Chapter XI: Part 11

For it is largely instinctive and wholly self preservative, this change in the position of the working people towards the State, this change by which, from fearing it as an actual enemy, they have come to look to it as a potential savior. I know that this assertion will be violently denied by many of my Socialist brethren. The fly on the wheel, not unnaturally, feels wounded at being told that he is, after all, not the motive power; and the igniferous orators of the Socialist party are welcome, so far as I am concerned, to all the comfort they can get from imagining that they, and not any great, blind, evolutionary forces are the dynamic of the social revolution. Besides, the metaphor of the fly really does not run on all fours (I forget, for the moment, how many legs a fly has); for the Socialist does at least know in what direction the car is going, even though he is not the driving force. Yet it seems to me the part being, and to be, played by the Socialist, is notable enough in all conscience; for it is he who is turning instinct into self-conscious reason; voicing a dumb demand; and giving intelligent direction to a thought wave of terrific potency.

There is a true cleavage being slowly driven through the body politic; but the wedge is still beneath the surface. The signs of its workings are to be found in the reactionary measures of pseudo reform advocated by many prominent politicians; in the really Socialist proposals of some of the obscurer men; in the growing distaste of the political club man for a purely political pabulum; and in the receptive attitude of a certain portion of the cultivated middle class towards the outpourings of the Fabian Society.

This conscious recognition of the meaning of modern tendencies, this defining of the new line of cleavage, while it is the well-spring of most of the Socialist hopes, is no less the source of some lively fear. At present it is only the acuter and more far seeing of the minds amongst the propertied classes who are at all alive to the real nature of the attack. One has but to listen to the chatter of the average Liberal candidate, to note how hopelessly blind the man is to the fact that the existence of private property in the means of production, forms any factor at all in the social problem; and what is true of the rank and file is true only in a less degree of the chiefs themselves. Ignorance of economics and inability to shake their minds free of eighteenth century political philosophy,[100] at present hinders the leaders of the “party of progress” from taking up a definite position either for or against the advance of the new ideas. The number of English statesmen, who, like Prince Bismarck, see in Socialism a swelling tide whose oceanic rush must be broken by timely legislative breakwaters, is still only to be expressed by a minus quantity. But this political myopia is not destined to endure. Every additional vote cast for avowed Socialist candidates at municipal and other elections, will help to bring home to the minds of the Liberals, that the section of the new democracy which regards the ballot merely as a war-engine with which to attack capitalism, is a growing one. At last our Liberal will be face to face with a logical but irritating choice. Either to throw over private capital or to frankly acknowledge that it is a distinction without a difference which separates him from the Conservatives, against whom he has for years been fulminating.

At first sight it looks as though this political moment in the history of the Liberal party would be one eminently auspicious for the Socialist cause. But although I have a lively faith in the victory of logic in the long run, I have an equally vivid knowledge that to assure the triumph the run must be a very long one; and above all I have a profound respect for the staying powers of politicians, and their ability to play a waiting game. It is one thing to offer a statesman the choice of one of two logical courses: it is another to prevent his seeing a third, and an illogical one, and going for it. Such prevention in the present case will be so difficult as to be well nigh impossible; for the Liberal hand still holds a strong suit--the cards political.

It is quite certain that the social programme of our party will become a great fact long before all the purely political proposals of the Liberals have received the Royal assent; and the game of the politician will be to hinder the adoption of the former by noisily hustling forward the latter. Unfortunately for us it will be an easy enough game to play. The scent of the non-Socialist politician for political red herrings is keen, and his appetite for political Dead Sea fruit prodigious. The number of “blessed words,” the mere sound of which carries content to his soul, would fill a whole page. In an age of self-seeking his pathetic self-abnegation would be refreshing were it not so desperately silly. The young artizan on five-and-twenty shillings a week, who with his wife and children occupies two rooms in “a model,” and who is about as likely to become a Lama as a leaseholder, will shout himself hoarse over Leaseholds’ Enfranchisement, and sweat great drops of indignation at the plunder of rich West End tradesmen by rich West End landlords. The “out of work,” whose last shirt is in pawn, will risk his skull’s integrity in Trafalgar Square in defence of Mr. O’Brien’s claim to dress in gaol like a gentleman.

Of course all this is very touching: indeed, to be quite serious, it indicates a nobility of character and breadth of human sympathy in which lies our hope of social salvation. But its infinite potentiality must not blind us to the fact that in its actuality the dodgy Liberal will see his chance of the indefinite postponement of the socialising of politics. Manhood suffrage, female suffrage, the woes of deceased wives’ sisters, the social ambition of dissenting ministers, the legal obstacles to the “free” acquirement of landed property, home rule for “dear old Scotland” and “neglected little Wales,” extraordinary tithes, reform of the House of Lords: all these and any number of other obstacles may be successfully thrown in the way of the forward march of the Socialist army. And the worst of it all is that in a great part of his obstructive tactics the Liberal will have us on the hip; for to out-and-out democratisation we are fully pledged, and must needs back up any attack on hereditary or class privilege, come it from what quarter it may.

But, to get back to our metaphor of the card table (a metaphor much more applicable to the games of political men), the political suit does not exhaust the Liberal hand. There still remains a card to play--a veritable trump. Sham Socialism is the name of it, and Mr. John Morley the man to plank it down.

I have said above that the trend of things to Socialism is best shewn by the changed attitude of men towards State interference and control; and this is true. Still it must not be forgotten that although Socialism involves State control, State control does not imply Socialism--at least in any modern meaning of the term. It is not so much to the thing the State does, as to the end for which it does it that we must look before we can decide whether it is a Socialist State or not. Socialism is the common holding of the means of production and exchange, and _the holding of them for the equal benefit of all_. In view of the tone now being adopted by some of us[101] I cannot too strongly insist upon the importance of this distinction; for the losing sight of it by friends, and its intentional obscuration by enemies, constitute a big and immediate danger. To bring forward sixpenny telegrams as an instance of State Socialism may be a very good method of scoring a point off an individualist opponent in a debate before a middle-class audience; but from the standpoint of the proletariat a piece of State management which spares the pockets only of the commercial and leisured classes is no more Socialism than were the _droits de Seigneur_ of the middle ages. Yet this is the sort of sham Socialism which it is as certain as death will be doled out by the popular party in the hope that mere State action will be mistaken for really Socialist legislation. And the object of these givers of Greek gifts will most infallibly be attained if those Socialists who know what they want hesitate (from fear of losing popularity, or from any more amiable weakness) to clamor their loudest against any and every proposal whose adoption would prolong the life of private capital a single hour.

But leaving sham Socialism altogether out of account, there are other planks in the Liberal “and Radical” programme which would make stubborn barriers in the paths of the destroyers of private capital. Should, for instance, Church disestablishment come upon us while the _personnel_ of the House of Commons is at all like what it is at present, few things are more certain than that a good deal of what is now essentially collective property will pass into private hands; that the number of individuals interested in upholding ownership will be increased; and that the only feelings gratified will be the acquisitiveness of these persons and the envy of Little Bethel.

Again, the general state of mind of the Radical on the land question is hardly such as to make a Socialist hilarious. It is true your “progressive” will cheer Henry George, and is sympathetically inclined to nationalisation (itself a “blessed word”); but he is not at all sure that nationalisation, free land, and peasant proprietorship, are not three names for one and the same proposal. And, so far as the effective members of the Liberal party are concerned, there is no question at all that the second and third of these “solutions” find much more favor than the first. In fact, in this matter of the land, the method of dealing with which is of the very propædeutics of Socialism, the Radical who goes for “free sale” or for peasant ownership, is a less potent revolutionary force than the Tory himself; for this latter only seeks to maintain in land the state of things which the Ring and Trust maker is working to bring about in capital[102]--and on the part which _he_ is playing in economic evolution we are all agreed.

From such dangers as these the progress of Democracy is, by itself, powerless to save us; for although always and everywhere Democracy holds Socialism in its womb, the birth may be indefinitely delayed by stupidity on one side and acuteness on the other.

I have gone at some length into an analysis of the possible artificial hindrances to Socialism, because, owing to the amiability and politeness shown us by the Radical left wing during the last twelve months; to the successes which Radical votes have given to some of our candidates at School Board and other elections; and to the friendly patronage bestowed upon us by certain “advanced” journals, some of our brightest, and otherwise most clear-sighted, spirits have begun to base high hopes upon what they call “the permeation” of the Liberal party. These of our brothers have a way of telling us that the transition to Socialism will be so gradual as to be imperceptible, and that there will never come a day when we shall be able to say “now we have a Socialist State.” They are fond of likening the simpler among us who disagree with them as to the extreme protraction of the process, to children who having been told that when it rains a cloud falls, looks disappointedly out of the window on a wet day, unconscious that the cloud is falling before their eyes in the shape of drops of water. To these cautious souls I reply that although there is much truth in their contention that the process will be gradual, we shall be able to say that we have a Socialist State on the day on which no man or group of men holds, over the means of production, property rights by which the labor of the producers can be subjected to exploitation; and that while their picturesque metaphor is a happy as well as a poetic conceit, it depends upon the political acumen of the present and next generation of Socialist men whether the “cloud” shall fall in refreshing Socialist showers or in a dreary drizzle of Radicalism, bringing with it more smuts than water, fouling everything and cleansing nowhere.

This permeation of the Radical Left, undoubted fact though it is of present day politics, is worth a little further attention; for there are two possible and tenable views as to its final outcome. One is that it will end in the slow absorption of the Socialist in the Liberal party, and that by the action of this sponge-like organism, the whole of the Rent and Interest will pass into collective control, without there ever having been a party definitely and openly pledged to that end. According to this theory there will come a time, and that shortly, when the avowed Socialists and the much socialised Radicals will be strong enough to hold the balance in many constituencies, and sufficiently powerful in all to drive the advanced candidate many pegs further than his own inclination would take him. Then, either by abstention or by actual support of the reactionary champion at elections, they will be able to threaten the Liberals with certain defeat. The Liberals, being traditionally squeezable folk (like all absorbent bodies), will thus be forced to make concessions and to offer compromises; and will either adopt a certain minimum number of the Socialis_tic_ proposals, or allow to Socialists a share in the representation itself. Such concessions and compromises will grow in number and importance with each successive appeal to the electorate, until at last the game is won.

Now it seems to me that these hopefuls allow their desires to distort their reason. The personal equation plays too large a part in the prophecy. They are generally either not yet wholly socialised Radicals or Socialists who have quite recently broken away from mere political Radicalism, and are still largely under the influence of party ties and traditions. They find it almost impossible to believe that the party with which they acted so long, so conscientiously, and with so much satisfaction to themselves, is, after all, not the party to which belongs the future. They are in many cases on terms of intimate private friendship with some of the lesser lights of Radicalism, and occasionally bask in the patronizing radiance shed by the larger luminaries. A certain portion of the “advanced” press is open to them for the expression of their views political. Of course none of these considerations are at all to their discredit, or reflect in the very least upon their motives or sincerity; but they do color their judgment and cause them to reckon without their host. They are a little apt to forget that a good deal of the democratic programme has yet (as I have said above) to be carried. Manhood suffrage, the abolition of the Lords, disestablishment, the payment of members: all these may be, and are, quite logically desired by men who cling as pertinaciously to private capital as the doughtiest knight of the Primrose League. Such men regard the vital articles of the Socialist creed as lying altogether outside the concrete world--“the sphere of practical politics.” Meanwhile the Socialist votes and voices are well within that sphere; and it is every day becoming more evident that without them the above-mentioned aspirations have a meagre chance of realisation. Now, from the eminently business-like Liberal stand-point, there is no reason whatever why concessions should not be made to the Socialist at the polling booth so long as none are asked for in the House of Commons. And even when they are demanded, what easier than to make some burning political question play the part which Home Rule is playing now? Thus an endless vista of office opens before the glowing eyes of the practical politician, those short-sighted eyes which see so little beyond the nose, and which, at that distance only, enable their owner to hit the white.

The Radical is right as usual in counting on the Socialist alliance up to a certain point. For us the complete democratisation of institutions is a political necessity. But long before that complete democratisation has been brought about, we shall have lost our patience and the Radicals their temper.

For as Mr. Hyndman tells the world with damnable (but most veracious) iteration, we are “a growing party.” We recruit by driblets; but we do recruit; and those who come to us come, like all the new American newspapers, “to stay.” Our _faith_, our reason, our knowledge, tell us that the great evolutionary forces are with us; and every addition to our ranks causes us, in geometrical proportion, to be less and less tolerant of political prevarication. Directly we feel ourselves strong enough to have the slightest chance of winning off our own bat, we shall be compelled both by principle and inclination to send an eleven to the wickets. They will have to face the opposition, united or disunited, of both the orthodox parties, as did the defeated Socialist candidates at the School Board election in November, 1888. And whether our success be great or small, or even non-existent, we shall be denounced by the Radical wire-pullers and the now so complaisant and courteous Radical press. The alliance will be at an end.

There is yet another way in which we may win the ill-will of our temporary allies and, at present, very good friends. I have spoken above of certain reactionary items of a possible Radical programme, which, although they have a grotesque resemblance to Socialism, are worlds away from being the thing itself. These proposals we not only cannot support, but must and shall actively and fiercely oppose. At the first signs of such opposition to whoever may be the Liberal shepherd of the moment, the whole flock of party sheep will be in full cry upon our track. The ferocity of the _mouton enragé_ is proverbial; and we shall be treated to the same rancour, spleen, and bile which is now so plenteously meted out to the Liberal Unionists.

The immediate result of this inevitable split will be the formation of a definitely Socialist party, _i.e._, a party pledged to the communalisation of all the means of production and exchange, and prepared to subordinate every other consideration to that one end. Then the House of Commons will begin dimly to reflect the real condition of the nation outside; and in it we shall see as in a glass, darkly, or smudgedly, something of that “well defined confrontation of rich and poor,” of which all who attend Socialist lectures hear so much, and to which _ex hypothesi_, the world, day by day, draws nearer. Then, also, will begin that process which, I submit, is more likely than either the absorption of the Socialist or the prolonged permeation of the Radical: namely, the absorption of the Radical himself into the definitely pro-private capital party on the one side, and the definitely anti-private capital party on the other.

A really homogeneous Socialist party once formed, the world political reflects the world economic, and there is no longer any room for the Radical, as we know the wonder. Each fresh Socialist victory, each outpost driven in, each entrenchment carried, will be followed by a warren-like scuttle of alarmed and well-to-do Radicals across the floor of the House of Commons, which will once more become a true frontier; and, finally, the political battle array will consist of a small opposition, fronting a great and powerful majority, made up of all those whose real or fancied interests would suffer from expropriation.

Thus far the outlook has been clear and focusable enough; and it has needed no extra-human illumination to see the details. All that has been wanted has been normal vision and a mind fairly free of the idols of the cave. But here the prospect becomes dim and uncertain; and little purpose would be served by trying to pierce the mist which enshrouds the distant future.

Much, very much, will depend upon the courage, the magnanimity, the steadfastness, the tact, the foresight, and above all upon the incorruptibility of those whose high mission it will be to frame the policy and direct the strategy of the Socialist party in those early days of its parliamentary life. It will have sore need of a leader as able as, and more conscientious than, any of the great parliamentary figures of the past. The eye expectant searches in vain for such a man now among the younger broods of the new democracy. He is probably at this moment in his cradle or equitably sharing out toys or lollipops to his comrades of the nursery. And this is well; for he must be a man quit of all recollections of these days of _Sturm und Drang_, of petty jealousies, constant errors, and failing faith. He must bring to his task a record free from failure and without suspicion of stain.

But whatever may be the difficulties in store for us who name the name of Socialism, of one thing at least they who have followed this course of lectures may make quite sure. That, however long and wearisome the struggle, each day brings us nearer victory. Those who resist Socialism fight against principalities and powers in economic places. Every new industrial development will add point to our arguments and soldiers to our ranks. The continuous perfecting of the organisation of labour will hourly quicken in the worker the consciousness that his is a collective, not an individual life. The proletariat is even now the only real class: its units are the only human beings who have nothing to hope for save from the levelling up of the aggregate of which they form a part. The intensifying of the struggle for existence, while it sets _bourgeois_ at the throat of _bourgeois_, is forcing union and solidarity upon the workers. And the _bourgeois_ ranks themselves are dwindling. The keenness of competition, making it every year more obviously impossible for those who are born without capital ever to achieve it, will deprive the capitalist class of the support it now receives from educated and cultivated but impecunious young men whose material interest must finally triumph over their class sympathies; and from that section of workmen whose sole aspiration is to struggle out of the crowd. The rising generation of wage workers, instead of as now being befogged and bedevilled by the dust and smoke of mere faction fight, will be able at a glance to distinguish the uniforms of friend and foe. Despair will take sides with Hope in doing battle for the Socialist cause.

These lectures have made it plain enough to those who have hearing ears and understanding brains that mere material self-interest alone will furnish a motive strong enough to shatter monopoly; and after monopoly comes Socialism or--chaos. But the interest of the smaller self is not the only force which aids us in the present, or will guide us in the future. The angels are on our side. The constant presence of a vast mass of human misery is generating in the educated classes a deep discontent, a spiritual unrest, which drives the lower types to pessimism, the higher to enquiry. Pessimism paralyses the arms and unnerves the hearts of those who would be against us. Enquiry proves that Socialism is founded upon a triple rock, historical, ethical, and economic. It gives, to those who make it, a great hope--a hope which, once it finds entrance into the heart of man, stays to soften life and sweeten death. By the light of the Socialist Ideal he sees the evil--yet sees it pass. Then and now he begins to live in the cleaner, braver, holier life of the future; and he marches forward, steeled and stimulated, with resolute step, with steadfast eye, with equal pulse.

It is just when the storm winds blow and the clouds lour and the horizon is at its blackest that the ideal of the Socialist shines with divinest radiance, bidding him trust the inspiration of the poet rather than heed the mutterings of the perplexed politician, bidding him believe that

“For a’ that, for a’ that,
Its coming yet for a’ that,
That man to man the world o’er
Shall brothers be for a’ that.”

FOOTNOTES:

[96] It is to the half-conscious recognition of this generalisation that the disappearance of militant Republicanism among the English working classes is owing.

[97] The difference of principle here is more apparent than real. The Gladstonians repudiate any desire for separation, and affirm their intention of maintaining the absolute veto of the imperial Parliament; while the Unionists avow their ultimate intention of giving to Ireland the same powers of self-government now enjoyed, or to be enjoyed by England and Scotland.

[98] The battles for Catholic Emancipation and the removal of the religious disabilities were fought on sectarian rather than on political grounds.

[99] This is perhaps not, historically, quite true; but the landlords believed that their own prosperity depended upon the exclusion of foreign corn, and that is sufficient for the purpose of my argument.

[100] _Cf._ The speeches of Mr. John Morley on the eight hours’ proposal and the taxation of ground rents. Also the recent writings of Mr. Bradlaugh, _passim_.

[101] One of the most indefatigable and prolific members of the Socialist party, in a widely circulated tract, has actually adduced the existence of _hawkers’ licenses_ as an instance of the “Progress of Socialism”!

[102] It is worth noting that those organs of the press which are devoted more particularly to the landed interest have been the first to hint at the probable desirability of dealing with great _industrial_ monopolies by means of legislation.

INDEX.

Absentee Proprietors, 22

Abstinence, Reward of, 17

Abstract method in Economics, 21

Administrative Errors, 37

“Administrative Nihilism”, 38

Adulteration Acts, 41

Aged, Treatment of the, 150

Agriculture and Machinery, 62

Aladdin’s uncle outdone, 9

Aliens, Necessity under Socialism for a law of, 125

Althorp, Lord, 69

America (See UNITED STATES).

American Independence, Declaration of, 60

Anarchists, Modern, 160

Anarchy preferred to corrupt State regulation by progressive thinkers,
160

Andrews, E. Benjamin, on Trusts, 85

Angels, Constitution and status of, 108

Angels, condition of their imitation on earth, 110

Argyle, Duke of, 127

Aristotle, 160

Arkwright’s inventions, 33, 59

Aristocratic employments, 109

Ashley, Lord (See LORD SHAFTESBURY).

Associated Capitals, Competitive force of, 142

Associations, Legal position under Socialism of voluntary, 126

Austin, John, 39, 120, 165

Autobiography of John Stuart Mill, 50, 52

Aveling, Rev. F. W., 52

Balfour, Right Hon. A. J., 106

Barbarous Countries, Exploitation of, 74

Bastille, Fall of the, 34, 60

Bebel, August, 119

Bedford, Duke of, 127

Bellamy, E. (author of “Looking Backward”), 145

Benefit Association, Sheep and Lamb Butcher’s Mutual, 88

Benevolence and Omnipotence, The dilemma between, 23

Bentham, Jeremy, 29, 39, 40, 53, 165

Bequest, 122

Berkeley, Bishop, 39

Besant, Annie, 136

” Walter: His belated chivalry, 108

Bimetalism suggested as a solution of the social problem, 174

Birmingham, 46

” compared with Warwick, 123

Bismarck, Socialism and Prince, 192

Blanc, Louis, His Definition of Communism, 131

Bland, Hubert, 50, 184

Bloodshed: How to argue with its advocates, 166-7

Bonanza farms, 62, 142

Bourgeoisie, The Factory Acts and the, 190
Free Trade and the, 190

Bradford, 46

Bradlaugh, Charles, 182

Bramwell, Lord, 28, 175

Bright, John, 69, 79

Brittany, Standard of comfort in, 123
Peasants of, 134

British Association, 157

” Mind, The Vestry stamp upon the, 182

Bryce, James, 78

Brook Farm, 28

Browning, Robert, 23

Burns, John, 174

Bunyan, John, 135

Cade, Jack, 160

Cairnes, J. E., on the idle rich, 78

Canada, Conquest of, 60, 71

Canals, Socialization of, 141

Cant: Its Source, 4, 106

Capital: Is not machinery, 16
Is the result of saving, 17
Is spare subsistence, 17
Cannot be safely taken by the State except for immediate employment
as capital, 173
Source of municipal capital, 175
Provision for municipal accumulation, 178

“Capital” (Karl Marx’s work), 23, 36

“Capital and Land” (Fabian Tract), 43

Capitals, Competitive force of associated, 142

Capitalism, 16
Unscrupulousness of, 69
Its idea self-destructive, 110
Morals of, 69, 106, 109
Characteristic effects of, 111
Its origin in piracy and slave-trading, 158

Capitalist: Separation of his function from that of the
_entrepreneur_, 76
Regulation of the, 43
Type of the, 105

Capitalist combinations and State action, 91

Capitulations by proprietary classes, 181

Career open to the talented, 7

Carlyle, Thomas, 30, 41

Cartwright, Rev. Edmund, Inventions of, 59

Caste (see CLASS).

Castlereagh, Viscount, 34

Catastrophic Socialism, 136, 166, 183, 185

Catechism, Misquotation of the Church, 110

Catholic Church, Socialism of the, 113

Catholic Emancipation, 34, 188

Centralization of State industries, 142, 181

Chalmers, Rev. Thomas, 39

Charity, 19, 169, 174

“Charter, The People’s”, 48

Chartism, 48, 169

Cheque Bank: Suggestion as to Communal currency, 150

Children: In Communes, 150
Effect of Socialism on the status of, 182

“Christian Socialism”, 79, 80

Church Catechism, The, 110

Church, The Catholic, 113

Church of England: A mere appanage of the landed gentry, 31

Church of England: Effect of property holding on the, 124
Democratization of the, 182

“Church Reformer, The”, 39

Churches, 2

Church-going, Hypocrisies of, 5

Church, Declaration of the Pan-Anglican Synod concerning Socialism
and the, 174

Civilizations and Societies, 20

Civil Servants: Their reputation for unconscientiousness, 107, 165

“Claims of Labor, The”, 36

Clanricarde, Lord, 53

Clarke, William, 28, 56, 136, 183

Class Feeling and Morality, 17, 103, 105, 106, 108-110

Classes, Separation of, 17

Cleavage, Economic, 185

Clive, Robert, 60, 71

Coal mining, Application of machinery to, 151

Coal monopoly in the Unite States, 78

Cobden Club disconcerted by the appearance of Imports not paid for by
Exports, 169

Cobden, Richard, 74, 79

Colonization, Modern, 21, 182

Coleridge, S. T., 40

Combination, 14
Benefits of, 91

Commercial policy of England under Capitalism, 71

Commodities: Exchange of, 9
Process by which their value is reduced to the cost of production of
the most costly unit of the supply, 12, 178

Common Sense, 94, 116

Commune: Its establishment in England already accomplished, 143

Communes, 2

Communism defined, 131

Communities, Savings of, 123
Debts of, 128

Compensation for expropriated proprietors, 175

Competition: Theory of, 161
Decline of, 81
Effect on wages, 171

Comte, Auguste, 27, 30, 169

Comte de Paris, 28

“Condition of the Working Classes” (F. Engels’ work), 36

Conduct and Principle, Incompatibility set up by Private Property
between, 4

Conscience, Social, 137

Conservatives, Present attitude of, 188

Consols:
Nature of the operation called “reducing”, 181

Consumption, Associated, 121, 133

Contracts restricted in England, 130

Contradictions apparently besetting the investigation of value, 10

Conventions as to Morality, 100, 101

Cooking, Public and private, 140

Co-operative Movement, 41, 81, 124, 144
Socialist origin of the, 79, 174
Aims of the leaders, 174

Co-operative Experiments, 129

Co-ordination, Social, 54

Copyright, 120, 132, 133

Copper, The “corner” in, 84

Corners, 14

Cost of Production: What it means, 13
Reduction of value to, 13
On inferior soils, 4

Cotton Manufacture, Progress of the, 66

Cotton-seed Oil Trust, 88

County Councils, The new, 35, 123, 128, 138, 171, 181

County Council, The London, 181

County Family, Origin of the, 4

County Farms, Organization of, 139

County Government Act (See COUNTY COUNCILS).

Covert Garden Market and the Duke of Bedford, 127

Crime: Its relativity, 105

Criminal Class: Its formation, 18, 112

Cromptom, Samuel, Inventions of, 33

Cultivation of the Earth, 1
Its beginning, 2
Its “margin”, 3, 5
Effect of exploration on the progress of, 20

Cultivation of the Earth:
Discrepancies between its actual progress and that deduced from
abstract economics, 20

Culture:
Effect on profits of industrial management of the spread of, 179

Currency, Suggestion as to communal, 150

Cynicism of our time, 5

” Routed by Socialism, 24

Dante, 8

Darwin, Charles, 41, 85, 169

“Darwinism and Politics”, 51

Darwinian theory appealed to by monopolists, 85
By Socialists, 51

Day, The working, 141

Debt, The National, 129

Debts, Law as to, 125
Of Communities, 128

Decentralization, Necessity for, 170

Definitions of economic rent, 4

Demand, Effective, 19
Supply and, 8

Democracy: Import of, 29, 30, 35, 54, 55, 195
Instability of, 55
Postulated by Socialism, 166
Further steps necessary to consummate, 170

Democrat, Distinction between the Ordinary and the Social, 166

Democratic Federation (See S. D. F.)

De Quincey, Thomas, 40

Desire as a social motor, 96, 102

Detailed suggestions for social organization of unemployed labor, 140

De Tocqueville. A. C. H. C., 29

Devil worship, 24

Diocesan Councils, Central Conference of, 54

Dirty Work, 145

Discipline in socialized industries, 143

Discovery of new countries, 21

Disestablishment of the Church, 188

Dishonesty a product of Capitalism, 111

Disingenuousness of Class Economics, 14, 19, 21

Dismal Science now the Hopeful, 25

Dismissal, Power of, 143

Dissolution of the Old Synthesis, 31

Division of labor, 3

Drainage Acts, 41

Drinking Fountains, Communism exemplified in, 131

Drone and Worker, 4

Earnings distinguished from the revenue of Private Property, 20

Ecclesiastical intolerance, Reaction against mediæval, 161

Economics (See POLITICAL ECONOMY).

Economists (See POLITICAL ECONOMISTS).

Education: Reform of, 49
Moral, 102
A necessity for morality, 111
Socialist ideal of, 115, 134
Effect on profits of industrial management, 179
Tendency of Social Democracy to encourage, 180

Eight Hours, Working day of, 141

Electors, Number of, 35

Elizabethan merchant adventurers, 159

Emigration, 167

Employer: Differentiated from Capitalist, 76
And laborer, 137
Not harmed by Socialism, 177

Engels, F., 36

England: Her social policy to-day, 19
In 1750, 30
Her foreign policy dictated by Capitalism, 73, 74
Her mineral fertility, 167

“English Factory Legislation.” (See also FACTORY LEGISLATION), 36

_Entrepreneur_ (See EMPLOYER).

Episcopal Conference, 54

Equality of remuneration, 148, 149

Errors (See MISTAKES exposed by Socialism).

Ethics: Metaphysic of, 94
Positive science of, 95

Evolution, Effect of Hypothesis of, 24, 51

Exchange of Commodities, 12
Mechanism of, 10

Exchange Value (See VALUE), 9

Exploitation, 18

Factories before the Factory Act, 36, 67

Factory Legislation, 36, 41, 70, 125, 167, 190

Factory System, Introduction of the, 33, 59

“Facts for Londoners”, 181

“Fair Trade”, 92

Family: Effect of Socialism on the, 182
Origin of the County, 4
Isolation of the, 122, 133

Farms: Organization of County, 139
Bonanza, 142

Fawcett, Henry, 4

Federation of Municipalities, 181

Feudalism: Survival of, 31
Reaction against its domineering, 160
Feudal dues, 38

Fielden, John, 70

Filibuster, The Colonizing, 182

Final Utility, Theory of, 11, 12

Flag, Trade following the, 182

Flats, Living in, 121

Fly-Shuttle, Invention of the, 59

Foreign Investments, Interest on, 169

Foreign Markets, The fight for, 74, 181

Foreign Policy: Effect of Capitalism upon, 71
Effect of Socialism upon, 181

Foreign Trade following the Flag, 182

Forestalling, 14

Fourier, F. C. M., 121

Fox, Charles James, 34

Foxwell, Professor H. S., 37

Free Ferry, The London, 47

“Free Land” and the Radical party, 50, 195

Free Trade Movement, 73
Foreign investments left out of account by the, 169
The bourgeoisie and the, 190

Freethinker, Possible Election to the Deanery of Westminster of an
avowed, 182

French Revolution, 34, 60, 174

Friction caused by introduction of Municipal Socialism, 178

Furse, Canon, 54

Gambling, 2

Gasworks, Socialization of, 45, 139, 181

George III, 72

George, Henry, 95, 127, 161, 169, 172

Georgism, Checkmate to, 173

Giffen, Robert, 169, 173

Gladstone, Right Hon. W. E., 47
Retrogressive instincts of, 161

Glasgow, 47
Growth of, 33

Godin and Leclaire, Experiments of, 151

Godwin, William, 39

Gold: As money, 10
Effect of Discoveries in California and Australia, 167

Goschen, Right Hon. G. J., 181

Gould, Jay, 69

Government: In 1750, 32
Industries carried on by, 42
“Government Organization of Labor”, 46

Gradual Socialization, 31
Compensation a condition of, 175

Greek Republics, 125, 148, 160

Greenock, 46

Gronlund, Laurence, 119, 121, 125

Grote, George, 39

Ground values, Municipilization of, 175

Growth of Towns, 32

Guild of St. Matthew, 39

Guillotining, 182

Habits: Moral, 97
Automatic, 98

Harbors, Nationalization of, 149

Harcourt, Rt. Hon. Sir W. V., 106
On the teetotal stump, 106
“We are all Socialists now”, 190

Hargreaves, James, The Inventions of, 33, 59

Harrison, Frederic, 54

Hastings, Warren, 71

Haves and Have-nots, 186

Head Rents, Relative Insignificance of, 8

Hegel, G. W. F., 162, 165

High Church Party, 39

Historical: Method in Economics, 20
Development of Private Property, 20
Basis of Socialism, 26
“Historical Basis of Socialism” (Hyndman’s work), 27

“History”: “Of Agriculture and Prices”, 32
“Of the 18th Century”, 34
“Of Private Bill Legislation”, 38
“Of the Reform Bill”, 31

Hobbes, Thomas, 160

Hobhouse, Lord, 171, 175

Hobhouse, Sir John Cam, 68

Homestead Law, 126

Hospital, The, 18

House of Commons, 181

House of Lords, Abolition of, 170

Household Suffrage, 34

Huddersfield, 46

Human Life, Disregard of Capital for, 146

Hume, David, 38, 161

Huxley, Professor, 53

Hyndman, H. M., 27, 169

Hypocrisy, 5, 158

Ibsen, Henrik, 134

Icaria, 28

Idleness, Association of prosperity with, 5

Idlers: their fate under Socialism, 151

Illth, 18

Illusions, Economic, 161

Immigration, Pauper, 125, 173

Improvement in Production, 6
Effect of unforeseen, 8

Incentive to Labor: Under Socialism, 151
Under Leasehold system, 171

Income Tax, 130, 150, 167
An instrument of expropriation, 176
“Rent of ability” recoverable by, 181

Independent Weaver, Transformation of the, 59

India, Conquest of, under Clive and Warren Hastings, 60, 71

Indifference, Law of, 11

Individualism: Outbreak of, 37
Abandonment of, 54
The change to Socialism from, 137
Confusedly opposed to Socialism, 96
Its moralization, 97, 102
Anti-Social manifestation, 104
Protestant form of, 114
Abolished in production, 116

Industrial Organization, Centralization of, 147, 181

Industrial Remuneration Conference, 54

Industrial Revolution, 33-35, 41, 56, 136, 159
Attitude of parties during, 189

Industrialism, Evil effects of, 67

Industry: Under Socialism, 136
Nationalization of, 43
As virtue or vice, 106, 108
Disgraceful for women, 108
_La grande industrie_, 185

Inequality, 1
Mischief of, 20
Sense of it lost in contemplation of equality before God, 23

Inferior soils, Resort to, 3

Ingram, J. K., 80

Injustices produced by private appropriation of land, 5

Insanity, Definition of, 97, 100

Inspection of Industry, 43

Institutions, History of, 103

Insurance: National, 23
Municipal, 47

Insurrectionism, 165, 176

Intellectual Revolt, The, 185

Interest, 16
Fall in the current rate often mistaken for a tendency in Interest
to disappear, 17
Mr. Goschen’s operation for securing to the community the advantage
of the fall in the current rate, 17
A tribute, 105, 114

Interest, Class, 103

International Morality in the Middle Ages, 157

International Trade the dominant factor in foreign policy, 72, 181

Invention, Consequences of, 146

Inventor, The first, 6

Iron Industry, 60

Jevons, W. Stanley, 162

Joint Stock Companies: Development of, 43, 78
Not objects of public sympathy, 138

Joseph the Second, 30

Kaye of Bury, 33

Kingsley, Charles, 39, 41, 79

Kitchens: Separate, 122
Public, 134

Kropotkin, Peter, 61, 160

Labor: Mouth honor to, 5
In the market as a commodity, 9
Displaced by machinery, 63
Fruits of, 104
Municipal organization of, 140, 174
Labor colonies, 147
Beginning of State organization of, 175

Laborer and Employer, 137
(See also PROLETARIAN.)

_Laisser-faire_, 36, 38, 39, 51, 70, 160

Lancashire, Old, 57
Expansion of, 65
Weavers’ grievances, 72

Land, Rent of, 3-5
Point at which it becomes a close monopoly, 7
Powers of the County Councils to hold, 139
Nationalization of, 47, 172

Landlord, What he costs, 14

Landed Interest, Its policy, 187

Lassalle, Ferdinand, 57, 162

Law of Indifference, 11, 12

“ “ Rent (See also RENT), 4, 53, 161

“Leaseholds Enfranchisement”, 51, 174

Leaseholds: Origin of, 8
Confiscation at expiry of, 171

Lecky, W. J., 34, 71, 73

Leclaire and Godin, Experiments of, 151

Leed, 33, 38, 47

Legislation: Breakdown of mediæval, 160
(See also FACTORY LEGISLATION.)

Leveling-down action of Private Property, 14

Levi, Leone, 54

Liberal and Radical Union in favor of County Councils holding land,
47, 138

Libraries, Public, 134

Liberal Party, Its policy on Socialism, 190-192

Liberty and Equality, 53, 157

Liberty and Property Defence League, 47

Lincoln, Abraham: The moral of his assassination, 74

Liverpool, Growth of, 33

Lloyd, Henry D., on “Lords of Industry”, 83

Local: Improvement Acts, 41
Self-Government, 171
Government Boards dealings with the unemployed, 174
Government Board of the future, 181

Lodging Houses, Municipal, 47

London: Facts concerning, 181
The County Council, 181
Extraordinary proportions reached by Economic Rent in, 171
Liberal and Radical Union, 47, 138
London and Southwestern Railway shareholders, 78

“Looking Backward”, 145

Louis XVI, 56

Lying, As vice or virtue, 107

Machinery: Shoemaking by, 61
Agriculture by, 62
Displacement of hand labor by, 63
Progress of, 138, 146
Substitution for hand labor in disagreeable employments, 145
Chimney Sweeping by, 146

Maine, Sir Henry, 29, 54

Malthus, Rev. T. R., 32, 39, 162

Man as producer and exchanger, 12

“Man _versus_ the State”, 47

Management, Profits of industrial, 179

Managers, Qualifications and present value of industrial, 179-80

Manchester, 33, 38, 46

Manchester School, 74, 168
Its advocacy of Protection, 176

Manners, Lady Janette on “Are Rich Landowners Idle?”, 109

Manorial Rights, 32, 38
Mills, 38

Manors, 2, 32, 38

Marginal Utility (See FINAL UTILITY).

Margin of Cultivation, 2, 5
Obligation of private competitors to charge the full cost of
production at, 178-9

Markets: Effect on rent of proximity to, 3
The fight for foreign, 74, 181

Marriage, Contract of, 131

Marshall, Alfred, and Mary Paley--Definition of rent, 4

Marx, Karl, 36, 162, 169

Matthew, Guild of St., 39

Maurice, F. Denison, 39, 41, 79

Meliorism, 24

Men, Traffic in, 9

Mercantile System, 38

Method of Criticism on Moral Basis, 95

Metœci in Athens, 125

Middle Ages: Social Organization in the, 157

Middle Class: Its callousness, 73
Its moral ideas, 108-110
Its misunderstandings of Socialism, 164
Its dread of mob violence, 175

Militant organization of the working class for forcible revolution,
182, 184

Militarism and immigration, 125

Military Service, 131
Empires of the Continent, 125

Mill, James, 29, 33

Mill, John Stuart, 4, 31, 39, 41, 50, 52, 168

Milk Exchange of New York, 88

Milton, John, Proposal as to schools, 134

Mines: Their horrors before the legislation initiated by Lord Ashley,
61
Nationalization of, 150
Mines Regulation Acts, 41

Minor poetry, Socialist provision for the publication of, 144

Mirabeau, 60

Missionaries, 181

Mistakes exposed by Socialism:
That Society is no more than the sum of its units, 3, 50
That Private Property encourages industry, 6
That Private Property establishes healthy incentive, 6
That Private Property distributes wealth according to exertion, 6
That Rent does not enter into price, 14
That Exchange Value is a measure of true wealth, 19
That “the poor ye shall have always with you”, 24
That riots, regicide and bloodshed make Revolutions, 56, 166

Mob Violence, Middle-class dread of, 175

Molesworth, W. N., 31

Money, Function of, 10

Monopolies, 14
And Democracy, 89
Necessity for protecting the Postmaster’s, 168

Moral Basis of Socialism, 93
Habits and their origin, 98
Education of the Individual, 102
And of Society, 115

Moralists, Foolish, 6

Morality, 94
Relativity of, 96
Recognizable only in Society, 97
Conventional, 98, 100, 106, 108
Natural, 101, 109
Practical, 103
Class, 5, 23, 108, 109, 110, 159
Elementary conditions of, 113
Developed conditions of, 115, 116
Socialistic, 117
Medieval, 137, 158
Elizabethan, 159

“Morals and Health Act” (1802), 41, 160

More, Sir Thomas, 160

Morley, Right Hon. John, 47, 182, 192, 193

Motors, Influence of new, 33

Municipal: Corporations Act, 34
Action, 46
Socialism, 46, 175
Debt, 47
Development, 49
Prestige of Municipal Employment, 177

Municipalities, Growth of, 33, 35, 45, 46, 47
(See also COUNTY COUNCILS.)

Nabob, The appearance in English social life of the, 33

Napoleon: “The career is open to the talented”, 7
“A nation of shopkeepers”, 71

Nasmyth, James, invents the steam-hammer, 60

National Insurance, 23

National Liberal Federation, 48

“National Review, The”, 109

Nationalization of Rent, 22, 47
It results if unaccompanied by Socialistic organization of labor,
172
Inter-municipal rent, 181
Rent of ability, 179-80
(See also PROGRESS AND POVERTY.)

Nature: Caprices of, 3, 7
“Red in tooth and claw”, 23
Unmorality of, 24
The cause of Society, 98

Newspapers under Socialism, 144

New Hampshire, 121

New Motors, Influence of, 33

New River Company, 124

New York Legislature--Committee on Trusts, 86

Newcommen, Thomas, 33

Nexus, The social, 30, 32, 50

Oastler, Richard, 68

O’Connor, Fergus, 169

Oldest Families--Tradition of their superiority, 5

Oldham, 46

Olivier, Sydney, 93

Omnipotence and Benevolence, The Dilemma of, 23

Optimism: rebuked by Science, 24
The individual economists and their, 161

Organism, The Social, 50

Outlook, The political, 184

Over-population, 17

Owen, Robert, 40, 79, 121, 174

Painters, Gains of fashionable, 179

Paley, Rev. William, 39, 40

Palmerston, Chinese policy of Lord, 74

_Panem et Circenses_, 172

Parasitism, Economic, 107

Parliaments, Annual, 170

Parks, Public, 187-8

Parties, State and fundamental differences of, 120, 132

Patent rights, 155

Patronage in the public service, 165
Effect of appointments by, 165

Pauper Labor, How to deal with, 140

Payment of representatives, 170

Peasant Proprietorship, 50

Period of Anarchy, 35

Perpetual pension, Privately appropriated Rent is of the nature of
a, 4

Pessimism, 23, 200

Peterloo, 34

Philanthropy, Futility of, 167

“Philosophic Radicalism,” 40, 167

Physical force, 136, 166, 184
Advocated by Lord Bramwell, 175

Physicians, Gains of fashionable, 179

Piracy and the Slave Trade in the 16th century, 158

Pitt, William: His motives, 72

Piener, E. von, 69

Plebeians in ancient Rome, 125

Plato, 111

Police: Conduct of Socialists charged upon by the, 100
Recent action of the ex-Chief Commissioner of, 174

Political: Tendencies, 48, 186
Reform, 51, 192
“Political Science Quarterly,” 28, 79
Economy (See POLITICAL ECONOMY).

Political Economy, 2
Basis of Socialism in, 1
Definition of Rent in treatises, 4
Theory apparently contradicted by history, 20
Untrustworthiness of abstract, 20
Its guns turned against Private Property, 24
Old school and new, 24
John Stuart Mill, 31, 50, 52
Ricardo, 162
Jevons, 162
Rise of modern, 39, 160
Perceived to be a _reductio ad absurdum_ of Private Property, 162
Present political parties and, 190

Poor Law: A Socialistic institution degraded, 114
Reform, 49
The old and the new, 167

Post Office: A Socialistic institution, 131
Socialization of the postal system, 139
Economy of collectivist charges exemplified by, 168

Population: Increase and its effects, 5, 15, 161, 174
Its control by public opinion, 182
(See also OVERPOPULATION.)

Press: Its liberty after the socialization of printing, 144
Clamor for bloodshed from the newspapers of the proprietary
class, 175

Preston, 46
Its public debt, 127

Prices cannot be raised to compensate diminished profits, 177

Printing, Socialization of, 144

Private Property: Beginning of, 2
Its levelling-down action, 14
Injustice of, 20
Not now practicable in its integrity, 21
Its abrogation conceived as an attempt to empower everyone to rob
everyone else, 22
Its revenue distinguished from earnings, 22
Composition of incomes derived from, 22
Institution of, 103
Conditions of its possibility, 104
Effect on sex relations, 110
Idea of, 111
Rights of, 138
Cheapens the laborer, 179
Tends to make the majority mere beasts of burden, 180
Process of extinction of, 181
The State and, 190
(See also PROPERTY.)

Private Enterprise compared with Public, 168

Produce: Unjust division resulting from private appropriation of
land, 5

Production: Improvements in, 6
Effect of unforeseen improvements in, 12
Conditions of production and exchange, 12
Associated, 121, 133

Profit, 6, 13
Sweater’s, 177
Most important form of “Rent of Ability,” 179
Effect of calculating it in net social welfare instead of individual
pecuniary gain, 181

“Profit Sharing”, 151

Programme of Social Democracy, 182

Progress: Conditions of, 94
Rate of in politics, industry and thought, 186

“Progress and Poverty,” 23-5, 162, 169, 172

“Progress of Socialism,” 41

Proletarian: The first, 6
Predicament of landless, 8
End of his absorption by the land as tenant, 9
Sold into bondage, 10
Operation of the law of value on his position as a vendor of
labor, 15
How the Democratic State will deal with him, 173
(See also PROLETARIAT.)

Proletariat: Origin of the, 6
Exploitation of, 17
Physical degradation of, 67
Type of, 105
Morals of, 110-13
So-called “intellectual,” 180
(See also PROLETARIAN.)

Property: Under Socialism, 119
Definition and economic analysis of, 120
(See also PRIVATE PROPERTY.)

Prosperity, Association of idleness with, 4

Prostitutes, their making, 112

Protection: Decay of, 73
In the Middle Ages, 158
Advocated by the Manchester School, 176

Proudhon, P. J., 162

Public Health Acts, 41

Public Opinion, 182

Purchasing Power--Pernicious effect of its unequal distribution, 19

Quit Rents, 8

Radicalism: Philosophic, 40
The modern Radical Programme, 48
Ordinary destructive variety, 164
Permeation of by Socialism, 196
Absorption of, 199
The land question and, 104

Railways: Requisites for making them under Capitalism, 16
Development of, 75
Socialization of, 139

Raphael’s pictures, 126

Ratepayer, How Socialism will first affect the, 177

Rates, Growth of, 46

Reactionary Legislation, Danger of, 92

Reform Bills, 34, 168

Regicide: Its victims, 84
Its futility, 136

Registration, Anomalous condition of voters’, 170

Regulation of Industry: Medieval, 37, 157-8
Modern (See FACTORY LEGISLATION).

Rent: Recognized and paid by worker to drone, 3
Definitions of economic rent by standard economists, 3, 4
Point at which rent ceases to be strictly “economic rent,” 8
Enters into price of all commodities except those produced at margin
of cultivation, 13
Relation to cost of production, 13
Nationalization of, 21, 46, 182
Is common wealth, not individually earned, 22
Moral Aspect of, 104, 110, 113
Case of Birmingham and Warwick, 123
Law of, 161
Illustration of economic rent, 163
Urban, 171
Effect of municipal Socialism on, 177
How County Councils can manipulate, 178
Nationalizing inter-municipal, 181
Effect of Free Trade on agricultural, 190
Rent of ability, 7, 177
Industrial profit the most important form of, 179
Raised by Private Property, 179
May become negative, 180

Republicanism: Disappearance of militant Republicanism in England, 185

Residuum: Genesis of the, 113
Its appreciation of public hospitality, 114

Respectability, Falsehood of current, 24

Reward of Abstinence, 16
” of effort in the cause of Socialism, 135

Revolt, The Intellectual, 40

Revolution: Middle class notions of, 56
Socialistic attempt to organize militant, 182
(See also INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION and PHYSICAL FORCE.)

Ricardo, David, 4, 39, 162

Riches are not Wealth, 18

Rights of Man, Declaring the, 182

Rings, Growth of capitalist, 82, 127, 184

Ritchie, Right Hon. C. T., 138

Ritchie, D. G., 50

Rochdale Pioneers, 124

Roebuck, J. A., 39

Rogers, Professor Thorold E., 32

Rousseau, J. J., 39

Rural economy in 1750, 32

Russell, Lord John, announces finality, 167

Ruskin, John, 41

Russia’s industrial competition in the world market, 169

Rutland, Duchess of, on the hard work of country gentlemen, 109

Ryot, Suppression of Indian, 113

S. D. F. (Social Democratic Federation), 169

Sadler, Michael Thomas, 69

Salisbury, Rt. Hon., the Marquess of, 129

Satan: His moral activity, 106
Rehabilitation of, 114

“Saul”: Optimism as expressed in Robert Browning’s poem, 23

Saving: Capital the result of, 16
Savings of communities and of individuals, 123

Schools as they should be, 133

Scott, Sir Walter, Political types in “Rob Roy”, 71

Secretan, Eugène, 84

Seeley, J. R., 189

Self, Extension of, 101

Self-defence, Origin of the Noble Art, 100

“Self-help”, 19, 168

Seligman, E. R. A., 79

Servants, Domestic, 111, 172

Servantgalism an Effect of Capitalism, 111

Services, Property in, 130

Settlement, Law of, 31

Seven Years’ War, The, 60

Sewer Cleaning under Socialism, 145

Shaftesbury, Lord, 69

Shaftesbury Avenue, Land near, 127

Shakspere, Suggested Duke of, 132

Shaw, G. Bernard, 1, 157

Shelley, P. B., 100

Shoemaking by hand, 58
By machinery, 61

Shopkeeping, Joint-Stock, 80

Sidgwick, Henry, 4, 52, 130

Sidmouth, Lord, 34

Six Acts, The, 34

“Six Centuries of Work and Wages,” 32

Slave Trade, The, 158

Slavery, The White, 36

Slaves Released when not worth keeping, 15

Smiles, Samuel, 7

Smith, Adam, 32, 38

Societies: Failure of previous attempts to establish true, 20
Societies and Civilizations, 21
(See also SOCIETY.)

Society: Hypothesis that it is no more than the sum of its
Units, 3, 50
The Matrix of Morality, 96
Evolution of Primitive, 96, 98, 101, 103, 112
Industrial, 104
Parasitic, 106-7
Fashionable, 107
(See also SOCIETIES.)

Soils, Resort to Inferior, 3

Somers, Robert, 80

Social: Utility Divorced from Exchange Value, 18
Character of Social Changes, 30
Evolution, 30, 44, 53
“Social Statics,” 36, 54
Health, 51
Organization, 51, 136
Instinct, 101, 109
Social Democratic Federation, 169
Social Democracy and Social Democrat. (See SOCIALISM and SOCIALIST.)

Socialism, 2, 22, 131, 163, 166, 182, 190, 194-95
Economic basis of, 1
Bearing of Economic Analysis of Individualism on, 22
Substitutes Meliorism for Pessimism, 24, 200
Historic Aspect, 26
“Socialism in England,” 27
Change in, 27, 119
Early or Utopian, 27, 30, 119, 136, 160, 164
Industrial Aspect, 56
The Capitalist and, 90
Moral Aspect, 93
Its Genesis, 96
New Conception of, 119
Property under, 119
Definition of pure, 131
Industry under, 136
Change from Individualism to, 137, 157
Local machinery of, 139, 169
Dirty Work under, 145
Transition to, 157
Practical difficulties of, 163
Honesty of, 164
Must be introduced gradually, 166
Solution of the Compensation difficulty, 175
Effect on Rent, 177
Friction caused by introduction of, 178
Outlook toward, 184
Prince Bismarck’s view of, 192
The Liberal Party and, 192
True and False, 193-4
Two views of the future of, 195
Practical politicians and, 196
(See also the Index Generally.)