Chapter XVI: Part 16

The five years and a half which intervened between his return from this tour, in June 1765, and the death of his father, in November 1770, seem to have formed the portion of his life which "he passed with the least enjoyment and remembered with the least satisfaction." He attended every spring the meetings of the militia at Southampton, and rose successively to the rank of major and lieutenant-colonel commandant; but was each year "more disgusted with the inn, the wine, the company, and the tiresome repetition of annual attendance and daily exercise." From his own account, however, it appears that other and deeper causes produced this discontent. Sincerely attached to his home, he yet felt the anomaly of his position. At thirty, still a dependant, without a settled occupation, without a definite social status, he often regretted that he had not "embraced the lucrative pursuits of the law or of trade, the chances of civil office or India adventure, or even the fat slumbers of the church." From the emoluments of a profession he "might have derived an ample fortune, or a competent income instead of being stinted to the same narrow allowance, to be increased only by an event which he sincerely deprecated." Doubtless the secret fire of a consuming, but as yet ungratified, literary ambition also troubled his repose. He was still contemplating "at an awful distance" _The Decline and Fall_, and meantime revolved some other subjects, that seemed more immediately practicable. Hesitating for some time between the revolutions of Florence and those of Switzerland, he consulted M. Deyverdun, a young Swiss with whom he had formed a close and intimate friendship during his first residence at Lausanne, and finally decided in favour of the land which was his "friend's by birth" and "his own by adoption." He executed the first book in French; it was read (in 1767), as an anonymous production, before a literary society of foreigners in London, and condemned. Gibbon sat and listened unobserved to their strictures. It never got beyond that rehearsal; Hume, indeed, approved of the performance, only deprecating as unwise the author's preference for French; but Gibbon sided with the majority.

In 1767 also he joined with M. Deyverdun in starting a literary journal under the title of _Memoires litteraires de la Grande-Bretagne_. But its circulation was limited, and only the second volume had appeared (1768) when Deyverdun went abroad. The materials already collected for a third volume were suppressed. It is interesting, however, to know, that in the first volume is a review by Gibbon of Lord Lyttelton's _History of Henry II._, and that the second volume contains a contribution by Hume on Walpole's _Historic Doubts_.

The next appearance of the historian made a deeper impression. It was the first distinct print of the lion's foot. "Ex ungue leonem" might have been justly said, for he attacked, and attacked successfully, the redoubtable Warburton. Of the many paradoxes in the _Divine Legation_, few are more extravagant than the theory that Virgil, in the sixth book of his _Aeneid_, intended to allegorize, in the visit of his hero and the Sibyl to the shades, the initiation of Aeneas, as a lawgiver, into the Eleusinian mysteries. This theory Gibbon completely exploded in his _Critical Observations_ (1770)--no very difficult task, indeed, but achieved in a style, and with a profusion of learning, which called forth the warmest commendations both at home and abroad. Warburton never replied; and few will believe that he would not, if he had not thought silence more discreet. Gibbon, however, regrets that the style of his pamphlet was too acrimonious; and this regret, considering his antagonist's slight claims to forbearance, is creditable to him. "I cannot forgive myself the contemptuous treatment of a man who, with all his faults, was entitled to my esteem; and I can less forgive, in a personal attack, the cowardly concealment of my name and character."

Soon after his "release from the fruitless task of the Swiss revolution" in 1768, he had gradually advanced from the wish to the hope, from the hope to the design, from the design to the execution of his great historical work. His preparations were indeed vast. The classics, "as low as Tacitus, Pliny the Younger and Juvenal," had been long familiar. He now "plunged into the ocean of the Augustan history," and "with pen almost always in hand," pored over all the original records, Greek and Latin, between Trajan and the last of the Western Caesars. "The subsidiary rays of medals and inscriptions, of geography and chronology, were thrown on their proper objects; and I applied the collections of Tillemont, whose inimitable accuracy almost assumes the character of genius, to fix and arrange within my reach the loose and scattered atoms of historical information." The Christian apologists and their pagan assailants; the Theodosian Code, with Godefroy's commentary; the _Annals and Antiquities_ of Muratori, collated with "the parallel or transverse lines" of Sigonius and Maffei, Pagi and Baronius, were all critically studied. Still following the wise maxim which he had adopted as a student, "multum legere potius quam multa," he reviewed again and again the immortal works of the French and English, the Latin and Italian classics. He deepened and extended his acquaintance with Greek, particularly with his favourite authors Homer and Xenophon; and, to crown all, he succeeded in achieving the third perusal of Blackstone's _Commentaries_.

The course of his study was for some time seriously interrupted by his father's illness and death in 1770, and by the many distractions connected with the transference of his residence from Buriton to London. It was not, indeed, until October 1772 that he found himself at last independent, and fairly settled in his house and library, with full leisure and opportunity to set about the composition of the first volume of his history. Even then it appears from his own confession that he long brooded over the chaos of materials he had amassed before light dawned upon it. At the commencement, he says, "all was dark and doubtful"; the limits, divisions, even the title of his work were undetermined; the first chapter was composed three times, and the second and third twice, before he was satisfied with his efforts. This prolonged meditation on his design and its execution was ultimately well repaid by the result: so methodical did his ideas become, and so readily did his materials shape themselves, that, with the above exceptions, the original MS. of the entire six quartos was sent uncopied to the printers. He also says that not a sheet had been seen by any other eyes than those of author and printer, a statement indeed which must be taken with a small deduction; or rather we must suppose that a few chapters had been submitted, if not to the "eyes," to the "ears" of others; for he elsewhere tells us that he was "soon disgusted with the modest practice of reading the manuscript to his friends." Such, however, were his preliminary difficulties that he confesses he was often "tempted to cast away the labour of seven years"; and it was not until February 1776 that the first volume was published. The success was instant, and, for a quarto, probably unprecedented. The entire impression was exhausted in a few days; a second and a third edition were scarcely adequate to the demand. The author might almost have said, as Lord Byron after the publication of _Childe Harold_, that "he awoke one morning and found himself famous." In addition to public applause, he was gratified by the more select praises of the highest living authorities in that branch of literature: "the candour of Dr Robertson embraced his disciple"; Hume's letter of congratulation "overpaid the labour of ten years." The latter, however, with his usual sagacity, anticipated the objections which he saw could be urged against the famous fifteenth and sixteenth chapters. "I think you have observed a very prudent temperament; but it was impossible to treat the subject so as not to give grounds of suspicion against you, and you may expect that a clamour will arise."

The "clamour" thus predicted was not slow to make itself heard. Within two years the famous chapters had elicited what might almost be called a library of controversy. The only attack, however, to which Gibbon deigned to make any reply was that of Davies, who had impugned his accuracy or good faith. His _Vindication_ appeared in February 1779; and, as Milman remarks, "this single discharge from the ponderous artillery of learning and sarcasm laid prostrate the whole disorderly squadron" of his rash and feeble assailants.[6]

Two years before the publication of this first volume Gibbon was elected member of parliament for Liskeard (1774). His political duties did not suspend his prosecution of his history, except on one occasion, and for a little while, in 1779, when he undertook, on behalf of the ministry, a task which, if well performed, was also, it must be added, well rewarded. The French government had issued a manifesto preparatory to a declaration of war, and Gibbon was solicited by Chancellor Thurlow and Lord Weymouth, secretary of state, to answer it. In compliance with this request he produced the able _Memoire justificatif_, composed in French, and delivered to the courts of Europe; and shortly afterwards he received a seat at the Board of Trade and Plantations--little more than a sinecure in itself, but with a very substantial salary of nearly L800 per annum. His acceptance displeased some of his former political associates, and he was accused of "deserting his party." In his _Memoir_, indeed, Gibbon denies that he had ever enlisted with the Whigs. A note of Fox, however, on the margin of a copy of _The Decline and Fall_ records a very distinct remembrance of the historian's previous vituperation of the ministry; within a fortnight of the date of his acceptance of office, he is there alleged to have said that "there was no salvation for this country until six heads of the principal persons in administration were laid upon the table." Lord Sheffield merely replies, somewhat weakly it must be said, that his friend never intended the words to be taken literally. More to the point is the often-quoted passage from Gibbon's letter to Deyverdun, where the frank revelation is made: "You have not forgotten that I went into parliament without patriotism and without ambition, and that all my views tended to the convenient and respectable place of a lord of trade."

In April 1781 the second and third quartos of his _History_ were published. They excited no controversy, and were comparatively little talked about--so little, indeed, as to have extorted from him a half murmur about "coldness and prejudice." The volumes, however, were bought and read with silent avidity. Meanwhile public events were developing in a manner that had a considerable influence upon the manner in which the remaining years of the historian's life were spent. At the general election in 1780 he had lost his seat for Liskeard, but had subsequently been elected for Lymington. The ministry of Lord North, however, was tottering, and soon after fell; the Board of Trade was abolished by the passing of Burke's bill in 1782, and Gibbon's salary vanished with it--no trifle, for his expenditure had been for three years on a scale somewhat disproportionate to his private fortune. He did not like to depend on statesmen's promises, which are proverbially uncertain of fulfilment; he as little liked to retrench; and he was wearied of parliament, where he had never given any but silent votes. Urged by such considerations, he once more turned his eyes to the scene of his early exile, where he might live on his decent patrimony in a style which was impossible in England, and pursue unembarrassed his literary studies. He therefore resolved to fix himself at Lausanne.

A word only is necessary on his parliamentary career. Neither nature nor acquired habits qualified him to be an orator; his late entrance on public life, his natural timidity, his feeble voice, his limited command of idiomatic English, and even, as he candidly confesses, his literary fame, were all obstacles to success. "After a fleeting, illusive hope, prudence condemned me to acquiesce in the humble station of a mute.[7] ... I was not armed by nature and education with the intrepid energy of mind and voice--'Vincentem strepitus et natum rebus agendis.' Timidity was fortified by pride, and even the success of my pen discouraged the trial of my voice." His repugnance to public life had been strongly expressed to his father in a letter of a very early date, in which he begged that the money which a seat in the House of Commons would cost might be expended in a mode more agreeable to him. Gibbon was eight-and-thirty when he entered parliament; and the obstacles which even at an earlier period he had not had courage to encounter were hardly likely to be vanquished then. Nor had he much political sagacity. He was better skilled in investigating the past than in divining the future. While Burke and Fox and so many great statesmen proclaimed the consequences of the collision with America, Gibbon saw nothing but colonies in rebellion, and a paternal government justly incensed. His silent votes were all given on that hypothesis. In a similar manner, while he abhorred the French Revolution when it came, he seems to have had no apprehension, like Chesterfield, Burke, or even Horace Walpole, of its approach; nor does he appear to have at all suspected that it had had anything to do with the speculations of the philosophic coteries in which he had taken such delight. But while it may be doubted whether his presence in parliament was of any direct utility to the legislative business of the country, there can be no question of the present advantage which he derived from it in the prosecution of the great work of his life--an advantage of which he was fully conscious when he wrote: "The eight sessions that I sat in parliament were a school of civil prudence, the first and most essential virtue of an historian."

Having sold all his property except his library--to him equally a necessary and a luxury--Gibbon repaired to Lausanne in September 1783, and took up his abode with his early friend Deyverdun, now a resident there. Perfectly free from every engagement but those which his own tastes imposed, easy in his circumstances, commanding just as much society, and that as select, as he pleased, with the noblest scenery spread out at his feet, no situation can be imagined more favourable for the prosecution of his literary enterprise; a hermit in his study as long as he chose, he found the most delightful recreation always ready for him at the threshold. "In London," says he, "I was lost in the crowd; I ranked with the first families in Lausanne, and my style of prudent expense enabled me to maintain a fair balance of reciprocal civilities.... Instead of a small house between a street and a stable-yard, I began to occupy a spacious and convenient mansion, connected on the north side with the city, and open on the south to a beautiful and boundless horizon. A garden of four acres had been laid out by the taste of M. Deyverdun: from the garden a rich scenery of meadows and vineyards descends to the Leman Lake, and the prospect far beyond the lake is crowned by the stupendous mountains of Savoy." In this enviable retreat, it is no wonder that a year should have been suffered to roll round before he vigorously resumed his great work--and with many men it would never have been resumed in such a paradise. We may remark in passing that the retreat was often enlivened, or invaded, by friendly tourists from England, whose "frequent incursions" into Switzerland our recluse seems half to lament as an evil. Among his more valued visitors were M. and Mme Necker; Mr Fox also gave him two welcome "days of free and private society" in 1788. Differing as they did in politics, Gibbon's testimony to the genius and character of the great statesman is highly honourable to both: "Perhaps no human being," he says, "was ever more perfectly exempt from the taint of malevolence, vanity, or falsehood."

When once fairly reseated at his task, he proceeded in this delightful retreat leisurely, yet rapidly, to its completion. The fourth volume, partly written in 1782, was completed in June 1784; the preparation of the fifth volume occupied less than two years; while the sixth and last, begun 18th May 1786, was finished in thirteen months. The feelings with which he brought his labours to a close must be described in his own inimitable words: "It was on the day, or rather night, of the 27th of June 1787, between the hours of eleven and twelve, that I wrote the last lines of the last page in a summer house in my garden. After laying down my pen, I took several turns in a _berceau_ or covered walk of acacias, which commands a prospect of the country, the lake, and the mountains. The air was temperate, the sky was serene, the silver orb of the moon was reflected from the waters, and all nature was silent. I will not dissemble the first emotions of joy on the recovery of my freedom, and, perhaps, the establishment of my fame. But my pride was soon humbled, and a sober melancholy was spread over my mind by the idea that I had taken an everlasting leave of an old and agreeable companion, and that whatsoever might be the future date of my _History_, the life of the historian must be short and precarious."

Taking the manuscript with him, Gibbon, after an absence of four years, once more visited London in 1787; and the 51st anniversary of the author's birthday (27th April 1788) witnessed the publication of the last three volumes of _The Decline and Fall_. They met with a quick and easy sale, were very extensively read, and very liberally and deservedly praised for the unflagging industry and vigour they displayed, though just exception, if only on the score of good taste, was taken to the scoffing tone he continued to maintain in all passages where the Christian religion was specially concerned, and much fault was found with the indecency of some of his notes.[8]

He returned to Switzerland in July 1788, cherishing vague schemes of fresh literary activity; but genuine sorrow caused by the death of his friend Deyverdun interfered with steady work, nor was it easy for him to fix on a new subject which should be at once congenial and proportioned to his powers; while the premonitory mutterings of the great thunderstorm of the French Revolution, which reverberated in hollow echoes even through the quiet valleys of Switzerland, further troubled his repose. For some months he found amusement in the preparation of the delightful _Memoirs_ (1789) from which most of our knowledge of his personal history is derived; but his letters to friends in England, written between 1788 and 1793 occasionally betray a slight but unmistakable tone of ennui. In April 1793 he unexpectedly received tidings of the death of Lady Sheffield; and the motive of friendship thus supplied combined with the pressure of public events to urge him homewards. He arrived in England in the following June, and spent the summer at Sheffield Place, where his presence was even more highly prized than it had ever before been. Returning to London early in November, he found it necessary to consult his physicians for a symptom which, neglected since 1761, had gradually become complicated with hydrocele, and was now imperatively demanding surgical aid; but the painful operations which had to be performed did not interfere with his customary cheerfulness, nor did they prevent him from paying a Christmas visit to Sheffield Place. Here, however, fever made its appearance; and a removal to London (January 6, 1794) was considered imperative. Another operation brought him some relief; but a relapse occurred during the night of the 15th, and on the following day he peacefully breathed his last. His remains were laid in the burial place of the Sheffield family, Fletching, Sussex, where an epitaph by Dr Parr describes his character and work in the language at once of elegance, of moderation and of truth.

The personal appearance of Gibbon as a lad of sixteen is brought before us somewhat dimly in M. Pavilliard's description of the "thin little figure, with a large head, disputing and arguing, with the greatest ability, all the best arguments that had ever been used in favour of popery." What he afterwards became has been made more vividly familiar by the clever silhouette prefixed to the _Miscellaneous Works_ (Gibbon himself, at least, we know, did not regard it as a caricature), and by Sir Joshua Reynolds's portrait so often engraved. It is hardly fair perhaps to add a reference to Suard's highly-coloured description of the short Silenus-like figure, not more than 56 in. in height, the slim legs, the large turned-in feet, the shrill piercing voice; but almost every one will remember, from Croker's _Boswell_, Colman's account of the great historian "tapping his snuff-box, smirking and smiling, and rounding his periods" from that mellifluous mouth. It has already been seen that Gibbon's early ailments all left him on the approach of manhood; thenceforward, "till admonished by the gout," he could truly boast of an immunity well-nigh perfect from every bodily complaint; an exceptionally vigorous brain, and a stomach "almost too good," united to bestow upon him a vast capacity alike for work and for enjoyment. This capacity he never abused so as to burden his conscience or depress his spirits. "The madness of superfluous health I have never known." To illustrate the intensity of the pleasure he found alike in the solitude of his study and in the relaxations of genial social intercourse, almost any page taken at random, either from the _Life_ or from the _Letters_, would suffice; and many incidental touches show that he was not a stranger to the delights of quiet contemplation of the beauties and grandeurs of nature. His manners, if formal, were refined; his conversation, when he felt himself at home, interesting and unaffected; and that he was capable alike of feeling and inspiring a very constant friendship there are many witnesses to show. That his temperament at the same time was frigid and comparatively passionless cannot be denied; but neither ought this to be imputed to him as a fault; hostile criticisms upon the grief for a father's death, that "was soothed by the conscious satisfaction that I had discharged all the duties of filial piety," seem somewhat out of place. His most ardent admirers, however, are constrained to admit that he was deficient in large-hearted benevolence; that he was destitute of any "enthusiasm of humanity"; and that so far as every sort of religious yearning or aspiration is concerned, his poverty was almost unique. Gibbon was such a man as Horace might have been, had the Roman Epicurean been fonder of hard intellectual work, and less prone than he was to the indulgence of emotion. (H. Ro.; J. S. Bl.)

Gibbon's literary art, the sustained excellence of his style, his piquant epigrams and his brilliant irony, would perhaps not secure for his work the immortality which it seems likely to enjoy, if it were not also marked by ecumenical grasp, extraordinary accuracy and striking acuteness of judgment. It is needless to say that in many points his statements and conclusions must now be corrected. He was never content with secondhand accounts when the primary sources were accessible; "I have always endeavoured," he says, "to draw from the fountainhead; my curiosity, as well as a sense of duty, has always urged me to study the originals; and if they have sometimes eluded my search, I have carefully marked the secondary evidence on whose faith a passage or a fact were reduced to depend." Since he wrote, new authorities have been discovered or rendered accessible; works in Greek, Latin, Slavonic, Armenian, Syriac, Arabic and other languages, which he was unable to consult, have been published. Again, many of the authorities which he used have been edited in superior texts. The relative weights of the sources have been more nicely determined by critical investigation. Archaeology has become a science. In the immense region which Gibbon surveyed there is hardly a section which has not been submitted to the microscopic examination of specialists.

But apart from the inevitable advances made in the course of a century during which historical research entered upon a new phase, the reader of Gibbon must be warned against one capital defect. In judging the _Decline and Fall_ it should carefully be observed that it falls into two parts which are heterogeneous in the method of treatment. The first part, a little more than five-eighths of the work, supplies a very _full_ history of 460 years (A.D. 180-641); the second and smaller part is a summary history of about 800 years (A.D. 641-1453) in which certain episodes are selected for fuller treatment and so made prominent. To the first part unstinted praise must be accorded; it may be said that, with the materials at the author's disposition, it hardly admitted of improvement, except in trifling details. But the second, notwithstanding the brilliancy of the narrative and the masterly art in the grouping of events, suffers from a radical defect which renders it a misleading guide. The author designates the story of the later empire at Constantinople (after Heraclius) as "a uniform tale of weakness and misery," a judgment which is entirely false; and in accordance with this doctrine, he makes the empire, which is his proper subject, merely a string for connecting great movements which affected it, such as the Saracen conquests, the Crusades, the Mongol invasions, the Turkish conquests. He failed to bring out the momentous fact that up to the 12th century the empire was the bulwark of Europe against the East, nor did he appreciate its importance in preserving the heritage of Greek civilization. He compressed into a single chapter the domestic history and policy of the emperors from the son of Heraclius to Isaac Angelus; and did no justice to the remarkable ability and the indefatigable industry shown in the service of the state by most of the sovereigns from Leo III. to Basil II. He did not penetrate into the deeper causes underlying the revolutions and palace intrigues. His eye rested only on superficial characteristics which have served to associate the name "Byzantine" with treachery, cruelty, bigotry and decadence. It was reserved for Finlay to depict, with greater knowledge and a juster perception, the lights and shades of Byzantine history. Thus the later part of the _Decline and Fall_, while the narrative of certain episodes will always be read with profit, does not convey a true idea of the history of the empire or of its significance in the history of Europe. It must be added that the pages on the Slavonic peoples and their relations to the empire are conspicuously insufficient; but it must be taken into account that it was not till many years after Gibbon's death that Slavonic history began to receive due attention, in consequence of the rise of competent scholars among the Slavs themselves.

The most famous chapters of the _Decline and Fall_ are the fifteenth and sixteenth, in which the historian traces the early progress of Christianity and the policy of the Roman government towards it. The flavour of these chapters is due to the irony which Gibbon has employed with consummate art and felicity. There was a practical motive for using this weapon. An attack on Christianity laid a writer open to prosecution and penalties under the statutes of the realm (9 and 10 William III. c. 22, still unrepealed). Gibbon's stylistic artifice both averted the peril of prosecution and rendered the attack more telling. In his _Autobiography_ he alleges that he learned from the _Provincial Letters_ of Pascal "to manage the weapon of grave and temperate irony, even on subjects of ecclesiastical solemnity." It is not easy, however, to perceive much resemblance between the method of Pascal and that of Gibbon, though in particular passages we may discover the influence which Gibbon acknowledges. For instance, the well-known description (in chap. xlvii.) of the preposition "in" occurring in a theological dogma as a "momentous particle which the memory rather than the understanding must retain" is taken directly from the first Provincial Letter. The main points in the general conclusions of these chapters have been borne out by subsequent research. The account of the causes of the expansion of Christianity is chiefly to be criticized for its omissions. There were a number of important contributory conditions (enumerated in Harnack's _Mission und Ausbreitung des Christentums_) which Gibbon did not take into account. He rightly insisted on the facilities of communication created by the Roman empire, but did not emphasize the diffusion of Judaism. And he did not realize the importance of the kinship between Christian doctrine and Hellenistic syncretism, which helped to promote the reception of Christianity. He was ignorant of another fact of great importance (which has only in recent years been fully appreciated through the researches of F. Cumont), the wide diffusion of the Mithraic religion and the close analogies between its doctrines and those of Christianity. In regard to the attitude of the Roman government towards the Christian religion, there are questions still _sub judice_; but Gibbon had the merit of reducing the number of martyrs within probable limits.

Gibbon's verdict on the history of the middle ages is contained in the famous sentence, "I have described the triumph of barbarism and religion." It is important to understand clearly the criterion which he applied; it is frequently misapprehended. He was a son of the 18th century; he had studied with sympathy Locke and Montesquieu; no one appreciated more keenly than he did political liberty and the freedom of an Englishman. This is illustrated by his love of Switzerland, his intense interest in the fortunes of that country, his design of writing "The History of the Liberty of the Swiss"--a theme, he says "from which the dullest stranger would catch fire." Such views and sentiments are incompatible with the idealization of a benevolent despotism. Yet in this matter Gibbon has been grossly misapprehended and misrepresented. For instance, Mirabeau wrote thus to Sir Samuel Romilly: "I have never been able to read the work of Mr Gibbon without being astounded that it should ever have been written in English; or without being tempted to turn to the author and say, 'You an Englishman? No, indeed.' That admiration for an empire of more than two hundred millions of men, where not one had the right to call himself free; that effeminate philosophy which has more praise for luxury and pleasures than for all the virtues; that style always elegant and never energetic, reveal at the most the elector of Hanover's slave." This criticism is based on a perverse misreading of the historian's observations on the age of Trajan, Hadrian and the Antonines. He enlarges, as it was his business to do, on the tranquillity and prosperity of the empire in that period, but he does not fail to place his finger on the want of political liberty as a fatal defect. He points out that under this benevolent despotism, though men might be happy, their happiness was unstable, because it depended on the character of a single man; and the highest praise he can give to those virtuous princes is that they "deserved the honour of restoring the republic, had the Romans of their days been capable of a rational freedom." The criterion by which Gibbon judged civilization and progress was the measure in which the happiness of men is secured, and of that happiness he considered political freedom an essential condition. He was essentially humane; and it is worthy of notice that he was in favour of the abolition of slavery, while humane men like his friend Lord Sheffield, Dr Johnson and Boswell were opposed to the anti-slavery movement.

BIBLIOGRAPHY.--Of the original quarto edition of _The Decline and
Fall_, vol. i. appeared, as has already been stated, in 1776, vols.
ii. and iii. in 1781 and vols. iv.-vi. (inscribed to Lord North) in
1788. In later editions vol. i. was considerably altered by the
author; the others hardly at all. The number of modern reprints has
been very considerable. For many years the most important and valuable
English edition was that of Milman (1839 and 1845), which was reissued
with many critical additions by Dr W. Smith (8 vols. 8vo, 1854 and
1872). This has now been superseded by the edition, with copious
notes, by Professor J. B. Bury (7 vols. 8vo, 1896-1900). The edition
in Bohn's British Classics (7 vols., 1853) deserves mention. See also
the essay on Gibbon in Sir Spencer Walpole's _Essays and Biographies_
(1907). As a curiosity of literature Bowdler's edition, "adapted to
the use of families and young persons," by the expurgation of "the
indecent expressions and all allusions of an improper tendency" (5
vols. 8vo, 1825), may be noticed. The French translation of Le Clerc
de Septchenes, continued by Demeunier, Boulard and Cantwell
(1788-1795), has been frequently reprinted in France. It seems to be
certain that the portion usually attributed to Septchenes was, in part
at least, the work of his distinguished pupil, Louis XVI. A new
edition of the complete translation, prefaced by a letter on Gibbon's
life and character, from the pen of Suard, and annotated by Guizot,
appeared in 1812 (and again in 1828). There are at least two German
translations of _The Decline and Fall_, one by Wenck, Schreiter and
Beck (1805-1807), and a second by Johann C. Sporschil (1837, new ed.
1862). The Italian translation (alluded to by Gibbon himself) was,
along with Spedalieri's _Confutazione_, reprinted at Milan in 1823.
There is a Russian translation by Neviedomski (7 parts, Moscow,
1883-1886), and an Hungarian version of cc. 1-38 by K. Hegyessy (Pest,
1868-1869). Gibbon's _Miscellaneous Works, with Memoirs of his Life
and Writings, composed by himself; illustrated from his Letters, with
occasional Notes and Narrative_, published by Lord Sheffield in two
volumes in 1796, has been often reprinted. The new edition in five
volumes (1814) contained some previously unpublished matter, and in
particular the fragment on the revolutions of Switzerland. A French
translation of the _Miscellaneous Works_ by Marigne appeared at Paris
in 1798. There is also a German translation (Leipzig, 1801). It may be
added that a special translation of the chapter on Roman Law
(_Gibbon's historische Ubersicht des romischen Rechts_) was published
by Hugo at Gottingen in 1839, and has frequently been used as a
text-book in German universities. This chapter has also appeared in
Polish (Cracow, 1844) and Greek (Athens, 1840). The centenary of
Gibbon's death was celebrated in 1894 under the auspices of the Royal
Historical Society: _Proceedings of the Gibbon Commemoration_,
1794-1894, by R. H. T. Ball (1895). (J. B. B.)

FOOTNOTES:

[1] The celebrated William Law had been for some time the private
tutor of this Edward Gibbon, who is supposed to have been the
original of the rather clever sketch of "Flatus" in the _Serious
Call_.

[2] _The Journal_ for 1755 records that during that year, besides
writing and translating a great deal in Latin and French, he had
read, amongst other works, Cicero's _Epistolae ad familiares_, his
_Brutus_, all his _Orations_, his dialogues _De amicitia_ and _De
seneciute_, Terence (twice), and Pliny's _Epistles_. In January 1756
he says: "I determined to read over the Latin authors in order, and
read this year Virgil, Sallust, Livy, Velleius Paterculus, Valerius
Maximus, Tacitus, Suetonius, Quintus Curtius, Justin, Florus,
Plautus, Terence and Lucretius. I also read and meditated Locke _Upon
the Understanding_." Again in January 1757 he writes: "I began to
study algebra under M. de Traytorrens, went through the elements of
algebra and geometry, and the three first books of the Marquis de
l'Hopital's _Conic Sections_. I also read Tibullus, Catullus,
Propertius, Horace (with Dacier's and Torrentius's notes), Virgil,
Ovid's _Epistles_, with Meziriac's commentary, the _Ars amandi_ and
the _Elegies_; likewise the _Augustus_ and _Tiberius_ of Suetonius,
and a Latin translation of Dion Cassius from the death of Julius
Caesar to the death of Augustus. I also continued my correspondence,
begun last year, with M. Allamand of Bex, and the Professor
Breitinger of Zurich, and opened a new one with the Professor Gesner
of Gottingen. N.B.--Last year and this I read St John's Gospel, with
part of Xenophon's _Cyropaedia_, the _Iliad_, and Herodotus; but,
upon the whole, I rather neglected my Greek."

[3] The affair, however, was not finally broken off till 1763. Mdlle
Curchod soon afterwards became the wife of Necker, the famous
financier; and Gibbon and the Neckers frequently afterwards met on
terms of mutual friendship and esteem.

[4] The _Essai_, in a good English translation, now appears in the
_Miscellaneous Works_. Villemain finds in it "peu de vues, nulle
originalite surtout, mais une grande passion litteraire, l'amour des
recherches savantes et du beau langage." Sainte-Beuve's criticism is
almost identical with Gibbon's own; but though he finds that "la
lecture en est assez difficile et parfois obscure, la liaison des
idees echappe souvent par trop de concision et par le desir qu'a eu
le jeune auteur d'y faire entrer, d'y condenser la plupart de ses
notes," he adds, "il y a, chemin faisant, des vues neuves et qui
sentent l'historien."

[5] Her letters to Walpole about Gibbon contain some interesting
remarks by this "aveugle clairvoyante," as Voltaire calls her; but
they belong to a later period (1777).

[6] For a very full list of publications in answer to Gibbon's attack
on Christianity reference may be made to the _Bibliographer's
Manual_, pp. 885-886 (1858). Of these the earliest were Watson's
_Apology_ (1776), Salisbury's _Strictures_ (1776) and Chelsum's
(anonymous) _Remarks_ (1776). In 1778 the _Few Remarks_ by a
Gentleman (Francis Eyre), the _Reply_ of Loftus, the _Letters_ of
Apthorpe and the _Examination_ of Davies appeared. Gibbon's
_Vindication_ (1779) called forth a _Reply_ by Davies (1779), and _A
Short Appeal to the Public_ by Francis Eyre (1779). Laughton's
polemical treatise was published in 1780, and those of Milner and
Taylor in 1781. Chelsum returned to the attack in 1785 (_A Reply to
Mr Gibbon's Vindication_), and Sir David Dalrymple (_An Inquiry into
the Secondary Causes_, &c.) made his first appearance in the
controversy in 1786, Travis's _Letters on_ I John v. 7 are dated
1784; and Spedalieri's _Confutazione dell' esame del Cristianismo
fatto da Gibbon_ was published at Rome (2 vols. 4to) in the same
year. It is impossible not to concur in almost every point with
Gibbon's own estimate of his numerous assailants. Their crude
productions, for the most part, were conspicuous rather for insolence
and abusiveness than for logic or learning. Those of Bishop Watson
and Lord Hailes were the best, but simply because they contented
themselves with a dispassionate exposition of the general argument in
favour of Christianity. The most foolish and discreditable was
certainly that of Davies; his unworthy attempt to depreciate the
great historian's learning, and his captious, cavilling, acrimonious
charges of petty inaccuracies and discreditable falsification gave
the object of his attack an easy triumph.

[7] In 1775 he writes to Holroyd: "I am still a mute; it is more
tremendous than I imagined; the great speakers fill me with despair;
the bad ones with terror."

[8] An anonymous pamphlet, entitled _Observations on the three last
volumes of the Roman History_, appeared in 1788; Disney's _Sermon,
with Strictures_, in 1790; and Whitaker's _Review_, in 1791. With
regard to the second of the above complaints, surprise will probably
be felt that it was not extended to portions of the text as well as
to the notes.

GIBBON, the collective title of the smaller man-like apes of the Indo-Malay countries, all of which may be included in the single genus _Hylobates_. Till recently these apes have been generally included in the same family (_Simiidae_) with the chimpanzee, gorilla and orang-utan, but they are now regarded by several naturalists as representing a family by themselves--the _Hylobatidae_. One of the distinctive features of this family is the presence of small naked callosities on the buttocks; another being a difference in the number of vertebrae and ribs as compared with those of the _Simiidae_. The extreme length of the limbs and the absence of a tail are other features of these small apes, which are thoroughly arboreal in their habits, and make the woods resound with their unearthly cries at night. In agility they are unsurpassed; in fact they are stated to be so swift in their movements as to be able to capture birds on the wing with their paws. When they descend to the ground--which they must often do in order to obtain water--they frequently walk in the upright posture, either with the hands crossed behind the neck, or with the knuckles resting on the ground. Their usual food consists of leaves and fruits. Gibbons may be divided into two groups, the one represented by the siamang, _Hylobates (Symphalangus) syndactylus_, of Sumatra and the Malay Peninsula, and the other by a number of closely allied species. The union of the index and middle fingers by means of a web extending as far as the terminal joints is the distinctive feature of the siamang, which is the largest of the group, and black in colour with a white frontal band. Black or puce-grey is the prevailing colour in the second group, of which the hulock (_H. hulock_) of Assam, _H. lar_ of Arakan and Pegu, _H. entelloides_ of Tenasserim (fig.), and _H. agilis_ of Sumatra are well-known representatives. A female of the Hainan gibbon (_H. hainanus_) in confinement changed from uniform sooty-black (without the white frontal band of the black phase of the hulock) to puce-grey; but it is probable that this was only an individual, or at most a sexual, peculiarity. The range of the genus extends from the southern bank of the Bramaputra in Assam to southern China, the Malay Peninsula, Java, Sumatra and Borneo. (R. L.*)

GIBBONS, GRINLING (1648-1721), English wood-carver, was born in 1648, according to some authorities of Dutch parents at Rotterdam, and according to others of English parents at London. By the former he is said to have come to London after the great fire in 1666. He early displayed great cleverness and ingenuity in his art, on the strength of which he was recommended by Evelyn to Charles II., who employed him in the execution both of statuary and of ornamental carving in wood. In the early part of the 18th century he worked for Sir Christopher Wren. In statuary one of his principal works is a life-size bronze statue in the court of Whitehall, representing James II. in the dress of a Roman emperor, and he also designed the base of the statue of Charles I. at Charing Cross. It is, however, chiefly as a sculptor in wood that he is famous. He was employed to execute the ornamental carving for the chapel at Windsor, the foliage and festoons in the choir of St Paul's, the baptismal fonts in St James's, and an immense quantity of ornamental work at Burleigh, Chatsworth, and other aristocratic mansions. The finest of all his productions in this style is believed to be the ceiling which he devised for a room at Petworth. His subjects are chiefly birds, flowers, foliage, fruit and lace, and many of his works, for delicacy and elaboration of details, and truthfulness of imitation, have never been surpassed. He, however, sometimes wasted his ingenuity on trifling subjects; many of his flowers used to move on their stems like their natural prototypes when shaken by a breeze. In 1714 Gibbons was appointed master carver in wood to George I. He died at London on the 3rd of August 1721.

GIBBONS, JAMES (1834- ), American Roman Catholic cardinal and archbishop, was born in Baltimore, Maryland, on the 23rd of July 1834, and was educated at St Charles College, Ellicott City, Maryland, and St Mary's Seminary, Baltimore, where he finished his theological training and was ordained priest on the 30th of June 1861. After a short time spent on the missions of Baltimore, he was called to be secretary to Archbishop Martin J. Spalding and assistant at the cathedral. When in 1866 the Second Plenary Council of Baltimore considered the matter of new diocesan developments, he was selected to organize the new Vicariate Apostolic of North Carolina; and was consecrated bishop in August 1868. During the four successful years spent in North Carolina he wrote, for the benefit of his mission work, _The Faith of our Fathers_, a brief presentation of the doctrines of the Roman Catholic Church, especially intended to reach Protestants; the books passed through more than forty editions in America and about seventy in England, and an answer was made to it in _Faith of our Forefathers_ (1879), by Edward J. Stearns. Gibbons was transferred to the see of Richmond, Virginia, in 1872, and in 1877 was made coadjutor, with the right of succession, to the Archbishop (James R. Bayley) of Baltimore. In October of the same year he succeeded to the archbishopric. Pope Leo XIII. in 1883 selected him to preside over the Third Plenary Council in Baltimore (1884), and on the 30th of June 1886 created him a cardinal priest, with the title of Santa Maria Trastevere. His simplicity of life, foresight and prudence made him a power in the church. Thoroughly American, and a lover of the people, he greatly altered the attitude of the Roman Catholic Church toward the Knights of Labor and other labour organizations, and his public utterances displayed the true instincts of a popular leader. He contributed frequently to periodicals, but as an author is known principally by his works on religious subjects, including _Our Christian Heritage_ (1889) and _The Ambassador of Christ_ (1896). For many years an ardent advocate of the establishment of a Catholic university, at the Third Plenary Council of Baltimore (1884) he saw the realization of his desires in the establishment of the Catholic University of America at Washington, of which he became first chancellor and president of the board of trustees.

GIBBONS, ORLANDO (1583-1625), English musical composer, was the most illustrious of a family of musicians all more or less able. We know of at least three generations, for Orlando's father, William Gibbons, having been one of the waits of Cambridge, may be assumed to have acquired some proficiency in the art. His three sons and at least one of his grandsons inherited and further developed his talent. The eldest, Edward, was made bachelor of music at Cambridge, and successively held important musical appointments at the cathedrals of Bristol and Exeter; Ellis, the second son, was organist of Salisbury cathedral, and is the composer of two madrigals in the collection known as the _The Triumphs of Oriana_. Orlando Gibbons, the youngest and by far the most celebrated of the brothers, was born at Cambridge in 1583. Where and under whom he studied is not known, but in his twenty-first year he was sufficiently advanced and celebrated to receive the important post of organist of the Chapel Royal. His first published composition "Fantasies in three parts, composed for viols," appeared in 1610. It seems to have been the first piece of music printed in England from engraved plates, or "cut in copper, the like not heretofore extant." In 1622 he was created doctor of music by the university of Oxford. For this occasion he composed an anthem for eight parts, _O clap your Hands_, still extant. In the following year he became organist of Westminster Abbey. Orlando Gibbons died before the beginning of the civil war, or it may be supposed that, like his eldest brother, he would have been a staunch royalist. In a different sense, however, he died in the cause of his master; for having been summoned to Canterbury to produce a composition written in celebration of Charles's marriage, he there fell a victim to smallpox on the 5th of June 1625.

For a full list of his compositions, see Grove's _Dictionary of
Music_. His portrait may be found in Hawkins's well-known _History_.
His vocal pieces, madrigals, motets, canons, &c., are admirable, and
prove him to have been a great master of pure polyphony. We have also
some specimens of his instrumental music, such as the six pieces for
the virginals published in _Parthenia_, a collection of instrumental
music produced by Gibbons in conjunction with Dr Bull and Byrd.

GIBBS, JOSIAH WILLARD (1839-1903), American mathematical physicist, the fourth child and only son of Josiah Willard Gibbs (1790-1861), who was professor of sacred literature in Yale Divinity School from 1824 till his death, was born at New Haven on the 11th of February 1839. Entering Yale College in 1854 he graduated in 1858, and continuing his studies there was appointed tutor in 1863. He taught Latin in the first two years, and natural philosophy in the third. He then went to Europe, studying in Paris in 1866-1867, in Berlin in 1867 and in Heidelberg in 1868. Returning to New Haven in 1869, he was appointed professor of mathematical physics in Yale College in 1871, and held that position till his death, which occurred at New Haven on the 28th of April 1903. His first contributions to mathematical physics were two papers published in 1873 in the _Transactions_ of the Connecticut Academy on "Graphical Methods in the Thermodynamics of Fluids," and "Method of Geometrical Representation of the Thermodynamic Properties of Substances by means of Surfaces." His next and most important publication was his famous paper "On the Equilibrium of Heterogeneous Substances" (in two parts, 1876 and 1878), which, it has been said, founded a new department of chemical science that is becoming comparable in importance to that created by Lavoisier. This work was translated into German by W. Ostwald (who styled its author the "founder of chemical energetics") in 1891 and into French by H. le Chatelier in 1899. In 1881 and 1884 he printed some notes on the elements of vector analysis for the use of his students; these were never formally published, but they formed the basis of a text-book on _Vector Analysis_ which was published by his pupil, E. B. Wilson, in 1901. Between 1882 and 1889 a series of papers on certain points in the electromagnetic theory of light and its relation to the various elastic solid theories appeared in the _American Journal of Science_, and his last work, _Elementary Principles in Statistical Mechanics_, was issued in 1902. The name of Willard Gibbs, who was the most distinguished American mathematical physicist of his day, is especially associated with the "Phase Rule," of which some account will be found in the article ENERGETICS. In 1901 the Copley medal of the Royal Society of London was awarded him as being "the first to apply the second law of thermodynamics to the exhaustive discussion of the relation between chemical, electrical and thermal energy and capacity for external work."

A biographical sketch will be found in his collected _Scientific
Papers_ (2 vols., 1906).

GIBBS, OLIVER WOLCOTT (1822-1908), American chemist, was born at New York on the 21st of February 1822. His father, Colonel George Gibbs, was an ardent mineralogist; the mineral gibbsite was named after him, and his collection was finally bought by Yale College. Entering Columbia College in 1837, Wolcott (the Oliver he dropped at an early date) graduated in 1841, and, having assisted Robert Hare at Pennsylvania University for several months, he next entered the College of Physicians and Surgeons in New York, qualifying as a doctor of medicine in 1845. Leaving America he studied in Germany with K. F. Rammelsberg, H. Rose and J. von Liebig, and in Paris with A. Laurent, J. B. Dumas, and H. V. Regnault, returning in 1848. In that year he became professor of chemistry at the Free Academy, now the College of the City of New York, and in 1863 he obtained the Rumford professorship in Harvard University, a post retained until his retirement in 1887 as professor emeritus. He died on the 9th of December 1908. Gibbs' researches were mainly in analytical and inorganic chemistry, the cobaltammines, platinum metals and complex acids being especially investigated. He was an excellent teacher, and contributed many articles to scientific journals.

See the Memorial Lecture by F. W. Clarke in the _J.C.S._ (1909), p.
1299.

GIBEON, a town in Palestine whose inhabitants wrested a truce from Joshua by a trick (Josh. ix., x.); where the champions of David fought those of Ish-bosheth (2 Sam. ii. 12-32); where Joab murdered Amasa (ib. xx. 8-10); and where Johanan went against Ishmael to avenge the murder of Gedaliah (Jer. xli. 12). Here was an important high place (1 Kings iii. 4) where for a time the tabernacle was deposited (2 Chron. i. 3). The present name is _El-Jib_; this is a small village about 5 m. N.W. of Jerusalem, standing on an isolated hill above a flat corn valley. The village is famous for its springs, and the reputation seems ancient (cf. 2 Sam. ii. 13; Jer. xli. 12). The principal spring issues from under a cliff on the south-east side of the hill, and the water runs to a reservoir lower down. The sides of the hill are rocky, and remarkable for the regular stratification of the limestone, which gives the hill at a distance the appearance of being terraced. Scattered olive groves surround the place. (R. A. S. M.)