Chapter II: Preface: To First Edition

Under the name of profits, rent, interest upon capital, surplus value, and the like, economists have eagerly discussed the benefits which the owners of land or capital, or some privileged nations, can derive, either from the underpaid work of the wage-labourer, or from the inferior position of one class of the community towards another class, or from the inferior economical development of one nation towards another nation. These profits being shared in a very unequal proportion between the different individuals, classes and nations engaged in production, considerable pains were taken to study the present apportionment of the benefits, and its economical and moral consequences, as well as the changes in the present economical organisation of society which might bring about a more equitable distribution of a rapidly accumulating wealth. It is upon questions relating to the right to that increment of wealth that the hottest battles are now fought between economists of different schools.

In the meantime the great question--“What have we to produce, and how?” necessarily remained in the background. Political economy, as it gradually emerges from its semi-scientific stage, tends more and more to become a science devoted to the study of the needs of men and of the means of satisfying them with the least possible waste of energy,--that is, a sort of physiology of society. But few economists, as yet, have recognised that this is the proper domain of economics, and have attempted to treat their science from this point of view. The main subject of social economy--that is, the _economy of energy required for the satisfaction of human needs_--is consequently the last subject which one expects to find treated in a concrete form in economical treatises.

The following pages are a contribution to a portion of this vast subject. They contain a discussion of the advantages which civilised societies could derive from a combination of industrial pursuits with intensive agriculture, and of brain work with manual work.

The importance of such a combination has not escaped the attention of a number of students of social science. It was eagerly discussed some fifty years ago under the names of “harmonised labour,” “integral education,” and so on. It was pointed out at that time that the greatest sum total of well-being can be obtained when a variety of agricultural, industrial and intellectual pursuits are combined in each community; and that man shows his best when he is in a position to apply his usually-varied capacities to several pursuits in the farm, the workshop, the factory, the study or the studio, instead of being riveted for life to one of these pursuits only.

At a much more recent date, in the ’seventies, Herbert Spencer’s theory of evolution gave origin in Russia to a remarkable work, _The Theory of Progress_, by M. M. Mikhailovsky. The part which belongs in progressive evolution to _differentiation_, and the part which belongs in it to an _integration_ of aptitudes and activities, were discussed by the Russian author with depth of thought, and Spencer’s differentiation-formula was accordingly completed.

And, finally, out of a number of smaller monographs, I must mention a suggestive little book by J. R. Dodge, the United States statistician (_Farm and Factory: Aids derived by Agriculture from Industries_, New York, 1886). The same question was discussed in it from a practical American point of view.

Half a century ago a harmonious union between agricultural and industrial pursuits, as also between brain work and manual work, could only be a remote desideratum. The conditions under which the factory system asserted itself, as well as the obsolete forms of agriculture which prevailed at that time, prevented such a union from being feasible. Synthetic production was impossible. However, the wonderful simplification of the technical processes in both industry and agriculture, partly due to an ever-increasing division of labour--in analogy with what we see in biology--has rendered the synthesis possible; and a distinct tendency towards a synthesis of human activities becomes now apparent in modern economical evolution. This tendency is analysed in the subsequent chapters--a special weight being laid upon the present possibilities of agriculture, which are illustrated by a number of examples borrowed from different countries, and upon the small industries to which a new impetus is being given by the new methods of transmission of motive power.

The substance of these essays was published in 1888-1890 in the _Nineteenth Century_, and of one of them in the _Forum_. However, the tendencies indicated therein have been confirmed during the last ten years by such a mass of evidence that a very considerable amount of new matter had to be introduced, while the chapters on agriculture and the small trades had to be written anew.

I take advantage of this opportunity to address my best thanks to the editors of the _Nineteenth Century_ and the _Forum_ for their kind permission of reproducing these essays in a new form, as also to those friends and correspondents who have aided me in collecting information about agriculture and the petty trades.

P. KROPOTKIN.

BROMLEY, KENT, 1898.

CONTENTS.

PAGE

CHAPTER I. THE DECENTRALISATION OF INDUSTRIES 17

Division of labour and integration--The spread of industrial
skill--Each nation its own producer of manufactured goods--The
United Kingdom--France--Germany--Russia--“German Competition.”

CHAPTER II. THE DECENTRALISATION OF INDUSTRIES (_continued_) 50

Italy and Spain--India--Japan--The United States--The cotton,
woollen, and silk trades--The growing necessity for each
country to rely chiefly upon home consumers.

CHAPTER III. THE POSSIBILITIES OF AGRICULTURE 79

The development of agriculture--The over-population prejudice
--Can the soil of Great Britain feed its inhabitants?--British
agriculture--Compared with agriculture in France; in Belgium;
in Denmark--Market-gardening: its achievements--Is it profitable
to grow wheat in Great Britain?--American agriculture: intensive
culture in the States.

CHAPTER IV. THE POSSIBILITIES OF AGRICULTURE (_continued_) 158

The doctrine of Malthus--Progress in wheat-growing--East
Flanders--Channel Islands--Potato crops, past and present
--Irrigation--Major Hallett’s experiments--Planted wheat.

CHAPTER V. THE POSSIBILITIES OF AGRICULTURE (_continued_) 188

Extension of market-gardening and fruit-growing: in France;
in the United States--Culture under glass--Kitchen gardens
under glass--Hothouse culture: in Guernsey and Jersey; in
Belgium--Conclusion.

CHAPTER VI. SMALL INDUSTRIES AND INDUSTRIAL VILLAGES 241

Industry and agriculture--The small industries--Different
types--_Petty trades in Great Britain_: Sheffield, Leeds,
Lake District, Birmingham--Statistical data--_Petty trades
in France_: weaving and various other trades--The Lyons
region--Paris, emporium of petty trades--Results of the
census of 1896.

CHAPTER VII. SMALL INDUSTRIES AND INDUSTRIAL VILLAGES
(_continued_) 325

_Petty trades in Germany_: discussions upon the subject and
conclusions arrived at--Results of the census taken in 1882,
1895, and 1907--_Petty trades in Russia_--Conclusions.

CHAPTER VIII. BRAIN WORK AND MANUAL WORK 363

Divorce between science and handicraft--Technical education
--Complete education--The Moscow system; applied at Chicago,
Boston, Aberdeen--Concrete teaching--Present waste of time
--Science and technics--Advantages which science can derive
from a combination of brain work with manual work.

CHAPTER IX. CONCLUSION 410