Chapter I: Preface

Even since the issue, last year, of my book:--"_L'Angleterre, Le Canada et la Grande Guerre_"--"_England, Canada and the Great War_"--a second edition of which I had to publish, a few weeks later, to meet the pressing demand of numerous readers--I have been repeatedly asked by influential citizens to publish an English edition of my work.

A delegate from Quebec to the National Unity--or Win-the-War--Convention, in Montreal, I had the pleasure of meeting a great many of the delegates from Toronto and all over the Dominion. Many of them insisted upon the publication of an English edition.

Having written that book for the express and patriotic purpose of proving the justice of the cause of the Allies in the Great War, and refuting Mr. Bourassa's false and dangerous theories, I realized that the citizens of Quebec, Montreal, Ottawa and Toronto, who strongly advised an English edition to be circulated in all the Provinces, appreciated the good it could make.

I consider it is my imperious duty to dedicate to my English speaking countrymen this volume containing all the substance matter of my French book, and the defense a truly loyal French Canadian has made of the sacred cause of Civilization and Liberty for the triumph of which the glorious Allied Nations have been so heroically fighting for the last four eventful years.

As I say, in the Introduction to this work, I first intended to write only an English resume of my French book. But once at work writing down, the questions to consider were so important, and the replies to the Nationalist leader's inconceivable theories so numerous, that I had to double and more the pages I had thought would be sufficient for my purpose. I realized that many points, to be fully explained, required more comments and argumentation that I had at first supposed necessary.

Moreover, since writing my French book, most important events have taken place. To have the present English volume up to date, I had to consider recent history in its very latest developments, and reply to the Nationalist leader's last errors, which by no means were not the least. When once a man has run off the path of reason and sound public sense, he is sure to rush to most dangerous extremes, unless he has the moral courage to acknowledge that he was sadly mistaken.

I trust that the English speaking readers of this book, will not, for a single moment, suppose that I am actuated by the least ill-feeling against Mr. Bourassa personally, in the severe but just denunciation it was my plain duty to make of his deplorable Nationalist campaign.

For many years past, I have ever been delighted in welcoming promising young men to the responsibilities of public life. I remember with a mixed feeling of pleasure and regret the occasion I first heard Mr. Bourassa, then a youth, addressing a very large public meeting held on the nomination day of the candidates to a pending bye-election for the House of Commons of Canada: Pleasure at the recollection of what I considered a fairly successful beginning of a political career; deep regret at the failure to justify the hopes of his compatriots and his friends through an uncontrollable ambition always sure to deter, even the best gifted, from the safe line of duty, well understood, and firmly, but modestly, performed.

Passion, aspiring and unbridled, is always a dangerous counsellor. Mr. Bourassa could have had a useful political life, if he had realized that public good cannot be well served by constant appeals to race prejudices, and by persevering efforts to achieve success by stirring up fanaticism.

The result of the unpatriotic course he has followed, against the advice of his best friends, has been to sow in our great and happy Dominion the seed of discord, of hatred, of racial conflicts.

Unfortunately, for the country, for his French Canadian compatriots, and for himself, he was deluded to the point of believing that the war would be his grand opportunity.

Instead of using his influence to promote the national unity so essential under the trying circumstances with which Canada and the whole British Empire was suddenly confronted, he exerted himself to the utmost to prevail on his French Canadian countrymen to assume a decisive hostile stand to the noble cause which Britain had to fight for, in order to avenge the crime of the violation of Belgium's territory, to protect France from German cruel invasion, and to prevent Autocratic power from enslaving Humanity.

Such a misconception of a truly loyal man's part was most detrimental to the good of Canada's future, to the destinies of the French Canadians, and to the political standing of the publicist who was its willing victim.

And to-day he finds himself in this position that he has no other choice but that of pursuing, at all hazards, his unwholesome campaign against all things British, or, boldly retracing his steps, to go back on all he has said and written to support inadmissible views, vain ideas, and passionate prejudices.

The latter course would certainly be the best to follow in the interest of his country, of his French Canadian countrymen, and of his usefulness as a public man. But, however much to be regretted, he seems utterly unable to overcome the prejudices which have taken such deep root in his heart and mind.

Prejudice, constantly cultured, soon develops into blind fanaticism, closing the intellect to the light of sound logic, to the call of duty, to the clear comprehension of what is best to do to promote the public good.

However seriously guilty he may be, the public man, so swayed by a fanatical passion, is sure not to rally to the defense of the superior interests of his countrymen when they are threatened by a great misfortune.

I cannot help deploring that after giving good hopes of a life patriotically devoted to the increasing welfare of Canada, by doing his share in promoting the best feelings among his countrymen of all races, classes and creeds, one of my kin, really gifted to play a much better part, has been so sadly mistaken as to exhaust his activities in forcing his way to the leadership of a group of malcontents unable to overcome their racial antipathies and listen to reason, even when their country and the Empire to which they have sworn allegiance are destructively menaced.

He has nobody else to blame but himself for the failure of his political career, due to his misguided efforts in thwarting the happiness and prosperity which our great Dominion would certainly derive from the persevering union of all the citizens enjoying the blessings of her free British institutions, to work out her brilliant destinies by their intelligent labours, their hearted patriotism in peace times, and with their undaunted courage and their self-sacrificing devotion in war days.

After a somewhat prolonged spectacular display in the House of Commons, as member for the electoral division of Labelle, he felt instinctively that he had exhausted what he considered his usefulness, and was doomed to a dismal failure. He retired from the Dominion political arena, to try his luck in the Legislative Assembly of the Province of Quebec. No wiser a man by experience, he challenged the Leader of the parliamentary majority to a truly duellist struggle on the floor of the House. He thrusted at his opponent with the vigour of a combatant certain to conquer. All those who witnessed this encounter, must remember how completely overbearing confidence, proudly asserted, was overcome by calm and superior argumentative power, sound and clear political sense. True parliamentary eloquence easily brought to reason pedantic and bombastic oratory. The first throw--_le debut_--went decidedly against the Nationalist leader. A beaten fighter from this very first day, he met with as complete a failure in the provincial political arena as he had done in the federal one. Wisely indeed, he retired from parliamentary life, after realizing that debating power cannot be acquired by demagogic speaking.

The Nationalist leader next limited his efforts to the tribune, to the public platform. All remember the time when he was periodically calling great popular meetings held in _Le Monument National_, Montreal, where he preached his Nationalist gospel with vehement talking. This new experiment could not last. It soon subsided. And the Nationalist leader is since addicted to pamphleteering of the worst kind as I will show in this book.

Deeply moved by the dangers of a most mischievous campaign, I considered it my bounded duty to do my utmost efforts to prove how utterly wrong were the views which those pursuing it with passionate energy wanted to prevail, and to show the sad consequences it was sure to produce.

Having first addressed myself to my French Canadian compatriots to persuade them how much detrimental to their best future the Nationalist campaign was sure to be, I am to-day laying the case before my English speaking countrymen, at the urgent request of many of them, in order to fully acquaint them with the refutation I have made, to the best of my ability, of Mr. Bourassa's erroneous theories and wild charges against England and all those who patriotically support our mother country in the great struggle she has had to wage after doing all she possibly could to maintain the peace of the world.

I ardently desire that the reading of the following pages, will contribute to the restoration of harmony and good will, for a while endangered by the Nationalist campaign, in our wide Dominion, to whose happiness, prosperity and grandeur we, of both English and French origins, must devote our best energies and all the resources of our unwavering patriotism.

L. G. DESJARDINS.
Quebec, October 1st, 1918.

CONTENTS

Chapter Page
--INTRODUCTION 1
I --WHO ARE THE GUILTY PARTIES? 25
II --THE PERSISTENT EFFORTS OF ENGLAND
IN FAVOUR OF PEACE 29
III --THE CALL TO DUTY IN CANADA 40
IV --RECRUITING BY VOLUNTARY SERVICE 46
V --INTERVENTION OF NATIONALISM 49
VI --WHAT DO WE OWE ENGLAND? 51
VII --CANADA IS NOT A SOVEREIGN STATE 55
VIII --GERMAN ILLUSIONS 67
IX --THE NATIONALIST ERROR 68
X --HAD CANADA THE RIGHT TO HELP ENGLAND? 71
XI --THE DUTY OF CANADA 74
XII --THE SOUDANESE AND THE SOUTH AFRICAN
WARS 77
XIII --BRITISH AND GERMAN ASPIRATIONS
COMPARED 87
SUB-TITLE--CONSTRUCTION AND SUPPLY 93
" --TRANSPORT 97
" --THE AIR SERVICE 98
" --THE FINANCIAL EFFORT OF
GREAT BRITAIN 100
" --ACHIEVEMENTS OF DOMINION,
COLONIAL AND INDIAN
TROOPS 101
XIV --THE VERITABLE AIMS OF THE ALLIES 104
SUB-TITLE--THE ONLY POSSIBLE PEACE
CONDITIONS 111
XV --JUST AND UNJUST WARS 116
SUB-TITLE--A "NATIONALIST" ILLOGICAL
CHARGE AGAINST ENGLAND 125
" --OTHER "NATIONALIST" ERRONEOUS
ASSERTIONS 128
" --INCREDIBLE "NATIONALIST"
NOTIONS 131
" --CANADIAN FINANCIAL OPERATIONS
IN THE UNITED STATES 134
XVI --"NATIONALIST" VIEWS CONDENSED 139
XVII --LOYAL PRINCIPLES PROPOUNDED 143
SUB-TITLE--UNJUST "NATIONALIST"
GRIEVANCES AGAINST ENGLAND 150
XVIII --IMPERIALISM 164
XIX --AMERICAN IMPERIALISM 177
XX --BRITISH IMPERIALISM 189
XXI --THE SITUATIONS OF 1865 AND 1900-14
COMPARED 194
XXII --BRITISH IMPERIALISM NATURALLY
PACIFIST 198
XXIII --BRITISH IMPERIALISM AND POLITICAL
LIBERTY 207
XXIV --IMPERIAL FEDERATION AND "BOURASSISM" 216
SUB-TITLE--CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT
OF INDIA 227
XXVII --THE FUTURE CONSTITUTIONAL RELATIONS
OF THE EMPIRE 231
SUB-TITLE--NO TAXATION WITHOUT
REPRESENTATION 235
" --COLONIAL REPRESENTATION 236
" --THE FAR OFF FUTURE 247
" --A MACHIAVELLIAN PROPOSITION 251
" --A TREASONABLE PROPOSAL 259
XXVIII --OUTRAGES ARE NO REASONS 267
XXIX --HOW MR. BOURASSA PAID HIS COMPLIMENTS
TO THE CANADIAN ARMY 277
XXX --RASH DENUNCIATION OF PUBLIC
MEN 288
XXXI --MR. BOURASSA'S DANGEROUS PACIFISM 302
XXXII --A MOST REPREHENSIBLE ABUSE OF
SACRED APPEALS TO THE BELLIGERENT
NATIONS 307
XXXIII --A CASE FOR TRUE STATESMANSHIP 321
XXXIV --AFTER-THE-WAR MILITARY PROBLEM 324
XXXV --THE INTERVENTION OF THE UNITED
STATES IN THE WAR 334
XXXVI --THE ALLIES--RUSSIA--JAPAN 348
XXXVII --THE LAST PEACE PROPOSALS 357
XXXVIII --NECESSARY PEACE CONDITIONS 372
XXXIX --CONCLUSION 383
APPENDIX--A 411
APPENDIX--B 421

England, Canada and the Great War