Chapter IV: The Defence of the Thames (4)

The British ministry, having received intelligence that nine French men-of-war of the line had sailed from Brest in order to convoy a large fleet of merchantmen to the West Indies, ordered Rear-admiral Hawke, with fourteen men-of-war, to sail immediately in quest of them. The admiral, with the fleet under his command, left Plymouth on August 9th. The French fleet, consisting of the above-mentioned men-of-war and two hundred and fifty-two merchant vessels, sailed from the Isle of Aix on October 6th, and on the 14th they had the misfortune to fall in with the British squadron. As soon as the French admiral became sensible of his situation, he made a signal for the trade to make the best of their way with the _Content_ and frigates, and for the rest of his squadron to prepare for battle. Admiral Hawke first made a signal to form the line; but finding the French begin to sheer off, he ordered his whole fleet to give chase and engage as they came up with the enemy. The _Lion_ and the _Louisa_ began the conflict about noon and were soon followed by the _Tilbury_, the _Eagle_, the _Yarmouth_, the _Windsor_, and the _Devonshire_, which ships particularly shared the danger and consequently the glory of the day.

About four o'clock four of the French squadron struck--viz., _Le Neptune_, _Le Monarque_, _Le Fougeux_, and _Le Severn_; at five _Le Trident_ followed their example and _Le Terrible_ surrendered about seven. Be it, however, remembered, to the credit of their several commanders, that they maintained this unequal conflict with great spirit and resolution, and that they did not submit until they were entirely disabled. Their number of killed and wounded was about eight hundred, and of prisoners three thousand three hundred men. M. Fromentierre, who commanded _Le Neptune_, was among the slain, and their commander-in-chief was wounded in the leg and in the shoulder. The English had one hundred and fifty-four killed and five hundred and fifty-eight wounded. Captain Saumarez, of the _Nottingham_, was among the former. We lost no other officer of distinction. On the last day of October Admiral Hawke brought these six French men-of-war to Portsmouth in triumph, and, in reward for his services, was soon after honoured with the Order of the Bath.

During this year the English took from the French and Spaniards six hundred and forty-four prizes, among which were one Spanish and seventeen French men-of-war. The English vessels, including one man-of-war and a fire-ship, taken by the French and Spaniards, amounted to five hundred and fifty-one. The Royal Navy of Spain was now reduced to twenty-two ships of the line, and that of France to thirty-one; whilst the Navy of Britain amounted to one hundred and twenty-six sail of the line besides seventy-five frigates.

THE LOSS OF H.M.S. _NAMUR_.

BY JAMES ALMS.

On July 15th, 1747, Captain Boscawen was made rear admiral of the blue, and placed at the head of a large military and naval expedition dispatched to the East Indies. In 1749 soon after the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle had put an end to hostilities.

The fleet was lying in the road of Fort St. David, when on the 12th of April it began to blow most violently from the north-north-west. The following day the fleet encountered a terrible storm in which the flag-ship the _Namur_, seventy-four guns, foundered; the admiral, captain, and several of the officers being fortunately on shore. The _Pembroke_, of sixty guns, was also lost in this storm.

Mr. Alms, of the _Namur_, gives the following account of the loss of that ship, in a letter to Mr. Ives:--

"We were at anchor in the _Namur_, in Fort St. David's road, Thursday, April 13th, 1749. In the morning it blew fresh, wind north-east. At noon we veered away to a half cable on the small bower. From one to four o'clock we were employed in setting up the lower rigging. Hard gales and squally, with a very great sea. At six o'clock the ship rode very well, but half an hour afterwards had four feet of water in her hold. We immediately cut the small bower cable, and stood to sea under our courses. Our mate, who cut the cable, was up to his waist in water at the bitts.

"At half-past seven we had six feet of water in the hold, when we hauled up our courses and heaved overboard most of our upper-deck and all the quarter-deck guns to the leeward. By three-quarters after eight the water was up to our orlop gratings, and there was a great quantity between decks so that the ship was water logged; when we cut away all the masts, by which she righted. At the same time we manned the pumps and baled, and soon perceived that we gained upon the ship, which put us in great spirits. A little after nine we sounded, and found ourselves in nine fathoms of water: the master called, 'Cut away the sheet-anchor!' which was done immediately, and we veered away to a little better than a cable; but, before the ship came head to the sea, she parted at the chesstree. By this time it blew a hurricane. It is easier to conceive than to describe what a dismal, melancholy scene now presented itself--the shrieking cries, lamentations, ravings, despair, of above five hundred poor wretches verging on the brink of eternity!

"I had, however, presence of mind to consider that the Almighty was at the same time all-merciful, and experienced consolation in the reflection that I had ever put my whole trust in Him. In a short prayer I then implored His protection, and jumped overboard. The water, at that time, was up to the gratings of the poop, from which I leaped. The first thing I grappled was a capstan-bar, by means of which, in company with seven more, I got to the davit; but, in less than an hour, I had the melancholy experience of seeing them all washed away, and finding myself upon it alone, and almost exhausted. I had now been above two hours in the water, when, to my unspeakable joy, I saw a large raft with a great many men driving towards me. When it came near I quitted the davit, and with great difficulty swam to the raft, upon which I got, with the assistance of one of our quarter-gunners. The raft proved to be the _Namur's_ booms. As soon as we were able we lashed the booms close together, fastened a plank across them, and by these means made a good catamaran.

"It was by this time one o'clock in the morning; soon afterwards the seas became so mountainous that they turned our machine upside down, but providentially, with the loss of only one man. About four, we struck ground with the booms, and, in a very short time, all the survivors reached the shore. After having returned thanks to God for His almost miraculous goodness towards us, we took each other by the hand, for it was not yet day, and still trusting to the Divine Providence for protection, we walked forward in search of some place to shelter ourselves from the inclemency of the weather; for the spot where we landed offered nothing but sand. When we had walked about for a whole hour, but to no manner of purpose, we returned to the place where we had left our catamaran, and to our no small uneasiness found that it was gone. Daylight appearing, we found ourselves on a sandy bank, a little to the southward of Porto Novo, from which we were divided by a river that we were under the necessity of fording, soon after which we arrived at the Dutch settlement where we were received with much hospitality. From our first landing till our arrival at Porto Novo we lost four of our company, two at the place where we were driven ashore, and two in crossing the river.

"After we had sufficiently refreshed ourselves at Porto Novo, the chief there was so obliging as to accommodate me with clothes, a horse and a guide to carry me to Fort St. David, where I arrived about noon the following day, and immediately waited on the admiral, who received me very kindly indeed; but so excessive was the concern of that great and good man for the loss of so many poor souls, that he could not find utterance for those questions he appeared desirous of asking me concerning the particulars of our disaster.

"Till I reached Porto Novo, you beheld me shipwrecked and naked; I must again repeat it, that the Dutch received, refreshed, and kindly conveyed me to my truly honourable patron, through whose kindness and humanity I am not only well clothed and comforted, but am also made lieutenant of the _Syren_, from which ship I date this letter. I am, etc.,

"JAMES ALMS.

"P.S.--There were only twenty-three of us saved on the wreck; twenty of whom came ashore on the booms."

THE LOSS OF H.M.S. _PEMBROKE_.

BY MASTER CAMBRIDGE.

The melancholy fate of the _Namur_, which was lost at the same time and place as the _Pembroke_, has already been related. The calamity which befell the latter was, if possible, still more deplorable. Out of her whole crew, only twelve persons were saved; her commander, Captain Fincher, and about three hundred and thirty men were drowned, among whom were all the officers excepting a captain of marines. The following particulars of this disaster are given by an eye-witness, Mr. Cambridge, the master.

"About ten o'clock in the morning of April 13th, 1749, it blew fresh, the wind at north-east by east and a great sea began to come in: we having then a cable out the captain ordered half a cable more to be veered away. At one in the afternoon it blew very hard, the wind at north-east. His Majesty's ship _Namur_, lying about a cable's length within us and abaft our beam, I went to the captain, as did likewise the lieutenants, and desired him to go to sea. He replied, he could not answer to go to sea unless the _Namur_ did (on board which Rear-admiral Boscawen's flag was flying), but ordered all our ports to be barred in and well secured.

"At three o'clock I went to the captain, who was sick and in his cabin, and again desired him to go to sea. He seemed angry, and said he could not, giving the same reason as before, nor would he suffer any more cable to be veered away. At the same time the ship rode hard, strained much, and made water.

"At five, the sea increasing, our cable parted, and we cast our head off to the sea; otherwise we should have fallen on board the _Namur_. We immediately set the fore and mizen sails, got on board the main-tack, and set our main sail, fore and mizen stay-sails; at the same time some of our people were employed in heaving in the cable, for the captain would not have it cut. This took up some time; it blew so very hard that the ship would not bear any more sail.

"At six, there being a great head sea, we made very little way, and were obliged to set both pumps to work. At half-past six our main sail split in pieces; we got down the yard in order to bend a new sail; but it blowing hard, the ship lay down so much that we could not get the sail to the yard. At eight the carpenter sent word to the captain that the ship gained upon them much, and had four feet of water in her hold.

"At half-past eight our tiller broke short off at the rudder-head, and we likewise found one of the rudder chains broken: the sails we had now set were our fore sail, mizen, and fore-stay sails. The sea made a free passage over us, and the ship being water logged, we hauled up our fore sail to ease her, but expected to go down every minute. In hauling down our fore-stay sail it split; and as I looked aft from the forecastle, I saw the main and mizen masts had gone, though I never heard them go. By this time the ship righted much, and in about seven minutes the fore mast went by the board, but the bowsprit held fast. Our pumps were kept continually working. The third lieutenant being on the quarter-deck, sent forward to me to clear and let go the small bower anchor, which was immediately done. We found the ship drove to shore very fast.

"At half-past ten, we had eight feet of water in the hold, and kept all the pumps working. About eleven we found the ship settle; the depth of water twelve or fourteen fathoms. The anchor then brought the ship up, but the cable parted in a few minutes: then we let go the sheet anchor, which was all we had. The sea now making a free passage over us again, broke and tore away our boats and booms. The sheet cable tore out with such violence that no person could venture near it till the clench brought up the ship: but the sea came with such force and was so very high that in the hollow of the sea the ship struck, and the cable immediately parted.

"It was now near twelve o'clock; the ship struck fore and aft, but abaft very hard. The third lieutenant was near me when the ship first struck, but I saw no more of him afterwards. I kept the forecastle accompanied by the boatswain, cook, and about eight more men. I got myself lashed to the bitts before the ship took heel, but shifted myself over to windward when she began to heel, and lashed myself as before: the sea continually beating over us. About two I saw the captain's cabin washed away, and the ship almost on her broadside.

"When daylight came, we were sixteen men on the forecastle and four hanging abaft to the timber heads; but three of the latter got upon a piece of the wreck which was loose, and drove away; the other was drowned. All this time the sea came over us in a dreadful manner, so that we could scarcely take breath.

"About eight o'clock nine men were washed off the forecastle. We could not now see the trees on shore between the seas. At nine, the boatswain and cook were washed away from each side of me, on which I removed to the cat-head, as did likewise another man. About ten all our men were washed away, excepting those who were lashed to the cat-head. We judged that we were about two miles off the shore: we continued there all the day; the sea beating over us incessantly, so that we had little time to fetch breath or speak to one another. At noon we found the sea to come every way upon us, and could perceive that the wind having shifted was the cause of it. This part of the wreck kept together, but night coming on, we had a dismal prospect before us, without any hopes of relief. About midnight the sea abated, so that we could speak to one another for the space of two or three minutes together; but I found myself so weak, having been sick ever since we arrived in the country, that when the sea washed me on one side in my lashing, I was not able to help myself up, but was obliged to get my companion to assist me.

"At daylight I found myself much weaker and very thirsty. The sea at this time came over us once in a quarter of an hour. We found the wreck much nearer the shore than yesterday. About noon we found the sea much abated, so that it seldom came over us, and the weather began to be fine, but I felt extremely faint. About two or three o'clock we saw two paddy boats coming along shore, about a mile away from us. We spread out a handkerchief, which I had about my neck, that the boats might see us. One of them seemed to edge towards us for some minutes, but hauled off again. We then saw several catamarans near the shore, which we judged to be fishing. We spread abroad the handkerchief again, but none of them approached us. Soon afterwards we saw several people gather together on shore; the sun began to grow low, so that we judged it to be about five o'clock. At last we saw two of the catamarans above mentioned coming towards us, with three black men on each, who took us off the wreck and carried us on shore.

"As soon as we were landed, we found ourselves surrounded by about three hundred armed men. My companion told me we had fallen into the hands of the Mahrattas, who were at this time at war with the English. They ordered us to come off the catamarans. I strove to rise, but I found myself so weak and my legs so terribly bruised that I could not get up; on which some of them came and lifted me off, and laid me on the sand, for I was unable to stand. I made a signal to them that I wanted some water to drink, but they gave me none, and only laughed at our condition. Their commander ordered them to strip us, which they did quite naked.

"As I was not able to walk, they led us part of the way to Cavecotta, a fort belonging to them, and there put us into a canoe, and carried us up a river to the walls of the fort. About ten that night they put us within the walls and laid us on the ground, where we had nothing to cover us but the heavens, and about eleven brought us a little rice with some water. Great numbers of people gathered round us, laughing at us and expressing great contempt and derision.

"The country people flocked daily to the fort to see us, but none of them showed us the least pity; on the contrary, they laughed and threatened us with death. We slept very little the first night on account of the cold and the risk we ran of our lives, these barbarians having signified that they would cut us in pieces with their sabres. When daylight appeared and the gates were opened, I was very ill. I had dysentery, and my legs were so much swelled that I concluded I had not long to live, at least if I did not receive some relief. I acquainted my comrade with my situation, and begged him, if he ever should be so fortunate as to return to England, to inform my friends in what manner I had terminated my career. Some days we received rice and others we had none. On the seventh day they gave me some lamp oil, with which I fomented my legs, and this simple application afforded me considerable relief.

"Our lodging place was between the gate-ways; and when we had been there fourteen days they carried us into the country. Though my legs were much better, yet still I could not walk; and my companion was extremely weak, which I believe was owing to the want of more victuals. So they put us into dooleys or cradles, fastened together with ropes, which they got from the wreck.

"About four o'clock on the fifteenth day they carried us about twelve miles to their king, who was encamped against our company's troops. That prince examined us a long time, and inquired whether we were officers: I replied in the negative, conceiving that an acknowledgment of that kind would render our escape much more difficult. He was desirous that we should enter into his service, but we told him by means of the interpreters, who were three Dutchmen, that we could not consent to it. He promised we should want for nothing if we would accept his offers; but we persisted in replying that we were too ill to be capable of serving. He ordered refreshment to be given to us, of which we stood in great need, having scarcely taken any nourishment since the day we fell into the hands of his subjects. The interpreters asked us whether we chose to enter into the king's service or to go to prison; to which we answered that we could not resolve to fight against our countrymen.

"At sunset we departed. Our conductors having halted till three o'clock in the morning, we again set out and continued our march till noon, when they again stopped two hours to take some refreshment, and afterwards directed their course to the south-west. We arrived that night at a fort and were immediately put into a dungeon. There we found two other prisoners, one of them our ship-mate and the other a deserter from the company's troops.

"The next morning they opened the gates and made signs to us to come out. My companions complied, but I chose rather to stay where I was as I found myself extremely weak and my legs were covered with ulcers. I begged them to give me a little lamp oil to foment them, which they did. Our only nourishment was water and a quart of rice a day, though there were four of us, and a small pot of grease instead of butter. I rubbed my legs with oil and grease, and on the fourth day found myself much better, which gave me fresh spirits. We were permitted to walk morning and evening before the dungeon.

"In about three weeks my legs were almost well, so that I was able to walk. We began to entertain some hopes of making our escape, and taking an opportunity, I, with some difficulty, got high enough upon the wall to look over it, and found it was very lofty and surrounded with a wide moat or ditch; but there was a path between the wall and the ditch, so that we might choose our place to swim over, if it proved deep. We got, several times, some strands of rope off the dooleys which they had carried us in, as they happened to be left within the bounds of our liberty; and in a few days collected so many pieces that when knotted together they made several fathoms.

"After some consultation, we resolved to undermine the foundation of the dungeon at the farthest part from the guards, and on May 27th began to work. On June 1st we came to the foundation, being six feet deep, and the wall thirty inches through. In two days' time we had worked upwards, on the other side, so far that the light began to appear through the surface, so that we let everything remain till night. At seven it beginning to grow dark they put us into the dungeon as usual, and soon afterwards we worked ourselves quite out. Without being discovered we got over the wall by the help of our rope, and in less than half an hour had crossed the moat, though very wide and deep. We travelled all night, we judged about sixteen miles, and in the day hid ourselves among the bushes. The second night we travelled as before, to the south-east, and day coming on, we concealed ourselves among some rushes. About three in the afternoon we were discovered, which obliged us to go on; but we were not molested. We proceeded till about midnight, and then lay down till daybreak. I had a fever and was extremely weak for want of food. This day, which was the third, we resolved to travel till noon, and to plunder the first house we might chance to meet with. But Providence was more favourable to us than we could have expected; for about ten o'clock we met a cooley who told us he would show us to Caracal. About noon we arrived there, and were received with great humanity; but my fever was no better.

"The next morning the governor sent to Mr. Boscawen to let him know we were there, and by the return of the messenger the admiral desired we might be furnished with what money we wanted. In about twelve days we found ourselves well recovered, and went to Tranquebar, a place belonging to the Danes, where we stayed three days, and got a passage for Fort St. David where we arrived on June 23rd."

THE STORY OF ADMIRAL THE HONOURABLE JOHN BYNG.

BY JOHN CAMPBELL.

The honourable John Byng was the fourth son of George Viscount Torrington, and was born at his father's seat at Southill, in Bedfordshire, in the year 1704. Showing a strong inclination for the navy, his father took him to sea with him when he was only thirteen years old; and so rapid was his promotion, that at twenty-three he was made captain of the _Gibraltar_ frigate, then stationed in the Mediterranean. These were, comparatively speaking, peaceable times, and the record of the next twenty-five years was one of routine service, honourably performed and rewarded by steady promotion.

Towards the end of the year 1755 the British Government received intelligence that a powerful armament was equipping in Toulon, which was intended to act against Fort St. Philip. Though the case was urgent, the government took no notice of repeated warnings until at last, on the strong and positive representation of General Blakeney that his garrison must be reinforced if the ministry wished to retain it, they made a tardy and inadequate arrangement to relieve the garrison and protect the Island of Minorca.

To effect this purpose it was necessary to send out a fleet and a reinforcement of troops. The command of this fleet they gave to Admiral Byng, whom they promoted to the rank of admiral of the blue. The ministers were blamed at the time for appointing Admiral Byng to this command. The service was one of the greatest importance; it required not only great personal courage and professional skill and experience, but also a comprehensive judgment and great activity and zeal, and Admiral Byng, whatever talents he possessed, had never had an opportunity of displaying them; he was, in fact, without that degree of experience which ought to have been regarded as an indispensable requisite in the person entrusted with this command. Moreover, the force placed under his command was inadequate to the service; it consisted only of ten sail of the line, several of which were not in a proper condition either for fighting or going to sea; and most of them were either short of their complement of men, or manned by crews consisting of young and inexperienced seamen.

On April 7th, 1756, Admiral Byng sailed from St. Helen's, and on May 2nd he arrived at Gibraltar. From this place he wrote a letter to the Admiralty, which is supposed, by reflecting on the conduct of ministers, to have irritated them against him. On May 8th he sailed for Minorca, but having contrary winds, did not make that island until the morning of the 19th, when he saw the English flag still flying on the castle of St. Philip, and several bomb-batteries playing upon it from the enemy's works. Early in the morning the admiral despatched Captain Hervey, in the _Phoenix_, with the _Chesterfield_ and _Dolphin_, with orders to reconnoitre the entrance into the harbour, and, if possible, to convey a letter to General Blakeney. Captain Hervey got round the Laire, and made signals to the garrison for a boat to come off, but without effect; and the admiral, about this time discovering the French fleet, ordered him to return.

At two o'clock on the following day Admiral Byng made a signal to bear away two points from the wind and engage. Rear-admiral West was then at too great a distance to comply with both these orders; he therefore bore away seven points from the wind, and with his whole division attacked the enemy with such impetuosity that several of their ships were soon obliged to quit the line. Had Admiral Byng been equally alert, it is most probable that the French fleet would have been defeated and Minorca saved; but the enemy's centre keeping their station, and Byng's division not advancing, Admiral West was prevented from pursuing his advantage by the danger of being separated from the rest of the fleet.

After engaging about a quarter of an hour, the _Intrepid_, the sternmost ship of the van, lost her foretop mast, which, according to Byng's account of the action, obliged his whole division to back their sails to prevent their falling foul of each other. But when this matter came to be examined by the court martial, it appeared that immediately after the signal for engaging, while the van were bearing down upon the enemy, Admiral Byng, in the _Ramillies_, edged away some points, by which means the _Trident_ and _Louisa_ got to windward of him, and that, in order to bring them again into their stations, he backed his mizen-top sail, and endeavoured to back his main-top sail. This manoeuvre necessarily retarded all the ships in his division and gave the enemy time to escape. M. Galissoniere seized the opportunity, and, his ships being clean, he was soon out of danger.

The English had in this engagement forty-two men killed and one hundred and sixty-eight wounded; the French one hundred and forty-five wounded and twenty-six killed. The next morning the admiral, finding that three of his squadron were damaged in their masts, called a council of war, which decided to proceed to Gibraltar.

Admiral Byng wrote an account of this engagement, which he sent to the Admiralty who, after some delay, published it with excisions which materially affected the impression it was likely to produce.

Not only were parts of Admiral Byng's letter withheld from the public, but the letter itself, though said to have been received on June 16th, was not inserted in the _Gazette_ till the 26th of that month. The hired writers in the pay of the ministry were instantly set to work to censure his conduct in the most violent and inflammatory language. One fact was particularly pointed out and most strenuously insisted upon as a proof of personal cowardice; from the returns of the killed and wounded on board of the different ships it appeared that on board the _Ramillies_, Admiral Byng's own ship, there was not one man either killed or wounded.

Sir Edward Hawke and Admiral Saunders were ordered to supersede Mr. Byng, whom they were instructed to send home under arrest. By this time the popular clamour and indignation were so extremely violent that government were afraid some of it would be directed against themselves unless they placed it beyond doubt that they were resolved to proceed against Mr. Byng without the least delay, and in the most rigorous manner.

The admiral landed at Portsmouth. At every place that he passed through he was hooted by the mob. On the road to Greenwich Hospital, where he was to remain until his trial, he was guarded as if he had been guilty of the most heinous crime, while that part of the hospital where he was confined was most scrupulously and carefully fortified, the government taking care that all their precautions to prevent his escape should be made known.

On December 27th, 1756, the court martial assembled on board the _St. George_ in Portsmouth Harbour, and on January 15th, 1757, the evidence concluded. The opinion of the court was that "the admiral did not do his utmost to relieve the garrison of St. Philip, and that during the engagement he did not do his utmost to take, seize, and destroy the ships of the French king, and assist such of his own ships as were engaged." They therefore came to the following resolution:--

"That the admiral appears to fall under the following part of the twelfth article of the articles of war, viz.--'or shall not do his utmost to take or destroy every ship which it shall be his duty to engage, and to assist and relieve all and every of His Majesty's ships which it shall be his duty to assist and relieve': and as that article positively prescribes death, without any alternative left to the discretion of the court, under any variation of circumstances, resolved that he be adjudged to be shot to death at such time, and on board such ship, as the lords commissioners of the Admiralty shall direct; but as it appears by the evidence of Lord Robert Bertie, Lieutenant-colonel Smith, Captain Gardiner, and other officers of the ship, who were near the person of the admiral, that they did not perceive any backwardness in him during the action, or any marks of fear or confusion, either from his countenance or behaviour, but that he seemed to give his orders coolly and distinctly and did not seem wanting in personal courage, and from other circumstances the court do not believe that his misconduct arose either from cowardice or disaffection, and do therefore unanimously think it their duty most earnestly to recommend him as a proper object of mercy."

Not only in their resolution did the court martial recommend him to mercy, but in the letter which accompanied a copy of their proceedings to the board of Admiralty they expressed themselves strongly to the same effect.

Notwithstanding these repeated, strong, and earnest representations of the opinion and wishes of the court martial, the lords of the Admiralty contented themselves, when they laid before His Majesty a copy of the proceedings, with transmitting the letters of the court martial; hinting, indeed, a doubt respecting the legality of the sentence, because the crime of negligence, for which alone Admiral Byng was condemned, did not appear in any part of the proceedings. When the sentence was known, George, Lord Viscount Torrington, a near relation of the admiral's, presented two petitions to His Majesty; and his other friends interested themselves in his behalf: but the people were so clamorous and violent that it would scarcely have been safe to have pardoned him; however, in consequence of the representation of the lords of the Admiralty respecting the doubtful legality of the sentence, His Majesty referred it to the twelve judges, who were unanimous in their opinion that it was legal. The next step was to transmit this opinion to the lords of the Admiralty, in order that they might sign the warrant for the execution. All the lords signed it, except Admiral Forbes, who entered his reasons for his refusal.

Admiral Forbes was not the only naval officer who resolutely and honourably stood forward and protested against the sentence passed upon Admiral Byng. Mr. West, who had been second in command under him in the Mediterranean, and who on his return was appointed one of the lords commissioners of the Admiralty, and soon afterwards commander-in-chief of a squadron destined for a secret expedition, on the very day sentence was passed on Admiral Byng wrote official and private letters, declining these appointments on account of the treatment of Admiral Byng.

When the warrant was signed, Mr. Keppel, one of the members of the court martial, rose in his place in the House of Commons, and prayed, on behalf of himself and some other members of the court, that they might be released from their oath of secrecy, in order to disclose the reasons which had induced them to pass sentence of death upon Admiral Byng; as, probably, by this disclosure, some circumstances might come out that would prove the sentence to be illegal. To this the Commons agreed, and an order was sent down to Portsmouth to respite the execution of the admiral until March 14th. The House of Lords, however, after interrogating the members of the court martial who were responsible for the bill, unanimously rejected it.

On his way to receive sentence on board the _St. George_ Admiral Byng told some of his friends that he expected to be reprimanded, and possibly he might be cashiered; "because," added he, "there must have been several controverted points: the court martial has been shut up a long time, and almost all the questions proposed by the court have tended much more to pick out faults in my conduct than to get a true state of the circumstances; but I profess I cannot conceive what they will fix upon."

When he arrived on board the _St. George_, and as he was walking on the quarter-deck, a member of the court martial came out and told one of his relations that they had found the admiral capitally guilty, and requested him to prepare him for his sentence. The gentleman to whom this communication was made went up to him immediately, but was unable to address him for some time; his countenance, however, and the embarrassment of his manner, led the admiral to suspect that he had some unpleasant intelligence to communicate; and he said to him, "What is the matter? have they broke me?" The gentleman, perceiving from this question that he was totally unprepared for his sentence, hesitated still more: upon which the countenance of the admiral changed a little, and he added, "Well, I understand--if nothing but my blood will satisfy, let them take it."

A few minutes afterwards one of his friends endeavoured to support and reconcile him to his fate by observing that a sentence without guilt could be no stain; and adding that it was extremely unlikely that the sentence would be carried into execution, begged him to indulge the hope of obtaining a pardon; he replied, "What will that signify to me? What satisfaction can I receive from the liberty to crawl a few years longer on the earth with the infamous load of a pardon at my back? I despise life upon such terms, and would rather have them take it."

When the respite for fourteen days came down to Portsmouth, his friends endeavoured to encourage the expectation that he would be honourably pardoned, and dwelt upon every circumstance which gave countenance and probability to this idea; to them he replied, in a calm and unembarrassed manner, "I am glad _you_ think so, because it makes you easy and happy; but I think it has now become an affair merely political, without any relation to right or wrong, justice or injustice; and therefore I differ in opinion from you."

Immediately after he received his sentence he was put on board the _Monarque_, a third-rate man-of-war, lying at anchor in the harbour of Portsmouth, under a strong guard, in the custody of the marshal of the Admiralty. On Sunday morning, March 13th, Captain Montague, who had received the warrant from Admiral Boscawen for his execution next day, gave it to the admiral for him to read; he read it over without the slightest sign of perturbation, and then remarked with some warmth that "the place named in the warrant for his execution was upon the forecastle." A circumstance which evidently filled his mind with indignation.

His friends endeavoured to turn his thoughts from this idea; they could not indeed hold out to him the expectation that the place would be changed, because the warrant expressly named it: they coincided with him in the opinion that it ought not to have been so; but they trusted, at this awful and important moment, he would deem such a circumstance beneath his notice, and not suffer it to break in upon the tranquillity of his mind. On this he composed his thoughts and feelings, and replied, "It is very true, the place or manner is of no great importance to me; but I think living admirals should consult the dignity of the rank for their own sakes. I cannot plead a precedent; there is no precedent of an admiral, or a general officer in the army, being shot. They make a precedent of me, such as admirals hereafter may feel the effects of."

During the time he was at dinner no alteration in his manner was observable; he was cheerful and polite, helping his friends and drinking their healths; but he did not continue long at table. After dinner he conversed a good deal respecting his approaching execution; and the indignation and uneasiness he had before felt about the place appointed for it recurred with considerable force in his thoughts. His friends were extremely desirous of conversing on other subjects; and at length, perceiving this, he remarked, "I like to talk upon the subject; it is not to be supposed I do not think of it; why then should it be more improper to talk of it?" He frequently noticed how the wind was; and on his friends inquiring the reason of his anxiety on this subject, he said he hoped it might continue westerly long enough for the members of the court martial (who were just about to sail) to be present when his sentence was put in execution.

About six o'clock, according to his usual custom, he ordered tea; and while he and his friends were at it his conversation was easy and cheerful. Perceiving that his friends were astonished at this circumstance, "I have observed," said he, "that persons condemned to die have generally had something to be sorry for that they have expressed concern for having committed; and though I do not pretend to be exempt from human frailties, yet it is my consolation to have no remorse for any transaction in my public character during the whole series of my long services." On one of his friends observing that no man was exempt from human frailties, and that what came under that denomination were not crimes cognisable here, or supposed to be so hereafter, he replied, "I am conscious of no crimes, and am particularly happy in not dying the mean, despicable, ignominious wretch my enemies would have the world to believe me. I hope I am not supposed so now; the court martial has acquitted me of everything criminal or ignominious." One of his friends assured him that none called or thought him so but persons who were obstinately prejudiced against him, and his enemies, whose interest and design it was to deceive the nation; and it was vain to expect that they would be induced to change their opinion or do him justice by any reasoning or statement. This observation seemed to please him much.

In the evening he ordered a small bowl of punch to be made; and as all his friends were seated round the table, taking his own glass with a little punch in it, after having helped his friends, he said, "My friends, here is all your healths, and God bless you; I am pleased to find I have some friends still, notwithstanding my misfortunes." After drinking his glass, he added, "I am to die to-morrow, and as my country requires my life, I am ready to resign it, though I do not as yet know what my crime is. I think my judges, in justice to posterity, to officers who come after us, should have explained my crime a little more and pointed out the way to avoid falling into the same errors I did. As the sentence and resolutions stand now, I am persuaded no admiral will be wiser hereafter by them, or know better how to conduct himself on the like occasion." Observing one or his friends with his eyes attentively fixed upon him while he was speaking: "My friend," said he, "I understand reproof in that grave look. It is a long time since I have spoken so much upon the subject, and you now think I say too much; perhaps I do so." "Far from presuming to mean any reproof," replied his friend, "I am all attention to what you say, sir; and though all of us here are satisfied of these truths, yet we must be pleased to hear you make them plainer."

The admiral was always watched in the great cabin during the night by officers who relieved one another at twelve at night and at four o'clock in the morning. At these hours he was seldom found awake; but the night before his execution at both hours he was found in a tranquil and profound sleep.

He had always been in the habit of rising very early; and while he was on board the _Monarque_ he used to banter the marshal for not being up so soon as he was. On Monday morning, the day of his execution, he was up by five o'clock: the marshal did not make his appearance till six; and when he saw him, "Well," said he, "I think I have beat you at rising this morning." Soon afterwards, when he was shifting, as he regularly did every morning, "Here," said he to his valet, "take these sleeve-buttons and wear them for my sake; yours will do to be buried with."

As soon as he was dressed he returned to the state-room by himself, where he spent some time; on coming out he sat down to breakfast with the marshal as composedly as usual. He was dressed in a light grey coat, white waistcoat and white stockings, and a large white wig. These clothes he had regularly worn since he received the intelligence of his suspension at Gibraltar; for after having read the order he stripped off his uniform and threw it into the sea.

About nine o'clock his friends came on board the _Monarque_; he received them in an easy, familiar manner, took each of them by the hand and inquired after their health. They informed him that the place of his execution was changed; that it was not to take place on the forecastle, but on the quarter-deck. This intelligence seemed to give him great satisfaction. He had constantly declared his resolution to die with his face uncovered, and to give the word of command to the platoon of marines himself; saying, "As it is my fate I can look at it and receive it." His friends were grieved at this determination and endeavoured to dissuade him from it; sometimes he seemed disposed to comply with their wishes, but at other times he replied, "No, it cannot be; I cannot bear it; I must look and receive my fate." His friends, however, persevered in representing to him that, considering his rank, it was impossible the marines could receive the word of command from him, or look in his face and see him looking at them without being intimidated and awed; they hinted, also, at the consequences which might result; that he might be wounded only and mangled. By arguments and entreaties they at length prevailed upon him to have a bandage over his eyes, and to make a signal by dropping a handkerchief.

He then requested to be made acquainted with all the particulars of the form, in order that he might conduct himself strictly according to them, remarking that he had never been present at an execution.

As soon as the admiral had agreed upon the signal he was to make, it was communicated to the commanding officer of the marines, in order that he might instruct his men accordingly; and he was also desired to tell them that they should have ten guineas if they conducted themselves properly. The marines were drawn up, under arms, upon the poop, along the gangways, in the waist, and on one side of the quarter-deck. A heap of sawdust was thrown on the other side of the quarter-deck, and a cushion placed upon it; in the middle, upon the gratings, a platoon of nine marines were drawn up in three lines, three in each: the two foremost lines, which were intended to fire, had their bayonets fixed, as is customary on such occasions.

Orders had been given for all the men-of-war at Spithead to send their boats, with the captains and all the officers of each ship, accompanied by a party of marines under arms, to attend the execution. In compliance with these orders they rowed from Spithead and made the harbour a little after eleven o'clock; but with great difficulty and danger, as it blew a dreadful gale at west-north-west and the tide was ebbing. Notwithstanding the state of the weather, there was a prodigious number of other boats present.

About eleven o'clock Admiral Byng, walking across his cabin, and observing the crowd of boats out of one of the cabin windows, took up a glass to view them more distinctly. The decks, shrouds, and yards of all the ships that lay near were crowded with men; upon which he remarked, "Curiosity is strong; it draws a great number of people together; but their curiosity will be disappointed: where they are, they may hear, but they cannot see." A gentleman said to him, "To see you so easy and composed, sir, gives me as much pleasure as I can have on this occasion; but I expected no less from the whole of your conduct heretofore; and the last actions of a man mark his character more than all the actions of his life." "I am sensible they do, sir," replied he, "and am obliged to you for putting me in mind. I find innocence is the best foundation for firmness of mind."

He continued to walk about in the cabin for some time; inquired what time it would be high water; observed that the tide would not suit to carry his body ashore after dark; expressed some apprehensions that his body might be insulted if it were carried ashore in the daytime, on account of the prejudices of the people against him: but his friends assuring him that there was no such disposition among the inhabitants of Portsmouth, he appeared very well satisfied.

He walked out of the great cabin to the quarter-deck, accompanied by a clergyman, who had attended him during his confinement, and two gentlemen, his relations. One of these went with him to the cushion and offered to tie the bandage over his eyes; but he, having a white handkerchief ready folded in his hand, replied, with a smile on his countenance, "I am obliged to you, sir; I thank God I can do it myself; I think I can; I am sure I can;" and tied it behind his head himself.

He continued upon his knees rather more than a minute, much composed, and apparently recommending himself to the Almighty, and then dropped his handkerchief, the signal agreed upon, a few minutes before twelve o'clock. On this a volley was fired from the six marines, five of whose bullets went through him, and he was in an instant no more: the sixth bullet went over his head. The spectators were amazed at the intrepidity of his behaviour, and scarcely could refrain from tears. One of the common seamen, who had stood all the time full of attention, with his arms across, cried out with enthusiasm, when he saw him fall, "There lies the bravest and best officer of the navy."

A few minutes before his execution he delivered to the marshal of the Admiralty the following paper, addressing himself to him in these words:--

"Sir, these are my thoughts on this occasion. I give them to you
that you may authenticate them and prevent anything spurious
being published that might tend to defame me. I have given a
copy to one of my relations.

"A few moments will now deliver me from the virulent
persecutions and frustrate the farther malice of my enemies: nor
need I envy them a life subject to the sensations my injuries
and the injustice done me must create. Persuaded, I am, justice
will be done to my reputation hereafter: the manner and cause of
raising and keeping up the popular clamour and prejudice against
me will be seen through. I shall be considered (as I now
perceive myself) a victim destined to divert the indignation and
resentment of an injured and deluded people from the proper
objects. My enemies themselves must now think me innocent. Happy
for me, at this my last moment, that I know my own innocence,
and am conscious that no part of my country's misfortunes can be
owing to me. I heartily wish the shedding my blood may
contribute to the happiness and service of my country; but
cannot resign my just claim to a faithful discharge of my duty
according to the best of my judgment and the utmost exertion of
my ability for His Majesty's honour and my country's service. I
am sorry that my endeavours were not attended with more success,
and that the armament under my command proved too weak to
succeed in an expedition of such moment.

"Truth has prevailed over calumny and falsehood; and justice has
wiped off the ignominious stain of my supposed want of personal
courage or disaffection. My heart acquits me of these crimes.
But who can be presumptuously sure of his own judgment? If my
crime is an error of judgment, or differing in opinion from my
judges, and if yet the error in judgment should be on their
side, God forgive them, as I do; and may the distress of their
minds and uneasiness of their consciences, which in justice to
me they have represented, be believed and subside, as my
resentment has done.

"The supreme Judge sees all hearts and motives, and to Him I
must submit the justice of my cause.

"J. BYNG.

"_On board His Majesty's ship 'Monarque,' in Portsmouth Harbour,
March 14th, 1757._"