Chapter XII: Part 12

Among the revelations put forth in Mecca there is a considerable number of (for the most part) short suras, which strike every attentive reader as being the oldest. They are in an altogether different strain from many others, and in their whole composition they show least resemblance to the Medina pieces. It is no doubt conceivable--as Sprenger supposes--that Mahomet might have returned at intervals to his earlier manner; but since this group possesses a remarkable similarity of style, and since the gradual formation of a different style is on the whole an unmistakable fact, the assumption has little probability; and we shall therefore abide by the opinion that these form a distinct group. At the opposite extreme from them stands another cluster, showing quite obvious affinities with the style of the Medina suras, which must therefore be assigned to the later part of the Prophet's work in Mecca. Between these two groups stand a number of other Meccan suras, which in every respect mark the transition from the first period to the third. It need hardly be said that the three periods--which were first distinguished by Professor Weil--are not separated by sharp lines of division. With regard to some suras, it may be doubtful whether they ought to be reckoned amongst the middle group, or with one or other of the extremes. And it is altogether impossible, within these groups, to establish even a probable chronological arrangement of the individual revelations. In default of clear allusions to well-known events, or events whose date can be determined, we might indeed endeavour to trace the psychological development of the Prophet by means of the Koran, and arrange its parts accordingly. But in such an undertaking one is always apt to take subjective assumptions or mere fancies for established data. Good traditions about the origin of the Meccan revelations are not very numerous. In fact the whole history of Mahomet previous to the Flight is so imperfectly related that we are not even sure in what year he appeared as a prophet. Probably it was in A.D. 610; it may have been somewhat earlier, but scarcely later. If, as one tradition says, xxx. 1 seq. ("The Romans are overcome in the nearest neighbouring land") refers to the defeat of the Byzantines by the Persians, not far from Damascus, about the spring of 614, it would follow that the third group, to which this passage belongs, covers the greater part of the Meccan period. And it is not in itself unlikely that the passionate vehemence which characterizes the first group was of short duration. Nor is the assumption contradicted by the tolerably well attested, though far from incontestable statement, that when Omar was converted (A.D. 615 or 616), xx., which belongs to the second group, already existed in writing. But the reference of xxx. 1 seq. to this particular battle is by no means so certain that positive conclusions can be drawn from it. It is the same with other allusions in the Meccan suras to occurrences whose chronology can be partially ascertained. It is better, therefore, to rest satisfied with a merely relative determination of the order of even the three great clusters of Meccan revelations.

Oldest Meccan Suras.

In the pieces of the first period the convulsive excitement of the Prophet often expresses itself with the utmost vehemence. He is so carried away by his emotion that he cannot choose his words; they seem rather to burst from him. Many of these pieces remind us of the oracles of the old heathen soothsayers, whose style is known to us from imitations, although we have perhaps not a single genuine specimen. Like those other oracles, the suras of this period, which are never very long, are composed of short sentences with tolerably pure but rapidly changing rhymes. The oaths, too, with which many of them begin were largely used by the soothsayers. Some of these oaths are very uncouth and hard to understand, some of them perhaps were not meant to be understood, for indeed all sorts of strange things are met with in these chapters. Here and there Mahomet speaks of visions, and appears even to see angels before him in bodily form. There are some intensely vivid descriptions of the resurrection and the last day which must have exercised a demonic power over men who were quite unfamiliar with such pictures. Other pieces paint in glowing colours the joys of heaven and the pains of hell. However, the suras of this period are not all so wild as these; and those which are conceived in a calmer mood appear to be the oldest. Yet, one must repeat, it is exceedingly difficult to make out any strict chronological sequence. For instance, it is by no means certain whether the beginning of xcvi. is really, what a widely circulated tradition calls it, the oldest part of the whole Koran. That tradition goes back to the Prophet's favourite wife Ayesha; but as she was not born at the time when the revelation is said to have been made, it can only contain at the best what Mahomet told her years afterwards, from his own not very clear recollection, with or without fictitious additions, and this woman is little trustworthy. Moreover, there are other pieces mentioned by others as the oldest. In any case xcvi. 1 sqq. is certainly very early. According to the traditional view, which appears to be correct, it treats of a vision in which the Prophet receives an injunction to recite a revelation conveyed to him by the angel. It is interesting to observe that here already two things are brought forward as proofs of the omnipotence and care of God: one is the creation of man out of a seminal drop--an idea to which Mahomet often recurs; the other is the then recently introduced art of writing, which the Prophet instinctively seizes on as a means of propagating his doctrines. It was only after Mahomet encountered obstinate resistance that the tone of the revelations became thoroughly passionate. In such cases he was not slow to utter terrible threats against those who ridiculed the preaching of the unity of God, of the resurrection, and of the judgment. His own uncle Abu Lahab had rudely repelled him, and in a brief special sura (cxi.) he and his wife are consigned to hell. The suras of this period form almost exclusively the concluding portions of the present text. One is disposed to assume, however, that they were at one time more numerous, and that many of them were lost at an early period.

Since Mahomet's strength lay in his enthusiastic and fiery imagination rather than in the wealth of ideas and clearness of abstract thought on which exact reasoning depends, it follows that the older suras, in which the former qualities have free scope, must be more attractive to us than the later. In the suras of the second period the imaginative glow perceptibly diminishes; there is still fire and animation, but the tone becomes gradually more prosaic. As the feverish restlessness subsides, the periods are drawn out, and the revelations as a whole become longer. The truth of the new doctrine is proved by accumulated instances of God's working in nature and in history; the objections of opponents, whether advanced in good faith or in jest, are controverted by arguments; but the demonstration is often confused or even weak. The histories of the earlier prophets, which had occasionally been briefly touched on in the first period, are now related, sometimes at great length. On the whole, the charm of the style is passing away.

The Fatiha.

There is one piece of the Koran, belonging to the beginning of this period, if not to the close of the former, which claims particular notice. This is Sura i., the Lord's Prayer of the Moslems, a vigorous hymn of praise to God, the Lord of both worlds, which ends in a petition for aid and true guidance (_huda_). The words of this sura, which is known as _al-fatiha_ ("the opening one"), are as follows:--

(1) In the name of God, the compassionate compassioner. (2) Praise be
[literally "is"] to God, the Lord of the worlds, (3) the compassionate
compassioner, (4) the Sovereign of the day of judgment. (5) Thee do we
worship and of Thee do we beg assistance. (6) Direct us in the right
way; (7) in the way of those to whom Thou hast been gracious, on whom
there is no wrath, and who go not astray.

The thoughts are so simple as to need no explanation; and yet the prayer is full of meaning. It is true that there is not a single original idea of Mahomet's in it. Of the seven verses of the sura no less than five (verses 1, 2, 3, 4, 6) have an extremely suspicious relationship with the stereotyped formulae of Jewish and Christian liturgies. Verse 6 agrees, word for word, with Ps. xxvii. 11. On the other hand, the question must remain open whether Mahomet only gave free renderings of the several borrowed formulae, or whether in actually composing them he kept existing models. The designation of God as the "Compassioner," _Rahman_, is simply the Jewish _Rahmana_, which was a favourite name for God in the Talmudic period. The word had long before Mahomet's time been used for God in southern Arabia (cf. e.g. the Sabaean Inscriptions, Glaser, 554, line 32; 618, line 2).

Mahomet seems for a while to have entertained the thought of adopting _al-Rahman_ as a proper name of God, in place of _Allah_, which was already used by the heathens.[4] This purpose he ultimately relinquished, but it is just in the suras of the second period that the use of _Rahman_ is specially frequent. If, for this reason, it is to a certain extent certain that Sura i. belongs to this period, yet we can neither prove that it belongs to the beginning of the Mecca period nor that the present introductory formula "In the name of God," &c., belonged to it from the first. It may therefore even be doubted whether Mahomet at the outset looked upon the latter as revealed. Tradition, of course, knows in this connexion no doubt, and looks upon the Fatiha precisely as the most exalted portion of the Koran. Every Moslem who says his five prayers regularly--as the most of them do--repeats it not less than twenty times a day.

Latest Meccan Suras.

The suras of the third Meccan period, which form a fairly large part of our present Koran, are almost entirely prosaic. Some of the revelations are of considerable extent, and the single verses also are much longer than in the older suras. Only now and then a gleam of poetic power flashes out. A sermonizing tone predominates. The suras are very edifying for one who is already reconciled to their import, but to us at least they do not seem very well fitted to carry conviction to the minds of unbelievers. That impression, however, is not correct, for in reality the demonstrations of these longer Meccan suras appear to have been peculiarly influential for the propagation of Islam. Mahomet's mission was not to Europeans, but to a people who, though quick-witted and receptive, were not accustomed to logical thinking, while they had outgrown their ancient religion.

Medinan Suras.

When we reach the Medina period it becomes, as has been indicated, much easier to understand the revelations in their historical relations, since our knowledge of the history of Mahomet in Medina is tolerably complete. In many cases the historical occasion is perfectly clear, in others we can at least recognize the general situation from which they arose, and thus approximately fix their time. There still remains, however, a remnant, of which we can only say that it belongs to Medina.

The style of this period bears a fairly close resemblance to that of the latest Meccan period. It is for the most part pure prose, enriched by occasional rhetorical embellishments. Yet even here there are many bright and impressive passages, especially in those sections which may be regarded as proclamations to the army of the faithful. For the Moslems Mahomet has many different messages. At one time it is a summons to do battle for the faith; at another, a series of reflections on recently experienced success or misfortune, or a rebuke for their weak faith; or an exhortation to virtue, and so on. He often addresses himself to the "doubters," some of whom vacillate between faith and unbelief, others make a pretence of faith, while others scarcely take the trouble even to do that. They are no consolidated party, but to Mahomet they are all equally vexatious, because, as soon as danger has to be encountered, or a contribution is levied, they all alike fall away. There are frequent outbursts, ever increasing in bitterness, against the Jews, who were very numerous in Medina and its neighbourhood when Mahomet arrived. He has much less to say against the Christians, with whom he never came closely in contact; and as for the idolaters, there was little occasion in Medina to have many words with them. A part of the Medina pieces consists of formal laws belonging to the ceremonial, civil and criminal codes; or directions about certain temporary complications. The most objectionable parts of the whole Koran are those which treat of Mahomet's relations with women. The laws and regulations were generally very concise revelations, but most of them have been amalgamated with other pieces of similar or dissimilar import, and are now found in very long suras.

Such is an imperfect sketch of the composition and the internal history of the Koran, but it is probably sufficient to show that the book is a very heterogeneous collection. If only those passages had been preserved which had a permanent value for the theology, the ethics, or the jurisprudence of the Moslems, a few fragments would have been amply sufficient. Fortunately for knowledge, respect for the sacredness of the letter has led to the collection of all the revelations that could possibly be collected--the "abrogating" along with the "abrogated," passages referring to passing circumstances as well as those of lasting importance. Every one who takes up the book in the proper religious frame of mind, like most of the Moslems, reads pieces directed against long-obsolete absurd customs of Mecca just as devoutly as the weightiest moral precepts--perhaps even more devoutly, because he does not understand them so well.

Mysterious Letters.

At the head of twenty-nine of the suras stand certain initial letters,
from which no clear sense can be obtained. Thus, before ii. iii. xxxi.
xxxii. we find [Arabic word] (_Alif Lam Mim_), before xl.-xlvi.
[Arabic word] (_Ha Mim_). Nöldeke at one time suggested that these
initials did not belong to Mahomet's text, but might be the monograms
of possessors of codices, which, through negligence on the part of the
editors, were incorporated in the final form of the Koran; he now
deems it more probable that they are to be traced to the Prophet
himself, as Sprenger, Loth and others suppose. One cannot indeed admit
the truth of Loth's statement that in the proper opening words of
these suras we may generally find an allusion to the accompanying
initials; but it can scarcely be accidental that the first verse of
the great majority of them (in iii. it is the second verse) contains
the word "book," "revelation," or some equivalent. They usually begin
with: "This is the book," or "Revelation ('down sending') of the
book," or something similar. Of suras which commence in this way only
a few (xviii. xxiv. xxv. xxxix.) want the initials, while only xxix.
and xxx. have the initials and begin differently. These few exceptions
may easily have proceeded from ancient corruptions; at all events they
cannot neutralize the evidence of the greater number. Mahomet seems to
have meant these letters for a mystic reference to the archetypal text
in heaven. To a man who regarded the art of writing, of which at the
best he had but a slight knowledge, as something supernatural, and who
lived amongst illiterate people, an A B C may well have seemed more
significant than to us who have been initiated into the mysteries of
this art from our childhood. The Prophet himself can hardly have
attached any particular meaning to these symbols: they served their
purpose if they conveyed an impression of solemnity and enigmatical
obscurity. In fact, the Koran admits that it contains many things
which neither can be, nor were intended to be, understood (iii. 5). To
regard these letters as ciphers is a precarious hypothesis, for the
simple reason that cryptography is not to be looked for in the very
infancy of Arabic writing. If they are actually ciphers, the
multiplicity of possible explanations at once precludes the hope of a
plausible interpretation. None of the efforts in this direction,
whether by Moslem scholars or by Europeans, has led to convincing
results. This remark applies even to the ingenious conjecture of
Sprenger, that the letters [Arabic word] (_Kaf He Ye Ain Sad_) before
xix. (which treats of John and Jesus, and, according to tradition, was
sent to the Christian king of Abyssinia) stand for _Jesus Nazarenus
Rex Judaeorum_. Sprenger arrives at this explanation by a very
artificial method; and besides, Mahomet was not so simple as the
Moslem traditionalists, who imagined that the Abyssinians could read a
piece of the Arabic Koran. It need hardly be said that the Moslems
have from of old applied themselves with great assiduity to the
decipherment of these initials, and have sometimes found the deepest
mysteries in them. Generally, however, they are content with the
prudent conclusion that God alone knows the meaning of these letters.

Transmission of the Koran.

Zaid's First Koran.

It is probable (see above) that Mahomet had already caused revelations to be written down at Mecca, and that this began from the moment when he felt certain that he was the transmitter of the actual text of a heavenly book to mankind. It is even true that he may at some time or another have formed the intention of collecting these revelations. The idea of a heavenly model would in itself have suggested such a course and, only in an inferior degree to this, the necessity of setting a new and uncorrupted document of the divine will over against the sacred scriptures of the Jews and Christians, the people of the Book, as the Koran calls them. In any case, when Mahomet died, the separate pieces of the Koran, notwithstanding their theoretical sacredness, existed only in scattered copies; they were consequently in great danger of being partially or entirely destroyed. Many Moslems knew large portions by heart, but certainly no one knew the whole; and a merely oral propagation would have left the door open to all kinds of deliberate and inadvertent alterations. But now, after the death of the Prophet, most of the Arabs revolted against his successor, and had to be reduced to submission by force. Especially sanguinary was the struggle against the prophet Maslama (Mubarrad, _Kamil_ 443, 5), commonly known by the derisive diminutive Mosailima. At that time (A.D. 633) many of the most devoted Moslems fell, the very men who knew most Koran pieces by heart. Omar then began to fear that the Koran might be entirely forgotten, and he induced the Caliph Abu Bekr to undertake the collection of all its parts. The Caliph laid the duty on Zaid ibn Thabit, a native of Medina, then about twenty-two years of age, who had often acted as amanuensis to the Prophet, in whose service he is even said to have learned the Jewish letters. The account of this collection of the Koran has reached us in several substantially identical forms, and goes back to Zaid himself. According to it, he collected the revelations from copies written on flat stones, pieces of leather, ribs of palm-leaves (not palm-leaves themselves), and such-like material, but chiefly "from the breasts of men," i.e. from their memory. From these he wrote a fair copy, which he gave to Abu Bekr, from whom it came to his successor Omar, who again bequeathed it to his daughter Hafsa, one of the widows of the Prophet. This redaction, commonly called _al-sohof_ ("the leaves"), had from the first no canonical authority; and its internal arrangement can only be conjectured.

Othman's Koran.

The Moslems were as far as ever from possessing a uniform text of the Koran. The bravest of their warriors sometimes knew deplorably little about it; distinction on _that_ field they cheerfully accorded to pious men like Ibn Mas'ud. It was inevitable, however, that discrepancies should emerge between the texts of professed scholars, and as these men in their several localities were authorities on the reading of the Koran, quarrels began to break out between the levies from different districts about the true form of the sacred book. During a campaign in A.H. 30 (A.D. 650-651), Hodhaifa, the victor in the great and decisive battle of Nehaveand (see CALIPHATE; and PERSIA: _History_) perceived that such disputes might become dangerous, and therefore urged on the caliph Othman the necessity for a universally binding text. The matter was entrusted to Zaid, who had made the former collection, with three leading Koreishites. These brought together as many copies as they could lay their hands on, and prepared an edition which was to be canonical for all Moslems. To prevent any further disputes, they burned all the other codices except that of Hafsa, which, however, was soon afterwards destroyed by Merwan the governor of Medina. The destruction of the earlier codices was an irreparable loss to criticism; but, for the essentially political object of putting an end to controversies by admitting only one form of the common book of religion and of law, this measure was necessary.

The result of these labours is in our hands; as to how they were conducted we have no trustworthy information, tradition being here too much under the influence of dogmatic presuppositions. The critical methods of a modern scientific commission will not be expected of an age when the highest literary education for an Arab consisted in ability to read and write. It now appears highly probable that this second redaction took this simple form: Zaid read off from the codex which he had previously written, and his associates, simultaneously or successively, wrote one copy each to his dictation. These three manuscripts will therefore be those which the caliph, according to trustworthy tradition, sent in the first instance as standard copies to Damascus, Basra and Kufa to the warriors of the provinces of which these were the capitals, while he retained one at Medina. Be that as it may, it is impossible now to distinguish in the present form of the book what belongs to the first redaction from what is due to the second.

In the arrangement of the separate sections, a classification according to contents was impracticable because of the variety of subjects often dealt with in one sura. A chronological arrangement was out of the question, because the chronology of the older pieces must have been imperfectly known, and because in some cases passages of different dates had been joined together. Indeed, systematic principles of this kind were altogether disregarded at that period. The pieces were accordingly arranged in indiscriminate order, the only rule observed being to place the long suras first and the shorter towards the end, and even that was far from strictly adhered to. The two magic formulae, suras cxiii., cxiv. owe their position at the end of the collection to their peculiar contents, which differ from all the other suras; they are protecting spells for the faithful. Similarly it is by reason of its contents that sura i. stands at the beginning: not only because it is in praise of Allah, as Psalm i. is in praise of the righteous man, but because it gives classical expression to important articles of the faith. These are the only special traces of design. The combination of pieces of different origin may proceed partly from the possessors of the codices from which Zaid compiled his first complete copy, partly from Zaid himself. The individual suras are separated simply by the superscription: "In the name of God, the compassionate Compassioner," which is wanting only in the ninth. The additional headings found in our texts (the name of the suras, the number of verses, &c.) were not in the original codices, and form no integral part of the Koran.

It is said that Othman directed Zaid and his associates, in cases of disagreement, to follow the Koreish dialect; but, though well attested, this account can scarcely be correct. The extremely primitive writing of those days was quite incapable of rendering such minute differences as can have existed between the pronunciation of Mecca and that of Medina.

The Koran not complete.

Othman's Koran was not complete. Some passages are evidently fragmentary; and a few detached pieces are still extant which were originally parts of the Koran, although they have been omitted by Zaid. Amongst these are some which there is no reason to suppose Mahomet desired to suppress. Zaid may easily have overlooked a few stray fragments, but that he purposely omitted anything which he believed to belong to the Koran is very unlikely. It has been conjectured that in deference to his superiors he kept out of the book the names of Mahomet's enemies, if they or their families came afterwards to be respected. But it must be remembered that it was never Mahomet's practice to refer explicitly to contemporary persons and affairs in the Koran. Only a single friend, his adopted son Zaid (xxxiii. 37), and a single enemy, his uncle Abu Lahab (cxi.)--and these for very special reasons--are mentioned by name; and the name of the latter has been left in the Koran with a fearful curse annexed to it, although his son had embraced Islam before the death of Mahomet, and his descendants belonged to the noblest families. So, on the other hand, there is no single verse or clause which can be plausibly made out to be an interpolation by Zaid at the instance of Abu Bekr, Omar, or Othman. Slight clerical errors there may have been, but the Koran of Othman contains none but genuine elements--though sometimes in very strange order. All efforts of European scholars to prove the existence of later interpolations in the Koran have failed.

Of the four exemplars of Othman's Koran, one was kept in Medina, and one was sent to each of the three metropolitan cities, Kufa, Basra, and Damascus. It can still be pretty clearly shown in detail that these four codices deviated from one another in points of orthography, in the insertion or omission of a wa ("and") and such-like minutiae; but these variations nowhere affect the sense. All later manuscripts are derived from these four originals.

Other Editions.

At the same time, the other forms of the Koran did not at once become extinct. In particular we have some information about the codex of Ubay ibn Ka'b. If the list which gives the order of its suras is correct, it must have contained substantially the same materials as our text; in that case Ubay ibn Ka'b must have used the original collection of Zaid. The same is true of the codex of Ibn Mas'ud, of which we have also a catalogue. It appears that the principle of putting the longer suras before the shorter was more consistently carried out by him than by Zaid. He omits i. and the magical formulae of cxiii., cxiv. Ubay, on the other hand, had embodied two additional short prayers, which we may regard as Mahomet's. One can easily understand that differences of opinion may have existed as to whether and how far formularies of this kind belonged to the Koran. Some of the divergent readings of both these texts have been preserved as well as a considerable number of other ancient variants. Most of them are decidedly inferior to the received readings, but some are quite as good, and a few deserve preference.

Ibn Mas'ud.

The only man who appears to have seriously opposed the general introduction of Othman's text is Ibn Mas'ud. He was one of the oldest disciples of the Prophet, and had often rendered him personal service; but he was a man of contracted views, although he is one of the pillars of Moslem theology. His opposition had no effect. Now when we consider that at that time there were many Moslems who had heard the Koran from the mouth of the Prophet, that other measures of the imbecile Othman met with the most vehement resistance on the part of the bigoted champions of the faith, that these were still further incited against him by some of his ambitious old comrades until at last they murdered him, and finally that in the civil wars after his death the several parties were glad of any pretext for branding their opponents as infidels;--when we consider all this, we must regard it as a strong testimony in favour of Othman's Koran that no party found fault with his conduct in this matter, or repudiated the text formed by Zaid, who was one of the most devoted adherents of Othman and his family, and that even among the Shiites criticism of the caliph's action is only met with as a rare exception.

Later History of the Text.

But this redaction is not the close of the textual history of the
Koran. The ancient Arabic alphabet was very imperfect; it not only
wanted marks for the short and in part even for the long vowels, but
it often expressed several consonants by the same sign, e.g. one and
the same character could mean B, T, Th at the beginning and N and J
(I) in the middle of words. Hence there were many words which could
be read in very different ways. This variety of possible readings was
at first very great, and many readers seem to have actually made it
their object to discover pronunciations which were new, provided they
were at all appropriate to the ambiguous text. There was also a
dialectic licence in grammatical forms, which had not as yet been
greatly restricted. An effort was made by many to establish a more
refined pronunciation for the Koran than was usual in common life or
in secular literature. The various schools of "readers" differed very
widely from one another; although for the most part there was no
important divergence as to the sense of words. A few of them gradually
rose to special authority, and the rest disappeared. Seven readers are
generally reckoned chief authorities, but for practical purposes this
number was continually reduced in process of time; so that at present
only two "reading-styles" are in actual use,--the common style of
Hafs, and that of Nafi'; which prevails in Africa to the west of
Egypt. There is, however, a very comprehensive massoretic literature
in which a number of other styles are indicated. The invention of
vowel-signs of diacritic points to distinguish similarly formed
consonants, and of other orthographic signs, soon put a stop to
arbitrary conjectures on the part of the readers. Many zealots
objected to the introduction of these innovations in the sacred text,
but theological consistency had to yield to practical necessity. In
accurate codices, indeed, all such additions, as well as the titles of
the sura, &c., are written in coloured ink, while the black characters
profess to represent exactly the original of Othman. But there is
probably no copy quite faithful in this respect. Moreover, the right
recitation of the Koran is an art which even people of Arab tongue can
only learn with great difficulty. In addition to the nuances of
pronunciation already alluded to, there is a semi-musical modulation.
In these matters also the various schools differ.

Manuscripts.

In European libraries, besides innumerable modern manuscripts of the
Koran, there are also codices, or fragments, of high antiquity, some
of them probably dating from the 1st century of the Flight. For the
restoration of the text, however, the works of ancient scholars on its
readings and modes of writing are more important than the manuscripts;
which, however elegantly they may be written and ornamented, proceed
from irresponsible copyists. The original, written by Othman himself,
has indeed been exhibited in various parts of the Mahommedan world.
The library of the India Office contains one such manuscript, bearing
the subscription: "Written by 'Othman the son of 'Affan." These, of
course, are barefaced forgeries, although of very ancient date; so are
those which profess to be from the hand of 'Ali, one of which is
preserved in the same library. In recent times the Koran has been
often printed and lithographed, both in the East and the West. In
Mahommedan countries lithography alone is employed.

Commentators.

Shortly after Mahomet's death certain individuals applied themselves
to the exposition of the Koran. Much of it was obscure from the
beginning, other sections were unintelligible apart from a knowledge
of the circumstances of their origin. Unfortunately, those who took
possession of this field were not very honourable. Ibn 'Abbas, a
cousin of Mahomet, and the chief source of the traditional exegesis of
the Koran, has, on theological and other grounds, given currency to a
number of falsehoods; and at least some of his pupils have emulated
his example. These earliest expositions dealt more with the sense and
connexion of whole verses than with the separate words. Afterwards, as
the knowledge of the old language declined, and the study of philology
arose, more attention began to be paid to the explanation of vocables.
A good many fragments of this older theological and philological
exegesis have survived from the first two centuries of the Flight,
although we have no complete commentary of this period. The great
commentary of Tabari, A.D. 839-923, of which for the last few years we
have possessed an Oriental edition in 30 parts (Cairo A.H. 1321 = A.D.
1903), is very full when it comes to speak of canonical law, as well
as in its accounts of the occasions of the several revelations; for,
as in his great historical work, he faithfully records a large number
of traditions with the channels by which they have come down to us
(genealogical trees, _isnad_). In other respects the hopes based upon
this commentary have not been fulfilled.

Translations.

Another very famous commentary is that of Zamakhshari (A.D.
1075-1144), edited by Nassau-Lees, Calcutta, 1859; but this scholar,
with his great insight and still greater subtlety, is too apt to read
his own scholastic ideas into the Koran. The favourite commentary of
Baidawi (d. A.D. 1286), edited by Fleischer (Leipzig, 1846-1848), is
little more than an abridgment of Zamakhshari's. Thousands of
commentaries on the Koran, some of them of prodigious size, have been
written by Moslems; and even the number of those still extant in
manuscript is by no means small. Although these works all contain much
that is useless or false, yet they are invaluable aids to our
understanding of the sacred book. An unbiased European can, no doubt,
see many things at a glance more clearly than a good Moslem who is
under the influence of religious prejudice; but we should still be
helpless without the exegetical literature of the Mahommedans. Even
the Arabian Moslems would only understand the Koran very dimly and
imperfectly if they did not give special attention to the study of its
interpretation. The advantage of being in a language commonly
understood, which the holy book claims for itself, has vanished in
the course of thirteen centuries. According to the dominant view,
however, the ritual use of the Koran is not in the least concerned
with the sacred words being understood, but solely with their being
quite properly recited. Nevertheless, a great deal remains to be
accomplished by European scholarship for the correct interpretation of
the Koran. We want, for example, an exhaustive classification and
discussion of all the Jewish elements in the Koran; a praiseworthy
beginning was made in Geiger's youthful essay _Was hat Mohamed aus dem
Judenthum aufgenommen?_ (Bonn, 1833; the "second revised edition,"
Leipzig, 1902, is only a reprint). We want especially a thorough
commentary, executed with the methods and resources of modern science.
No European language, it would seem, can even boast of a translation
which completely satisfies modern requirements. The best are in
English; where we have the extremely paraphrastic, but for its time
admirable translation of George Sale (repeatedly printed), that of
Rodwell (1861), which seeks to give the pieces in chronological order,
and that of Palmer (1880), who wisely follows the traditional
arrangements. The introduction which accompanies Palmer's translation
is not in all respects abreast of the most recent scholarship.
Considerable extracts from the Koran are well translated in E. W.
Lane's _Selections from the Kur-an_. Not much can be said in praise of
the complete translations into the German language, neither of that of
Ullmann, which has appeared in several editions, nor of that of
Henning (Leipzig) and Grigull (Halle), all of them shallow amateurs
who have no notion of the difficulties to be met with in the task, and
are almost entirely dependent on Sale. Friedrich Rückert's excellent
version (published by August Müller, Frankfort-on-Maine, 1888) gives
only selections. M. Klamroth's translation of the fifty oldest suras,
_Die fünfzig ältesten Suren_ (Hamburg, 1890) attempts successfully to
reproduce the rhymed form of the originals. The publication of the
translation of the Koran by the great Leipzig Arabic scholar, H. L.
Fleischer (d. 1888) has so far unfortunately been delayed. (For modern
editions, commentaries, &c., see MAHOMMEDAN RELIGION: _Bibliography_).

Besides commentaries on the whole Koran, or on special parts and
topics, the Moslems possess a whole literature bearing on their sacred
book. There are works on the spelling and right pronunciation of the
Koran, works on the beauty of its language, on the number of its
verses, words and letters, &c.; nay, there are even works which would
nowadays be called "historical and critical introductions." Moreover,
the origin of Arabic philology is intimately connected with the
recitation and exegesis of the Koran. To exhibit the importance of the
sacred book for the whole mental life of the Moslems would be simply
to write the history of that life itself; for there is no department
in which its all-pervading, but unfortunately not always salutary,
influence has not been felt.

Eternity of the Koran.

The unbounded reverence of the Moslems for the Koran reaches its
climax in the dogma that this book, as the divine word, i.e. thought,
is immanent in God, and consequently _eternal_ and _uncreated_. This
dogma, which was doubtless due to the influence of the Christian
doctrine of the eternal Word of God, has been accepted by almost all
Mahommedans since the beginning of the 3rd century. Some theologians
did indeed protest against it with great energy; it was in fact too
preposterous to declare that a book composed of unstable words and
letters, and full of variants, was absolutely divine. But what were
the distinctions and sophisms of the theologians for, if they could
not remove such contradictions, and convict their opponents of heresy?

BIBLIOGRAPHY.--The following works may be especially consulted: Weil,
_Einleitung in den Koran_ (2nd ed., 1878); Th. Nöldeke, _Geschichte
des Qoran's_ (Göttingen, 1860; 2nd ed. by Friedrich Schwally, 1908);
the Lives of Mahomet by William Muir and Aloys Sprenger (vols.
i.-iii., Berlin, 1861-1865; 2nd ed., 1869); C. Snouck Hurgronje, _Het
mekkaansche Feest_ (Leiden, 1880), _De Islam_ (de Gids, 1886, ii.
257-273, 454-498, iii. 90-134); "Une nouvelle biographie de Mohammed,"
_Revue de l'histoire des religions_, tome 29, p. 48 f., 149 sqq.;
Leone Caetani, _Annali dell'Islam_, i. (Milan, 1905), ii.(Milan,
1907); Frants Buhl, _Muhammeds Liv_ (Copenhagen, 1903).
(Th. N.; Fr. Sy.)

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Reproductions of such Ptolemaic and Lysimachan coins are to be
found in J. J. Bernouilli, _Die erhaltenen Darstellungen Alexanders
d. Gr._ (Munich, 1905), Tab. VIII.; also in Theodor Schreiber,
"Studien über das Bildniss Alexanders des Gr." in the _Abh. Sachs.
Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften_, Bd. xxi. (1903), Tab. XIII.

[2] For the schemes of Nöldeke and Grimm see MAHOMMEDAN RELIGION.

[3] See Bibliography at end.

[4] Since in Arabic also the root [Arabic word] signifies "to have
pity," the Arabs must have at once perceived the force of the new
name. While the foreign word _Rahman_ is, in accordance with its
origin, everywhere in the Koran to be understood as "Merciful," there
is some doubt as to _Rahim_. The close connexion of the two
expressions, it is true, makes it probable that Mahomet only added
the adjective _Rahim_ to the substantive _Rahman_ in order to
strengthen the conception. But the genuine Arab meaning of _Rahim_ is
"gracious," and thus, the old Mahommedan Arab papyri render this word
by [Greek: philanthrôpos].

KORAT, the capital of the provincial division (_Monton_) of Nakawn Racha Sema, or "the frontier country," in Siam; in 102° 5´ E., 14° 59´ N. Pop. about 7000, mixed Cambodian and Siamese. It is the headquarters of a high commissioner and of an army division. It is the terminus of a railway from Bangkok, 170 m. distant, and the distributing centre for the whole of the plateau district which forms the eastern part of Siam. There are copper mines of reputed wealth in the neighbourhood. It is the centre of a silk-growing district and is the headquarters of the government sericultural department, instituted in 1904 with the assistance of Japanese experts for the purpose of improving the quality of Siamese silk. The government is that of an ordinary provincial division of Siam. A French vice-consul resides here. Since the founding of Ayuthia in the 14th century, Korat has been tributary to, or part of, Siam, with occasional lapses into independence or temporary subjection to Cambodia. Before that period it was probably part of Cambodia, as appears from the nature of the ruins still to be seen in its neighbourhood. In 1896 the last vestige of its tributary condition vanished with the introduction of the present system of Siamese rural administration.

KORDOFAN, a country of north-east Africa, forming a _mudiria_ (province) of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan. It lies mainly between 12° and 16° W. and 29° and 32½° E., and has an area of about 130,000 sq. m., being bounded W. by Darfur, N. by the Bayuda steppes, E. by the White Nile mudiria and S. by the country of the Shilluks and other negro tribes, forming part of the Upper Nile mudiria.

The greater part of Kordofan consists of undulating plains, riverless, barren, monotonous, with an average altitude of 1500 ft. Thickets and small acacias dot the steppes, which, green during the _kharif_ or rainy season, at other times present a dull brown burnt-up aspect. In the west, isolated peaks, such as Jebel Abu Senum and Jebel Kordofan, rise from 150 to 600 ft. above the plain. North-west are the mountain groups of Kaja and Katul (2000 to 3000 ft.), in the east are the Jebel Daier and Jebel Tagale (Togale), ragged granitic ranges with precipitous sides. In the south are flat, fertile and thickly wooded plains, which give place to jungle at the foot of the hills of Dar Nuba, the district forming the south-east part of Kordofan. Dar Nuba is well-watered, the scenery is diversified and pretty, affording a welcome contrast to that of the rest of the country. Some of the Nuba hills exceed 3000 ft. in height. The south-western part of the country, a vast and almost level plain, is known as Dar Homr. A granitic sand with abundance of mica and feldspar forms the upper stratum throughout the greater part of Kordofan; but an admixture of clay, which is observable in the north, becomes strongly marked in the south, where there are also stretches of black vegetable mould. Beneath there appears to be an unbroken surface of mica schist. Though there are no perennial rivers, there are watercourses (_khors_ or _wadis_) in the rainy season; the chief being the Khor Abu Habl, which traverses the south-central region. In Dar Homr the Wadi el Ghalla and the Khor Shalango drain towards the Homr affluent of the Bahr el Ghazal. During the rainy season there is a considerable body of water in these channels, but owing partly to rapid evaporation and partly to the porous character of the soil the surface of the country dries rapidly. The water which has found its way through the granitic sand flows over the surface of the mica schist and settles in the hollows, and by sinking wells to the solid rock a supply of water can generally be obtained. It is estimated that (apart from those in a few areas where the sand stratum is thin and water is reached at the depth of a few feet) there are about 900 of these wells. They are narrow shafts going down usually 30 to 50 ft., but some are over 200 ft. deep. The water is raised by rope and bucket at the cost of enormous labour, and in few cases is any available for irrigation. The very cattle are trained to go a long time without drinking. Entire villages migrate after the harvest to the neighbourhood of some plentiful well. In a few localities the surface depressions hold water for the greater part of the year but there is only one permanent lake--Keilat, which is some four miles by two. As there is no highland area draining into Kordofan, the underground reservoirs are dependent on the local rainfall, and a large number of the wells are dry during many months. The rainy season lasts from mid-June to the end of September, rain usually falling every three or four days in brief but violent showers. In general the climate is healthy except in the rainy season, when large tracts are converted into swamps and fever is very prevalent. In the _shita_ or cold weather (October to February inclusive) there is a cold wind from the north. The seif or hot weather lasts from March to mid-June; the temperature rarely exceeds 105° F.

The chief constituent of the low scrub which covers the northern part
of the country is the grey gum acacia (_hashob_). In the south the red
gum acacias (_talh_) are abundant. In Dar Hamid, in the N.W. of
Kordofan, date, dom and other palms grow. The basbab or calabash tree,
known in the eastern Sudan as the _tebeldi_ and locally _Homr_, is
fairly common and being naturally hollow the trees collect water,
which the natives regularly tap. Another common source of water supply
is a small kind of water melon which grows wild and is also
cultivated. In the dense jungles of the south are immense creepers,
some of them rubber-vines. The cotton plant is also found. The fauna
includes the elephant, rhinoceros, buffalo, giraffe, lion, leopard,
cheetah, roan-antelope, hartebeeste, kudu and many other kinds of
antelope, wart-hog, hares, quail, partridge, jungle-fowl, bustard and
guinea-fowl. Nearly all the kinds of game mentioned are found chiefly
in the western and southern districts. The ril or addra gazelle found
in N. and N.W. Kordofan are not known elsewhere in the eastern Sudan.
Reptiles, sand-flies and mosquitoes are common. Ostriches are found in
the northern steppes. The chief wealth of the people consists in the
gum obtained from the grey acacias, in oxen, camels and ostrich
feathers. The finest cattle are of the humped variety, the bulls of
the Baggara being trained to the saddle and to carry burdens. There
are large herds of camel, the camel-owning Arabs usually owning also
large numbers of sheep and goats. Dukhn, a species of millet which can
grow in the arid northern districts is there the chief grain crop, its
place in the south being taken by durra. Dukhn is, however, the only
crop cultivated in Dar Homr. From this grain a beer called _merissa_
is brewed. Barley and cotton are cultivated in some districts. A
little gold dust is obtained, but the old gold and other mines in the
Tagale country have been, apparently, worked out. Iron is found in
many districts and is smelted in a few places. In the absence of fuel
the industry is necessarily a small one. There are large beds of
hematite some 60 m. N.W. and the same distance N.E. of El Obeid.

_Inhabitants._--The population of Kordofan was officially estimated in 1903 to be 550,000. The inhabitants are roughly divisible into two types--Arabs in the plains and Nubas in the hills. Many of the villagers of the plains are however of very mixed blood--Arab, Egyptian, Turkish, Levantine and Negro. It is said that some village communities are descended from the original negro inhabitants. They all speak Arabic. The most important village tribe is the Gowama, who own most of the gum-producing country. Other large tribes are the Dar Hamid and the Bederia--the last-named living round El Obeid. The nomad Arabs are of two classes, camel owners (_Siat El Ilbil_) and cattle owners (_Baggara_), the first-named dwelling in the dry northern regions, the Baggara in southern Kordofan. Of the camel-owning tribes the chief are the Hamar and the Kabbabish. Many of the Hamar have settled down in villages. The Baggara are great hunters, and formerly were noted slave raiders. They possess many horses, but when journeying place their baggage on their oxen. They use a stabbing spear, small throwing spears, and a broad-bladed short sword. Some of the richer men possess suits of chain armour. The principal Baggara tribes are the Hawazma, Meseria, Kenana, Habbania, and Homr. The Homr are said to have entered Kordofan from Wadai about the end of the 18th century and to have come from North Africa. They speak a purer Arabic than the riverain tribes. The Nubas are split into many tribes, each under a _mek_ or king, who is not uncommonly of Arab descent. The Nubas have their own language, though the inhabitants of each hill have usually a different dialect. They are a primitive race, very black, of small build but distinctive negro features. They have feuds with one another and with the Baggara. During the _mahdia_ they maintained their independence. The Nubas appear to have been the aboriginal inhabitants of the country and are believed to be the original stock of the Nubians of the Nile Valley (see NUBIA). In the northern hills are communities of black people with woolly hair but of non-negro features. They speak Arabic and are called Nuba Arabs. Some of the southern hills are occupied by Arab-speaking negroes, escaped slaves and their descendants, who called themselves after the tribe they formerly served and who have little intercourse with the Nubas.

The capital, El Obeid (q.v.), is centrally situated. On it converge various trade routes, notably from Darfur and from Dueim, a town on the White Nile 125 m. above Khartum, which served as port for the province. Thence was despatched the gum for the Omdurman market. But the railway from Khartum to El Obeid, via Sennar, built in 1909-1911, crosses the Nile some 60 m. farther south above Abba Island. Nahud (pop. about 10,000), 165 m. W.S.W. of El Obeid, is a commercial centre which has sprung into importance since the fall of the dervishes. All the trade with Darfur passes through the town, the chief commerce being in cattle, feathers, ivory and cotton goods. Trade is largely in the hands of Greeks, Syrians, Danagla and Jaalin. Taiara, on the route between El Obeid and the Nile, was destroyed by the dervishes but has been rebuilt and is a thriving mart for the gum trade. El Odoaiya or Eddaiya is the headquarters of the Homr country. It and Baraka in the Muglad district are on the trade road between Nahud and Shakka in Darfur.

Bara is a small town some 50 m. N.N.E. of Obeid. Talodi and Tendek are government stations in the Nuba country. The Nubas have no large towns. They live in villages on the hillsides or summits. The usual habitation built both by Arabs and Nubas is the tukl, a conical-shaped hut made of stone, mud, wattle and daub or straw. The Nuba tukls are the better built. In the chief towns houses are built of mud bricks with flat roofs.

_History._--Of the early history of Kordofan there is little record. It never formed an independent state. About the beginning of the 16th century Funj from Sennar settled in the country; towards the end of that century Kordofan was conquered by Suleiman Solon, sultan of Darfur. About 1775 it was conquered by the Funj, and there followed a considerable immigration of Arab tribes into the country. The Sennari however suffered a decisive defeat in 1784 and thereafter under Darfur viceroys the country enjoyed prosperity. In 1821 Kordofan was conquered by Mahommed Bey the defterdar, son-in-law of Mehemet Ali, pasha of Egypt. It remained under Egyptian rule till 1882 when Mahommed Ahmed, the mahdi, raised the country to revolt. It was in Kordofan that Hicks Pasha and his army, sent to crush the revolt, were annihilated (Nov. 1883). The Baggara of Kordofan from that time onward were the chief supporters of the mahdi, and his successor, the khalifa Abdullah, was a Baggara. In Kordofan in 1899 the khalifa met his death, the country having already passed into the hands of the new Sudan government. The chief difficulty experienced by the administration was to habituate the Arabs and Nubas, both naturally warlike, to a state of peace. In consequence of the anti-slave raiding measures adopted, the Arabs of Talodi in May 1906 treacherously massacred the mamur of that place and 40 men of the Sudanese regiment. The promptness with which this disturbance was suppressed averted what otherwise might have been a serious rising. (See SUDAN: _Anglo-Egyptian_, § "History.")