose, and while desiring their co-operation and assistance he declared that he doubted not they would give his Commissioners proper reception and treatment.” Strong opposition, however, awaited them on their arrival in Piscataqua; there was a suspicion abroad that the Colonies were to be taxed for the support of the Crown, and wagers were freely laid that the Commissioners would never sit in Boston. Rather than risk open defiance these gentlemen decided that it would be wiser to visit the other three Colonies first, “as they thought if they had good success there Massachusetts would also give them a good reception.” Their visitation extended over two years, when they were recalled. The King expressed his satisfaction with the reception given to his Commissioners except in the case of Massachusetts, and express commands were issued to the “Governor and others of that Colony to attend the King and answer their proceeding.” These commands were never obeyed, one excuse being that “Governor Bellingham was nearly eighty years of age and had many infirmities.”

Elizabeth Hooton’s account, as given in the following letter, is an interesting contribution to the history of the controversy. She writes as follows:[85]

To the King & Councell

This is to let you understand how J haue beene in service
to god & to the King & his Commissionᵉʳˢ in New England: My
message for the Lord was to beare witnesse to his Truth against
those persecuting people who fled from the Bishops because they
would not suffer; And now in New England are become greater
Persecuters then the Bishops were, both in fining imprisoning,
Banishing, whipping & hanging some of those that came out of
England, for vagabond Quakers, who cald their owne Country
people vagabonds: And when the King sent his Commissioners
amongst them J was in that Countrey, & oft had beene
Jmprisoned, oft whipt, oft driven into the Wildernesse among
the wild beasts in the night; yet did god preserve me, though
J had many miles in it to goe amongst the wild beasts and many
great waters; Now the Kings Commissionᵉʳˢ comming thither
they would not receaue them soe freely as our friends did; &
therefore they durst not trust their lives with them as they
did with our friends. And moreover they made a decree against
them, to rise in foure & Twenty houres against them, to fight
with them; & when J heard that, J went among severall of their
Church-members, & warnd them to take heed what they did, for
if they did fight against them they would destroy themselues,
for there were enough that would take the Kings Commissioners
parts; And J said to them you had better (as we haue such an
example) to suffer rather then fight, or else conforme as some
of your brethren in old England doe; But if you doe fight you
will destroy your Country.

And they seemed to looke lightly upon my words, yet they tooke
them into Consideration, & George Cartwright they said he was a
Papist or a Jesuit; & they had a purpose to seeke his life, But
J told them J believd the man was an honest man, & noe papist,
he was my neighbour at Mansfield, & J never heard any such
things by him, therefore take heed what you doe, for the lord
will giue you into their hands because you haue shed Jnnocent
bloud, & persecuted the Just & J sent to the Commissioners at
New Yorke to bid them beware how they came, & soe they came to
the Towne by one at once to read the Kings Packet, & at that
time there was a Court & they had their company about them,
they sought for our friends very early in the morning & woke
them in their beds, & had them before their Court, & Questioned
them why they came thither, & one of them answerd, they came
to visit the Kings Commissionᵉʳˢ & they said they would whip
the Kings Commissioners upon the Quakers backs, because our
friends were willing to receaue them & had a love to them, soe
they whipt them out of their Coast towards Rhode Jsland, where
we had liberty of Conscience, & the Kings Commissioners had
their liberty too, & for me they had me out of prison to go to
the ship to ship me away & soe warned the ship master he should
let me come in noe more & brought me away to Barbados but the
Kings Commissionᵉʳˢ they would not receive neither them nor
their Commission, But it was reported they drove them out of
the Towne, & once they did whip me, because J owned not their
government, but the Kings.

And many more things J would declare, but it would be too much
answering the Kings behalfe. And now J am come hither for some
Justice & to haue my goods restord againe which were taken away
in my absence or else my friends restord out of prison, which
never did the King nor the Counsell any harme, And soe in love
to all your soules J haue written this paper to let you know
that by my going to New England J was made serviceable to the
King & his Commissionᵉʳˢ Therefore reward not me evil for good,
as some do threaten me; & let not our friends be put into the
hands of wicked & unreasonable men; Nor into the hands of the
Priests who would destroy all that we haue for Tythes; that
take Tythes & make a spoyle of their Corne & keepe their bodies
in prison many over England. Jf they will haue their Tythes,
Let our friends haue their bodies at Liberty to worke for
more: for husbandmen are Jmpoverisht much, & ready to throw up
their farmes, by reason of Tythes Taxes & Assessments & great
Rents. And if Husbandmen cast up their farmes what will ye
all doe for there is great oppression in the Country & little
money to be had for any thing. the Cattle & Corne will not pay
their rents, & Taxes & Assessments, chimney money & excise is
a great oppression: for the King J belieue hath not the Tenth
part of what is taken for when they are not able to pay their
chimney money they take away their Bedding in the Country; And
soe consider this all ye that sit in Authority & let Justice &
equity be done in the Country: for the Lord he will arise, & he
will plead the cause of the Jnnocent.

J am a lover of your Soules who came not hither in my owne will

ELIZABETH HOOTON.

[Endorsed]

To yᵉ King & Councill Expressing her service to yᵉ Kings Comʳˢ
in New England & thereupon pleading for justice to herselfe &
liberty to friends

Further particulars of the seizing of her horse for the use of the King’s Commissioners are given in the following fragment; possibly her acquaintance with George Cartwright was largely responsible for the restoration of the animal. She says:[86]

... When J came againe [to Boston] with other ffreinds, the
Kings Comissionʳˢ being in the Towne, they tooke away my horse
J rodd on to cary away the Kings Comissionʳˢ on forth of the
Towne, into the Country, soe J was necessitated to goe three
score Miles through the woods a foote among the wild beasts
with a woman freind that was bigg with Child, who was to goe
to Barbadoes soe for want of my horse was our Lives hazarded
and coming back againe myselfe through the woods, and yᵉ snow
pretty deep, a Company of woalves had gon before mee and made
a path J having noe Company with mee. Soe gott J back againe
to Boston, and after seaven dayes the Comissionʳˢ sent mee my
horse, and told them it was a quakers horse, saying J know
noe Evill by them, and rid not back on the horse, had not
the Comissionʳˢ been in the Towne, the Magistrates of Boston
purposed to have put me to death and never to have restored my
horse againe....

There is another letter to the Lord Chamberlain again recounting her services to the King’s Commissioners and on the strength of those services pleading for justice to herself. The letter is endorsed:[87]

This was deliuered to the Lord Chamberlaine by my selfe upon
the 21ᵗʰ day of the 4ᵗʰ month 1667.

It is especially interesting on account of the following certificate which is attached to it and was delivered with it:

These are humbly to certifie that this woman Elizabeth Hooton
was very serviceable to his Majestyes Com̄issioners in new
England

Giuen vnder my hand the 6ˣᵗ Decembʳ 1666.

GEORGE CARTWRIGHT.

Whilst E. Hooton was in New England some controversy arose respecting Samuel Shattuck, the King’s messenger to the authorities of Boston, the echoes of which may be heard in letters of the period. In March, 1664/5, Shattuck is addressed by Ann Richardson[88] in no measured terms[89]; and at the same time she reports the case to George Fox:[90]

... deare Jane Nicholson[91] a trew harted freind with me was
at Salem & deare Elesebeth Hooton who truly gaue her testimony
for yᵉ truth & against the deceit which was there gotten vp....
They reported that I was there greatest troubler And writ
papers to them & made E H set her hand to it which was false
for I writ for her when it lay on her & could frely own what I
writ for her.

In March, 1664/5, that stern persecutor of the Quakers, John Endicott,[92] died at Boston. Bowden states[93]:

Elizabeth Hooton was imprisoned for attending the funeral of
this notorious bigot; the probability is she attempted to
exhort the company against persecution, and to call their
attention to the judgment of the Most High upon the deceased,
as evinced in the miserable condition in which he died.

In New England as in the old country, we find E. Hooton foremost in championing the cause of the oppressed, and one marvels again and again at her courage and persistency.

The history of her American journey may be fittingly concluded by extracts from her “Lamentation for Bosston and Camberig Her Sister:”[94]

Oh bosston oh bosston how oft Hast thou been warned by the
searuents of the Lord who Have been sent unto the of the Lord.
How Hast thou slitted [slighted] the day of thy visitation and
Hast Rewearded The Lord euill for good and Hast slain the Just
and jnoseant whome the Lord Hath seant to wearn you of all your
vngodly wayes which wickednes A boundeth A monst you jn A great
measur with cruell whipings and Jmprisinments and banishments
A pon pain of death to the Cuting of of the Liues of many ...
and thy sister Camberig who js one with thee jn thy wicked Act
who js the fowntain and Nusery of all decait you are the too
eyes of new jngland by whome The rest sees How to doe mischif
and pearsecut the just by your vnrighttous decrees hatcht at
Cambrig and made at bosston you are the too breasts of new
ingland whear all Cruelty js nursed vp, and feeds both preists
and professores, and by thes too breasts thay Are blood suckers
persecuters and murderers and Robers of the poor jnoseant
Harmleas peopull all ouer the Cuntry.

Jn many places Are thy Chilldrin tearing and scourging the
jnoseant and taking a way Thear means as at Hamton and other
Places whear the cry of the jnoseant Are eantered jnto the
eares of the Lord of sabothes.... And Hee will rend and teare
and deliuor His Littill ones out of your Hands, and shake
Tirabully, and put out your two eyes.... You Are brieres and
Thorns that js nigh vnto burning: Ah woo and mi[s]ary [?] js
neare you. Howill And weep lest your lawfter be turnd jnto
mourning and your Joy jnto Heauines.... Ah Las How js all your
Religion And profession mared and stained with blood you Haue
forsakin the Liuing fountain and gotton brookin seastornes that
will Hould no water you Haue Hated the Light and pearsecuted
jt; thearfor you Cannot eskeape and so take this jnto
considiration, and weigh jt well and doe not sleight jt for jt
js to you the word of the Lord whether you will Hear or forbear.

ELIZABEATH HOTON.

At the close of his summary of E. Hooton’s sufferings in N.E., William Sewel (1654-1720) writes:[95] “Since which I have several times seen her in England in a good condition.” We can imagine something of the interest the boy in his teens would take at the sight of this ancient warrior of the Cross.

_See page 10._]