Chapter C: S. Minot, ‘Account, etc.’ Proceedings Boston Soc. Nat. Hist., vol (2)
But Detmer attempts to establish the converse conclusion, and he argues that the hereditary change of leaf has been abandoned under the long-continued effect of changed climatic conditions; but this opinion is based upon the single instance of the alteration in the habit of the European cherry in Ceylon. If it were proved that our cherry, grown from seed in Ceylon and propagated by seed for several generations, became evergreen gradually and not suddenly in the first generation: if, under such circumstances, it came to retain its leaves in the autumn and ceased to produce the dormant winter buds:—then indeed the transmission of acquired characters could hardly be doubted. I am not a botanist, but I believe I am right in supposing that the wild cherry reproduces itself by seeds, while the edible domesticated cherry is propagated by grafting. Grafts are, however, parts of the _soma_ of a previously existent tree, and we are not therefore concerned, in this method of propagation, with a succession of generations, but with the successive distribution of one and the same individual over many wild stocks. But no one will doubt that one and the same individual can be gradually changed during the course of its life, by the direct action of external influences. The really doubtful point is whether such changes can be transmitted by means of the germ-cells. If, as I presume, the English in Ceylon do not care to eat wild cherries but prefer the cultivated kinds, it follows that the branches which bear fruit in that island have not been developed from germ-cells, at any time since their introduction, and there is nothing to prevent them from gradually changing their anatomical and physiological characters in consequence of the direct influence of climate.
Hence the instance which Detmer looks upon as plainly conclusive, can hardly be accepted in support of such a far-reaching assumption as the transmission of acquired characters.
It is therefore clear that none of the facts brought forward by Detmer really afford the proofs which he believes that they offer. But another botanist, Professor Hoffman of Marburg, well known for his long-continued experiments on variation, has recently called attention to certain other botanical facts in support of the transmission of acquired characters. These facts are indeed conclusive, if we accept the author’s use of the term ‘acquired,’ but it will be found that they lead to hardly any modification in the state of existing opinion upon the subject.
In a short note, dated Jan. 1, 1888, the author communicated to this journal (‘Biologisches Centralblatt’) the statement that changes in the structure of flowers caused by poor nutrition can be proved to be hereditary to a greater or less extent[288].
A more elaborate account of the experiments will be found in several numbers of the ‘Botanische Zeitung,’ and the author expresses his final results in the following words (see Bot. Zeit. 1887, p. 773):—‘These experiments prove with certainty (1) that insufficient nutrition may cause considerable morphological changes (viz. qualitative variations) which are in the first place acquired by the sexual apparatus of the flower, (2) that the “transient” (Weismann) characters acquired by the individual can be transmitted[289].’
The data upon which Hoffman bases these opinions are certain experiments conducted upon various plants, in order to determine the conditions of life under which abnormal flowers or any other variations occur most frequently: to decide, in short, how far variations are caused by the change of conditions.
It is obvious that the attention of the author was not at first directed to the question of the transmission of acquired characters. His experiments are of a much older date than the present condition and significance of the question before us. Hoffmann has, in fact, re-examined his former results from the new point of view, and this explains why his proofs are not always sufficiently convincing when applied to the present issue. But this is of no great importance, inasmuch as there is no necessity for me to question the correctness of his assumptions.
The essential details of the experiments to which he directs attention are as follows.
Different plants with normal flowers were subjected to greatly changed conditions of life for a series of generations. They were, for example, crowded together in small pots. Under these circumstances the plants were of course poorly nourished, and in the course of generations, several species produced a variable proportion of abnormal—viz. double-flowers. This, however, was not always the case, for such flowers did not appear in _Matthiola annua_ and _Helianthemum polifolium_. In other species, such as _Nigella damascena_, _Papaver alpinum_ and _Tagetes patula_, they appeared and often increased in numbers in the course of generations, although this was not a constant result. For instance, four successive generations of _Nigella damascena_, when closely sown, produced the following results:—
1883. No double flowers.
1884. No double flowers.
1885. 23 typical flowers: 6 double flowers.
1886. 10 typical flowers: 1 double flower.
But it was not always the case that the double flowers continued to appear after they had been once produced. In _Papaver alpinum_, which Hoffman has cultivated in successive generations since 1862, other changes in addition to the doubling of the flowers first appeared in 1882, viz. a slight variability in the form of the leaf, and a greater variability in the colours of the flowers. The production of double flowers appeared to be favoured by poor nutrition caused by crowding the plants. The results as regards the number of double flowers produced in this species by close sowing, from 1882-1886, have been as follows:—
Experiment XI. 1881. 40 per cent. of double flowers.
1882. 4 per cent. of double flowers.
1883. 5·3 per cent. of double flowers.
Experiment XVII. 1884. 13· per cent. of double flowers.
1885. 0·0 per cent. of double flowers.
1886. 0·0 per cent. of double flowers.
Although in these and some other series of generations the double flowers again disappeared in the later generations, yet there can be hardly any doubt that their first appearance was due to the abnormal conditions of nutrition. This conclusion is also unaffected by the fact that double flowers appeared in nearly the same proportions in consequence of cultivation in ordinary garden soil. The plants which were crowded in pots produced 2879 normal flowers, and 256 (=8·8 per cent.) abnormal and mostly double ones, while 867 normal and 62 (=7·0 per cent.) abnormal ones were produced on garden beds. Hoffman will not indeed admit that such a comparison can be fairly made, for the plants in the garden beds were raised from seed which was in part taken from the double flowers, and was therefore, he believed, under a strong hereditary influence. But this latter assumption is not supported by the results of his own experiments.
Thus experiment XVIII., conducted upon _Papaver alpinum_, is described in these words,—‘Seeds yielded by double flowers from experiment XI. (1883), were sown in pots, and the resulting plants produced from 1884-1886, fifty-three single flowers and no double ones.’
In the converse experiment XIX. ‘The seeds of single flowers from different stocks were sown in pots, and the resulting plants produced in 1885 and 1886 forty-three flowers, of which all were typical except one;’ while plants produced in the garden by seed from the same sources, yielded 166 single and five double flowers. Hoffman also describes other experiments in which the seeds from double flowers produced plants which also yielded many double flowers. Thus, for example, in experiment XXI. seeds yielded by the double flowers of _Papaver alpinum_ were sown in the garden and produced numerous plants, which in 1885 and 1886 bore 284 single and twenty-one double flowers, that is 7 per cent. of the latter.
It will therefore be seen that the transmission of the abnormality is by no means proved beyond the possibility of doubt, for who can decide between the effects due to heredity and changed conditions in the last experiment? I have no doubt however that the results are at any rate in part due to the operation of heredity, for I do not see how the phenomena can be otherwise understood. Nevertheless I cannot admit the transmission of acquired characters on this evidence, for the changes which have appeared are not ‘acquired’ in the sense in which I use the term and in the sense required by the general theory of evolution. It is true that they may be described by the use of this word: inasmuch as they are characters which the plant has come to possess; we are not however engaged in a mere dispute about terms, but in the discussion of a weighty scientific question. Our object is to decide whether changes in the _soma_ (the body, as opposed to the germ-cells) which have been produced by the direct action of external influences, including use and disuse, can be transmitted; whether they can influence the germ-cells in such a manner that the latter will cause the spontaneous appearance of corresponding changes in the next generation. This is the question which demands an answer; and, as has been shown above, such an answer would decide whether the Lamarckian principle of transformation must be retained or abandoned.
I have never doubted about the transmission of changes which depend upon an alteration in the germ-plasm of the reproductive cells, for I have always asserted that these changes, and these alone, must be transmitted. If any one makes the contrary assertion, he merely proves that he does not understand what I have said upon the subject. In what other way could the transformation of species be produced, if changes in the germ-plasm cannot be transmitted? And how could the germ-plasm be changed except by the operation of external influences, using the words in their widest sense; unless indeed we assume with Nägeli, that changes occur from internal causes, and imagine that the phyletic development of the organic world was planned in the molecular structure of the first and simplest organism, so that all forms of life were compelled to arise from it, in the course of time, and would have arisen under any conditions of life. This is the outcome of Nägeli’s view, against which I have contended for years.
If we now use the term ‘acquired characters’ for changes in the soma which, like spontaneous abnormalities, depend upon previous changes in the germ-plasm—it is of course easy to prove that acquired characters are transmitted; but this is hardly the way to advance science, for nothing but confusion would be produced by such a use of terms[290]. I am not aware that any one has ever doubted that spontaneous characters, such as extra fingers or toes, patches of grey hair, moles, etc., can be transmitted. It is true that such characters are sometimes called ‘acquired’ in pathological works, but His has rightly insisted that such an obviously inaccurate use of the term ought to be avoided, in order to prevent misunderstanding. If every new character is said to be ‘acquired’ the term at once loses its scientific value, which lies in the restricted use. If generally used, it would mean no more than the word ‘new’; but new characters may arise in various ways,—by artificial or natural selection, by the spontaneous variations of the germ, or by the direct effect of external influences upon the body, including the use and disuse of parts. If we assume that these latter characters are transmitted, the further ‘assumption of complicated relations between the organs and the essential substance of the germ becomes necessary’ (His), while the transmission of the other kinds of characters do not involve any theoretical difficulties. There is therefore obviously a wide difference between these two groups of characters as far as heredity is concerned, quite apart from the question as to whether acquired characters are really transmitted. It is at all events necessary to have distinct terms which cannot be misunderstood. His[291] has proposed to call those characters which are due to selection ‘changes produced by breeding’ (‘erzüchtete Abänderungen’), those which appear spontaneously—‘spontaneous changes’ (‘eingesprengte Abänderungen’), and these two groups of characters would then be opposed to those which he calls ‘acquired changes’ (‘erworbene Abänderungen’), of course using the term in the restricted sense. Science has always claimed the right of taking certain expressions and applying them in a special sense, and I see no reason why it should not exercise this right in the case of the term ‘acquired.’ It appears moreover that this word has not always been used in this vague sense by pathological anatomists, such as Virchow and Orth; for Weigert and Ernst Ziegler have employed it in precisely the same sense as that in which it has been used by Darwin, du Bois-Reymond, Pflüger, His and many others, including myself.
It is certainly necessary to have two terms which distinguish sharply between the two chief groups of characters—the primary characters which first appear in the body itself, and the secondary ones which owe their appearance to variations in the germ, however such variations may have arisen. We have hitherto been accustomed to call the former ‘acquired characters,’ but we might also call them ‘_somatogenic_,’ because they follow from the reaction of the _soma_ under external influences; while all other characters might be contrasted as ‘_blastogenic_,’ because they include all those characters in the body which have arisen from changes in the germ. In this way we might perhaps prevent the possibility of misunderstanding. We maintain that the ‘_somatogenic_’ characters cannot be transmitted, or rather, that those who assert that they can be transmitted, must furnish the requisite proofs. The _somatogenic_ characters not only include the effects of mutilation, but the changes which follow from increased or diminished performance of function, and those which are directly due to nutrition and any of the other external influences which act upon the body. Among the _blastogenic_ characters, we include not only all the changes produced by natural selection operating upon variations in the germ, but all other characters which result from this latter cause.
If we now wish to place Hoffmann’s results in their right position, we must regard all of them as ‘_blastogenic_’ characters, for no one of them can be considered as belonging to the group which has been hitherto spoken of as ‘acquired,’ in the literature of evolution: they are not due to _somatogenic_ but to _blastogenic_ changes. The body of the plant—the _soma_—has not been directly affected by external influences, in Hoffman’s experiments, but changes have been wrought in the germ-plasm of the germ-cells and, only after this, in the _soma_ of succeeding generations.
There is no difficulty in finding facts in support of this statement, among Hoffmann’s experiments. The proof chiefly lies in the fact that in no one of his numerous experiments did any change appear in the first generation. The seeds of different species of wild plants, with normal flowers, were cultivated in the garden and in pots (thickly sown in the latter case), but no one of the plants produced by these wild seeds possessed a single double flower. It was only after a greater or less number of generations had elapsed that a variable proportion of double flowers appeared, sometimes accompanied by changes in the leaves and in the colours of the flowers. This fact admits of only one interpretation;—the changed conditions at first produced slight and ineffectual changes in the idioplasm of the individual, which was transmitted to the following generation: in this again the same causes operated and increased the changes in the idioplasm which was again handed down. Thus the idioplasm was changed more and more, in the course of generations, until at last the change became great enough to produce a visible character in the _soma_ developed from it, such as, for example, the appearance of a double flower. Now the idioplasm of the first ontogenetic stage (viz. germ-plasm) alone passes from one generation to another, and hence it is clear that the germ-plasm itself must have been gradually changed by the conditions of life until the alteration became sufficient to produce changes in the _soma_, which appeared as visible characters in either the flower or leaf[292].
In addition to the above-mentioned cases Hoffmann also quotes some facts of a somewhat different kind. He succeeded in inducing considerable changes in the structure of the root of the wild carrot (_Daucus carota_) by means of the changes in nutrition implied by garden cultivation. These changes also proved to be hereditary.
Unfortunately, I have not the literature of the subject at hand, and hence I am unable to read the accounts of these older experiments _in extenso_; but it is sufficiently obvious that in this case we are also concerned with a change which did not become visible until after some generations had elapsed, and which was therefore a change in the germ-plasm.
Many instances of a precisely similar kind have been long known, and one of them is to be found in the history of the garden pansy, which Hoffmann has succeeded in producing from the wild form, _Viola tricolor_, in the course of eighteen years. Darwin some time ago pointed out in his work upon ‘The Variation of Animals and Plants under Domestication,’ that, in the case of the pansy and all other ‘improved’ garden flowers, the wild form remained unchanged for many generations after its transference to the garden, apparently uninfluenced by the new conditions of life. At length single varieties began to appear, and these were further developed by artificial selection and appropriate crossing, into well-marked races distinguished by peculiar colours, forms, etc.
In these cases also, changes in the germ-plasm are the first results of the new conditions, and there is no evidence for the occurrence of acquired characters, using the term in its restricted sense.
I now come to the last botanical fact brought forward by Hoffmann in support of the transmission of acquired characters. He states that specimens of _Solidago virgaurea_ brought from the Alps of the Valais, commenced flowering in the botanical garden at Giessen, at a time which differed by several weeks from that at which specimens from the surrounding country, planted beside them, began to flower. In other words, the time of flowering must have been fixed by heredity in the alpine _Solidago_, for the external conditions would have favoured a time which was simultaneous with that of the Giessen plants.
What conclusions can be drawn from these facts? Hoffmann of course sees in them the proof of the transmission of acquired characters, but this presupposes that the time of flowering was originally an acquired character. Hoffmann indeed appears to entertain this opinion when he somewhat vaguely states that the time at which flowering begins has been acquired by accommodation—that is by the influence of climate—during a long series of generations, and has become hereditary. But what does Hoffmann mean by ‘accommodation’? He presumably means that which, since the appearance of Darwin’s writings, has been generally called adaptation:—that is a purposeful arrangement, suited to certain conditions. The majority of biologists have followed Darwin in believing that such adaptations have been produced by processes of natural selection. Hoffmann seems to imagine that they have arisen in some other way: perhaps he believes, with Nägeli, that they have been directly produced by external influences.
The fixation of the time at which flowering begins, is an adaptation which formerly could have been very well explained as the direct result of external conditions. The question we have to decide is whether such an explanation is the true one. We might imagine that the plant would be forced into quicker development by an earlier appearance of the warm season. Hence when transferred into a warmer climate the plant would at first flower rather earlier, the habit would then be transmitted, and would increase in successive generations from the continued influence of climate, until it advanced as far as the organization of the plant permitted. But in this explanation, as in so many others of the same kind, it has unfortunately been forgotten that the transmission of acquired characters which is presupposed in the explanation is a totally unproved hypothesis. It is sufficiently obvious that by interpreting a phenomenon in a manner which presupposes the transmission of acquired characters, we cannot furnish a proof of the existence of such transmission.
It always seemed to me that the fixation of the commencement of flowering, together with similar physiological phenomena in the animal kingdom (for example, the hatching of insects from winter eggs), could be explained very satisfactorily by the operation of natural selection: and even now this explanation appears to me to be the simplest and most natural. In Freiburg, where the vine is largely grown, the harvest is often injured by frosts in spring, which kill the young shoots, buds and flowers. Accordingly, different kinds of vine, which do not push their buds so early, have now been planted. Any one, who has seen all the shoots of the former destroyed by the frosts at the end of April, while the latter, not having opened their buds, were spared, would not doubt that the former must have been long ago exterminated, if they had been compelled to struggle for existence with the others, under natural conditions. Now the time of flowering fluctuates slightly in the individuals of every species of plant, and can therefore be modified by natural selection. It is therefore difficult to see why the time at which each plant flowers should not have been fixed in the most favourable manner for each habitat, by natural selection alone.
Hoffmann is obviously unaware of the fundamental distinction between the characters primarily acquired by the _soma_, and the secondary characters which follow from changes in the germ-plasm.
If the author had appreciated this distinction he would not have attempted to strengthen his opinions by following up the botanical facts which exclusively belong to the second class of characters, with the enumeration of certain instances selected from the animal kingdom (viz., the supposed transmission of mutilations), all of which belong to the first class. I will not discuss these latter instances, for most of them are old friends, and they are all far too uncertain and inaccurate to have any claim on scientific consideration.
I believe that I have shown that no botanical facts have been hitherto brought forward which prove the transmission of acquired characters (in the restricted sense), and that there are not even any facts which render such transmission probable.
A. W.
Naples, Zoological Station,
_Jan. 11, 1888_.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Footnotes for Essay VII.
Footnote 275:
See the second Essay.
Footnote 276:
Consult ‘Ueber die Vererbung,’ Jena, 1883; ‘Die Kontinuität des
Keimplasmas,’ Jena, 1885; ‘Ueber die Zahl der Richtungskörper und
über ihre Bedeutung für die Vererbung,’ Jena, 1887. These papers are
translated as the second, fourth and sixth Essays in the present
volume.
Footnote 277:
See the second Essay.
Footnote 278:
[See R. Meldola in Ann. and Mag. Nat. Hist., 1878, vol. i. pp.
158-161. The author discusses many cases among insects in which
instinct is related to protective structure or colouring: he also
considers that instinct is to be explained by the principle of
natural selection which accounts for the other protective
features.—E. B. P.]
Footnote 279:
[See ‘Nature,’ vol. 36, pp. 491-507.—E. B. P.]
Footnote 280:
[See ‘The Factors of organic Evolution’ in ‘The Nineteenth Century’
for April and May 1886.—E. B. P.]
Footnote 281:
See ‘Biol. Centralbl.’ Bd. VII. No. 23.
Footnote 282:
See the next Essay (VIII).
Footnote 283:
Detmer, ‘Zum Problem der Vererbung,’ Pflüger’s Archiv f. Physiologie,
Bd. 41, (1887), p. 203.
Footnote 284:
[Dr. Weismann is here alluding to experiments upon the larvae of
_Rumia Crataegata_. A short account of the results will be found in
the Report of the British Association at Manchester (1887), and in
‘Nature,’ vol. 36, p. 594. I have now obtained similar results with
many other species (see Trans. Ent. Soc., Lond. 1888, p. 553); but
many of the results are as yet unpublished.—E. B. P.]
Footnote 285:
[See the editorial notes by Raphael Meldola, in his translation of
Weismann’s ‘Studies in the Theory of Descent’ (the Essay on ‘The
Origin of the Markings of Caterpillars,’ pp. 241 and 306): also E. B.
Poulton, in ‘Proc. Roy. Soc.,’ vol. xxxviii. pp. 296-314; and in
‘Proc. Roy. Soc.,’ vol. xl. p. 135.—E. B. P.]
Footnote 286:
[Professor Meldola first called attention to the scattered instances
of the kind here alluded to by Professor Weismann, in 1873: see
‘Proc. Zool. Soc.,’ 1873, p. 153. The author explains the relation of
this ‘variable protective colouring’ to other protective appearances,
and he is strongly of the opinion that the former as well as the
latter is to be explained by the action of the ‘survival of the
fittest.’
The validity of Dr. Weismann’s interpretation of these effects as due
to adaptation, through the operation of natural selection, is
conclusively proved by the following facts. The light reflected from
green leaves becomes the stimulus for _the production of dark brown
pigment_ in those cases in which the leaves constitute the
surroundings for many months. Under these circumstances the leaves of
course become brown at a relatively early date, and protection is
thus afforded for the remainder of the period, although the dark
pigment is produced before the change in the colour of the leaf.
Instances of this kind are seen in the colours of cocoons spun among
leaves by certain lepidopterous larvae (see ‘Proc. Ent. Soc. Lond.,’
1887, pp. l, li, and 1888, p. xxviii), the cocoons of the same
species being of a creamy white colour when spun upon white paper.
Conversely, the light reflected from the same surfaces serves as the
stimulus for _withholding pigment_ in the cases alluded to by Dr.
Weismann (larvae of _R. Crataegata_, &c.), in all of which the
organism only remains in contact with the leaves while they are
green, viz. at a time when the dark colour would be disadvantageous.
Hence precisely opposite effects are produced by the operation of the
same force; the nature of the effect which actually follows in any
case being solely determined by the advantage afforded to the
organism.—E. B. P.]
Footnote 287:
Compare Sachs, ‘Lectures on the Physiology of Plants,’ translated by
H. Marshall Ward, p. 710.
Footnote 288:
Compare Biol. Centralbl. Bd. VII. No. 21.
Footnote 289:
I have used the expression ‘transient’ (‘passant’) in the same sense
as ‘acquired,’ in order to enforce the conclusion that they are
merely temporary, and disappear with the individual in which they
arise. Since the characters of which Hoffmann speaks are hereditary,
the term cannot be rightly applied to them, and I shall prove later
on that they cannot be regarded as acquired characters in the sense
required by the theory of descent.
Footnote 290:
Compare a paper by J. Orth, ‘Ueber die Entstehung und Vererbung
individueller Eigenschaften,’ Leipzig, 1887. This author considers my
theory of the non-transmission of acquired characters to be
incorrect, because he will insist upon using the term ‘acquired’ for
those characters which are due to spontaneous changes in the germ;
although he considers that they are only indirectly acquired. He also
reproaches me with not having discriminated with sufficient clearness
between the two modes in which new characters are acquired by the
body, and with having altogether failed to take into account the
class of characters which are due to variations in the germ. On the
very same page he quotes the following sentence from my
writings:—‘Every change of the germ-plasm itself, however it may have
arisen, must be transmitted to the following generation by the
continuity of the germ-plasm; and hence also any changes in the
_soma_ which arise from the germ-plasm must be transmitted to the
following generation.’ Not only does the transmission of Orth’s
‘indirectly acquired characters’ necessarily follow from this
sentence, but it is even distinctly asserted by it. I cannot
understand how any one who is aware of what happened at the meeting
of the Association of German naturalists at Strassburg in 1885, can
charge me with the confusion of ideas which has prevailed since
Virchow took part in the discussion of this question.
Footnote 291:
His, ‘Unsere Körperform,’ Leipzig, 1874, p. 58.
Footnote 292:
Compare on this point Nägeli in his ‘Theorie der Abstammungslehre.’
This writer also concludes from similar facts that external
influences have wrought in the idioplasm, changes which were at first
ineffectual, and which only increased during the course of
generations up to a point at which they could produce visible changes
in the plant. He does not, however, draw the further conclusion that
these changes only influence the germ-plasm, for he was not aware of
the distinction between germ-plasm and somatoplasm.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
VIII.
THE SUPPOSED TRANSMISSION OF
MUTILATIONS.
1888.
A lecture delivered at the Meeting of the Association of
German Naturalists at Cologne, September 1888.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
VIII.
THE SUPPOSED TRANSMISSION OF
MUTILATIONS.
We know well the manner in which Lamarck imagined that the gradual transformation of species occurred, when he first made the attempt to penetrate into the mechanism of the process of evolution, and to ascertain the causes by which it is produced. In his opinion, a change in the structure of any part of an organism was chiefly brought about when the species in question met with new conditions of life and was thus forced to assume new habits. Such habits caused an increased or diminished activity, and therefore a stronger or weaker development, of certain parts, and the modified parts were then transmitted to the offspring. Inasmuch as the offspring continued to live under the same changed conditions, and kept up the altered manner of using the part in question, the inherited changes would be increased in the same direction during the course of their life, and would be further increased in each successive generation, until the greatest possible change had been effected.
In this way Lamarck was able to give an apparently satisfactory explanation of at any rate those changes which consist in the mere enlargement or diminution of a part; such, for instance, as the great length of neck in the swan and other swimming birds, which he believed to have been produced by the habit of stretching after food at the bottom of the water; or the webbed feet of the same animals, supposed to be produced by the habit of striking the water with outspread toes, etc. In this way he was also able to explain the disappearance of a part after it had ceased to be of use; as, for instance, the degeneration of the eyes of animals inhabiting caves or the sunless depths of lakes or the sea.
But it is obvious that such an explanation tacitly assumes that changes produced by use or disuse can be transmitted to the offspring; _it assumes the transmission of acquired characters_.
Lamarck made this assumption as a matter of course, and when half a century later Charles Darwin, his more fortunate successor, refounded the theory of organic evolution, he also believed that we could not entirely dispense with the Lamarckian principle of explanation, although he added the new and extremely far-reaching principle of natural selection. But he certainly attempted to decide whether the Lamarckian principle of the effects of use and disuse is truly efficient, by asking himself the question whether such changes, as for example those produced by exercise during an individual life, can be transmitted to the offspring. Many observations appeared to him, if not to prove the transmission directly, yet to render it extremely probable; and he thus came to the conclusion that there is no sufficient reason for denying the transmission of acquired changes. Hence, in Darwin’s works, use and disuse still play important parts as direct factors of transformation, in addition to natural selection.
Darwin was not only an original genius, but also an extraordinarily unbiassed and careful investigator. Whatever he expressed as his opinion had been carefully tested and considered. This impression is gained by every one who has studied Darwin’s writings, and perhaps it in part explains the fact that doubts as to the correctness of the Lamarckian principle adopted by him have only arisen during the last few years. These doubts have, however, culminated in the decided denial of the assumption that changes acquired by the body can be transmitted. I for one frankly admit that I was in this respect under the influence of Darwin for a long time, and that only by approaching the subject from an entirely different direction was I led to doubt the transmission of acquired characters. In the course of further investigations I gradually gained a more decided conviction that such transmission has no existence in fact.
Doubts on this point have been expressed not only by me but also by others, such as du Bois-Reymond and Pflüger. Indeed, concerning a certain class of acquired characters, viz. mutilations, the great German philosopher, Kant, has distinctly denied that transmission can take place[293]; and in more recent times Wilhelm His has expressed the same opinion[294].
But if the transmission of acquired characters is truly impossible our theory of evolution must undergo material changes. We must completely abandon the Lamarckian principle, while the principle of Darwin and Wallace, viz. natural selection, will gain an immensely increased importance.
When I first expressed this opinion in my essay ‘On Heredity[295],’ I was well aware of the consequences of such an idea. I knew well that apparently insurmountable obstacles would be raised against any explanation of evolution, from which the principle of the direct transformation of the species by external influences had been excluded. I therefore endeavoured to show that these difficulties are not in reality insurmountable, and that it is quite possible to explain certain phenomena, such as the degeneration of useless parts, without the aid of the Lamarckian principle. Furthermore it can be shown that a not inconsiderable number of instincts, viz. all those which are exercised only once in a lifetime, cannot possibly have arisen by transmitted practice. This fact renders it unnecessary to make use of the Lamarckian principle for the explanation of other kinds of instinct. I do not mean to deny the existence of phenomena for which such an explanation has not yet been found, or at least has not been brought forward; but on the other hand it appears to me that it has never been proved that we cannot dispense with the Lamarckian principle in the explanation of these phenomena. At any rate, I do not know of any facts which could induce us to abandon from the first any hope of finding an explanation without the aid of this hypothesis.
If we are able to prove that we may dispense with the assumption of the transmission of acquired characters in explaining such phenomena, of course it by no means follows that we _must_ dispense with it; or, in other words, it does not follow that the transmission of acquired changes cannot take place. It would be as unsafe to make this assertion as to state of a ship seen at a great distance, that it is only moving by sails and not by steam simply because the movement appears to be explicable by sails alone. We ought first to attempt to show that the ship does not possess a steam-engine, or at least that the existence of such an engine cannot be proved.
I believe that I am able to show that the actual existence of the transmission of acquired characters cannot be directly proved; that there are no direct proofs supporting the Lamarckian principle.
If we ask for the facts which can be brought forward by the supporters of the theory of the transmission of acquired characters, if we inquire for the observations which induced Darwin, for instance, to adopt such an hypothesis, or which at least prevented him from rejecting it,—a very brief answer can be given. There are a small number of observations made upon man and the higher animals which seem to prove that injuries or mutilations of the body can, under certain circumstances, be transmitted to the offspring.
A cow which had accidentally lost its horn, produced a calf with an abnormal horn; a bull which had accidentally lost its tail, from that time begat tailless calves: a woman whose thumb had been crushed and malformed in youth, afterwards had a daughter with a malformed thumb, and so on.
In a great number of such cases every guarantee for the trustworthiness of the statements is entirely wanting, and, as His and still earlier Kant have already said, they are of no greater value as evidence than the merest tales. But in other cases this assertion cannot be made without further examination; and a small number of such observations can indeed claim a scientific investigation and value. I shall presently discuss this point in greater detail, but I wish now to lay stress upon the fact that, as far as direct evidence goes, we cannot bring forward any proofs in favour of the transmission of acquired characters, except these cases of mutilations. There are no observations which prove the transmission of functional hypertrophy or atrophy, and it is hardly to be expected that we shall obtain such proofs in future, for the cases are not of a kind which lend themselves to an experimental investigation. The hypothesis that acquired characters can be transmitted is therefore only directly supported by the above-mentioned instances of the transmission of mutilations. For this reason, the defenders of the Lamarckian principle, who have come forward in rather large numbers recently[296], have endeavoured to show that these observations are conclusive, and therefore of the highest importance. For the same reason I believe that it is my duty, as I take the opposite view, to explain what I think of the value of these apparent proofs of transmitted mutilations.
It can hardly be doubted that mutilations are acquired characters: they do not arise from any tendency contained in the germ, but are merely the reaction of the body under external influences. They are, as I have recently expressed it, purely somatogenic characters[297], viz. characters which emanate from the body (_soma_) only, as opposed to the germ-cells; they are therefore characters which do not arise from the germ itself.
If mutilations must necessarily be transmitted, or even if they might occasionally be transmitted, a powerful support would be given to the Lamarckian principle, and the transmission of functional hypertrophy or atrophy would thus become highly probable. For this reason it is absolutely necessary that we should try to come to a definite conclusion as to whether mutilations can or cannot be transmitted.
We will now consider in greater detail the facts which have hitherto been brought forward upon this point. It is not my purpose to discuss every single case which has been mentioned anywhere or by anybody; such a discussion would hardly lead to any result. I propose to select a small number of such instances, in order to show why they cannot be maintained as proofs. I shall chiefly deal with cases which have been brought forward as especially strong proofs by my opponents, and which have been carefully and completely examined. I shall attempt to show that these are not conclusive and that they must be explained in an entirely different manner. The insufficiency of the proof does not always depend upon the same circumstances, and, according to the latter, we may distinguish different classes of cases.
First of all we may briefly mention those instances in which the necessary precautions have not been taken before drawing conclusions.
To this class belong the tailless cats which were shown at last year’s (1887) Meeting of the Association of German Naturalists, at Wiesbaden. These cats had inherited their taillessness, or rather their rudimentary tails, from the mother cat, which ‘was said’ to have lost her tail by the wheel of a cart having passed over it. Not only did the owner of the cats, Dr. Zacharias, consider them as a proof of the transmission of mutilations, but in a recently-published work, entitled ‘On the Origin of Species, based upon the Transmission of acquired characters’ (‘Ueber die Entstehung der Arten auf Grundlage des Vererbens erworbener Eigenschaften’), the author, Prof. Eimer, speaks of these cats in the preface as a ‘valuable’ instance of the transmission of mutilations: these examples therefore form part of the foundation upon which the author builds up his theoretical views.
Certainly, the want of tails in young cats, of which the mother had lost its tail by an accident, would have been well worth consideration, but unfortunately there is no trustworthy record as to how the mother cat became tailless. Without absolute certainty upon this point the evidence becomes utterly worthless; and Dr. Zacharias has acted very wisely in afterwards admitting that this is the case, for inherent taillessness has been known in cats for a long time. The tailless race of the Isle of Man is mentioned in the first edition of ‘The Origin of Species’; of course I am referring to Darwin’s work, and not to the above-mentioned book of the same name, by Prof. Eimer. As to the first origin of the tailless Manx breed we know no more than about the origin of that remarkable race of cats with supernumerary toes, which E. B. Poulton has recently described from Oxford, and has traced through several generations[298]. These are innate monstrosities which have arisen from unknown changes in the germ. Similar monstrosities have been known for a long time, and no one has ever doubted that they can be transmitted.
It would be equally justifiable to derive the cats with extra toes from an ancestor of which the toes had been trodden upon, as to derive the tailless cats of the Isle of Man from an ancestor of which the tail had been cut off by a cart passing over it, and thus to regard the existence of the race as a proof of the transmission of mutilations.
But even if it were certain that the tail of the mother cat had been mutilated, such a fact would not necessarily prove that the rudimentary tails of the offspring were due to transmission from the mother: they might have been transmitted from the unknown father. This is probably not the case with Dr. Zacharias’ cat, for tailless kittens occurred in several families produced by the same mother; but in other cases the possibility of the possession of innate taillessness by the father must be taken into account. The following case is, in this respect, very instructive.
Last summer, my friend, Prof. Schottelius, of Freiburg, brought me a kitten with an innate rudimentary tail, which he had accidentally discovered as one of a family of kittens at Waldkirch, a small town in the southern part of the Black Forest. The mother of the kitten possessed a perfectly normal tail; the father could not be identified.
A closer investigation resulted in the following rather unexpected discovery. For some years past, tailless kittens have frequently appeared in the families of many different mother cats at Waldkirch, and this fact is explained in the following manner. A clergyman, who lived for some time at Waldkirch, had married an English lady who possessed a tailless male Manx cat. The probability that all the tailless cats in Waldkirch are more or less distant descendants of that male cat almost amounts to certainty. Since a male Manx cat has reached the Black Forest, it might equally well arrive at some other place.
But we will now leave observations such as these, which do not prove the transmission of a mutilation, because the mutilation itself has not been established; and we will turn to more serious ‘proofs.’
Let us still consider the tails of domesticated animals. In these animals a spontaneous and considerable reduction of the tail occurs not uncommonly, and since the habit of cutting off part of the tail of young animals prevails in many countries, the coincidence has been explained as a causal relation, and the question has been raised whether the disposition towards the spontaneous appearance of rudimentary tails has not arisen in consequence of the artificial mutilation practised through many generations. This supposition appears very plausible at first sight, but the keen scientific criticism of Döderlein, Richter, and Bonnet, together with careful anatomical investigations, have shown that, at least in the cases which were carefully examined, such a causal connection did not exist. It has been shown that the spontaneous rudimentary tails which occasionally appear in cats and dogs have an entirely different origin from the transmission of artificial mutilation. They depend upon an innate peculiarity of the germ, a peculiarity which is easily and strongly transmitted. They are monstrosities, like the sixth finger or toe, or, rather, like the rudimentary fingers and toes, which also occasionally appear. Bonnet[299] has shown that the rudimentary tails of dogs depend upon the absence of several vertebrae, together with an abnormal ossification, and sometimes also with a premature coalescence, of the vertebrae of the tail.
Bonnet states that in the two first cases examined by him the reduction occurred at the distal end of the vertebral column in the tail, the more or less malformed vertebrae being anchylosed. A membranous appendage extended beyond the end of the reduced caudal vertebrae, as the so-called ‘soft tail.’ These characters were shown to have been inherited from the mother and to have undergone progressive development as regards the number of missing vertebrae and the proportion of individuals with rudimentary tails.
In a third instance Bonnet found that four to seven of the normal caudal vertebrae were absent, and that the column in the region of the tail was characterised by a tendency towards premature anchylosis along its whole length and not merely in its distal portion. Furthermore the last three to four vertebrae were distorted and were either placed transversely to the long axis of the tail, or were so greatly curved that the tip of the tail was directed forwards.
It is obvious that these changes are not such as we should expect as a result of the transmission of the mutilation of the tail which is so commonly practised. If the artificial injury were transmitted we should not expect that a variable number of the mesial vertebrae would be absent, but rather those of the tip. There would be no reason why the existing vertebrae should be degenerate as in the majority of the caudal vertebrae of the dogs examined by Bonnet.
Entirely similar phenomena have been observed by Döderlein in the tailless cats which not infrequently occur in Japan. In these cats the rudimentary vertebrae of the tail were reduced to a short, thin, inflexible spiral, which formed a knot densely covered with hair on the posterior part of the animal.
Such a reduction of the tail occurs quite independently of artificial injury, in individuals of which the parents were not injured: it is even found in races, such as the dachshund, which, as far as we know, have never been habitually mutilated.
But the fact is rendered especially interesting because the reduction of the vertebral column in the region of the tail takes place in very various degrees. Sometimes only four vertebrae are absent, sometimes as many as ten. The degree of abnormality in shape and the degree of coalescence between the vertebrae also differ greatly. Hence Bonnet rightly concludes that a slow and gradual process of reduction is going on in these animals, a process which tends, as it were, to shorten the tail. I intentionally say ‘as it were,’ for of course the statement must not be taken literally, and we must not conclude that the process of reduction is a consequence of some hypothetical developmental force seated in the organism, of which the purpose is to remove the tail. On the contrary, this instance shows very clearly that the appearance of a development guided in a certain direction may be produced without the existence of any motive developmental force.
The disposition of the tail to become rudimentary, in cats and dogs, may be explained in the simplest way, by the process which I have formerly called panmixia. The tail is now of hardly any use to these animals; and neither dog nor cat would perish because they possessed only an incomplete tail. Hence natural selection does not now exercise any influence over these parts, and an occasional reduction is no longer eliminated by the early destruction of its possessor: therefore such reduction may be transmitted to the offspring.
The race of tailless foxes which, according to Settegast, existed during the present century on the hunting-grounds of Prince Wilhelm zu Solms-Braunfels, very soon disappeared; while cats and dogs with rudimentary tails have been preserved in many cases. Such results are to be expected, because in these domesticated animals the absence of the tail did not cause any inferiority in the struggle for existence.
But these facts appear to me to be remarkable in another direction. I previously mentioned the tailless race of Manx cats. Tradition does not tell us how it happened that the descendants of the first tailless cat in the Isle of Man were able to increase and spread in such a manner as to form the dominant race in the island. But we can easily imagine how it happened, when we learn that tailless cats are especially prized[300] in Japan, because people think that they are better mousers. Every one in Japan wishes to possess a tailless cat, and people even cut off the tails of normal cats when they cannot obtain those with congenital rudimentary tails, because they believe that cats become better mousers in consequence of taillessness. In Waldkirch the same account of the superiority of tailless cats is curiously enough also found. We thus see how a slight but striking variation may at once cause an energetic process of artificial selection, which helps this variation to predominance: a hint for us to be careful in passing judgment upon sexual selection, for the latter also works upon such functionally indifferent but striking variations. In the case of the cats, man has favoured a particular variation, because the novelty rather than the beauty of the character surprised and attracted him. He has attached an imaginary value to the new character, and by artificial selection has helped it to predominate over the normal form. I see no reason why the same process should not take place in animals by the operation of sexual selection.
But now, after this little digression, let us return to the transmission of mutilations.
We have seen that the rudimentary tails of cats and dogs, as far as they can be submitted to scientific investigation, do not depend upon the transmission of artificial mutilation, but upon the spontaneous appearance of degeneration in the vertebral column of the tail. The opinion may, however, be still held that the customary artificial mutilation of the tail, in many races of dogs and cats, has at least produced a number of rudimentary tails, although, perhaps, not all of them. It might be maintained that the fact of the spontaneous appearance of rudimentary tails does not disprove the supposition that the character may also depend upon the transmission of artificial mutilation.
Obviously, such a question can only be decided by experiment: not, of course, experiments upon dogs and cats, as Bonnet rightly remarks, but experiments upon animals the tails of which are not already in a process of reduction. Bonnet proposes that the question should be investigated in white rats or mice, in which the length of the tail is very uniform, and the occurrence of rudimentary tails is unknown.
Before this suggestion was made, I had already attacked the problem experimentally. Such a course might, perhaps, have been more natural to those who maintain the transmission of mutilations, to which I am opposed. Although I undertook the experiments expecting to obtain purely negative results, I thought that the latter would not be entirely valueless; and since the numerous supporters of the transmission of acquired characters do not seem to be willing to test their opinion experimentally, I have undertaken the not very large amount of trouble which is necessary in order to conduct such an experimental test.
The experiments were conducted upon white mice, and were begun in October of last year (1887), with seven females and five males. On October 17 all their tails were cut off, and on November 16 the two first families were born. Inasmuch as the period of pregnancy is only 22-24 days, these first offspring began to develope at a time when both parents were without tails. These two families were together eighteen in number, and every individual possessed a perfectly normal tail, with a length of 11-12 mm. These young mice, like all those born at later periods, were removed from the cage, and either killed and preserved, or made use of for the continuance of the breeding experiments. In the first cage, containing the twelve mice of the first generation, 333 young were born in fourteen months, viz. until January 16, 1889, and no one of these had a rudimentary tail or even a tail but slightly shorter than that of the offspring of unmutilated parents.
It might be urged that the effects of mutilation do not exercise any influence until after several generations. I therefore removed fifteen young, born on December 2, 1887, to a second cage, just after they were able to see, and were covered with hair; their tails were cut off. These mice produced 237 young from December 2, 1887 to January 16, 1889, every one of which possessed a normal tail.
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Essays Upon Heredity and Kindred Biological ProblemsChapter C: S. Minot, ‘Account, etc.’ Proceedings Boston Soc. Nat. Hist., vol (2)
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